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apotheosis of Julius Caesar, is of his own contrivance. They are all fictions of the Greeks and Oriental nations, interspersed, perhaps, with a few Latin or Etruscan fables. In fact, a book of Metamorphoses which were feigned by the poet himself, would have possessed no charm, being unauthorized by public belief, or even that species of popular credulity which bestows interest and probability on the most extravagant fictions. And, indeed, Ovid had little motive for invention, since, in the relations of those who had gone before him in this subject, he could enter the most extensive field ever opened to the career of a poet.— The Metamorphoses of Ovid are introduced by a description of the primeval world, and the early changes it underwent. * All that he writes of Chaos is merely a paraphrase of what he had found in the works of the ancient Greeks, and is more remarkable for poetic beauty than philosophic truth and consistency. The account of the creation, which is described with impressive brevity, is followed by a history of the four ages of the world, the war with the giants, Deucalion's deluge, and the self-production of various monsters in those early periods by the teeming and yet unexhausted earth. This last subject leads to the destruction of the serpent Python by Apollo, and the institution of the Pythian games in honour of his victory: at their first celebration, the conquerors were crowned with oak, the laurel being unknown till the transformation of Daphne, when it became the prize of honour and renown. Our poet thus glides into the series of his metamorphoses, which are extended to fifteen books, and amount in all to not less than two hundred and fifty. The stories of this description related by Ovid's o were generally insulated, and did not lang together by any association or thread of discourse. But the Roman poet continues as he had commenced, and, like the Cyclic writers of Greece, who comprehended, in one book, a whole circle of sables, he proceeds from link to link in the golden chain of fiction, leading us, as it were, through a labyrinth of adventures, and passing imperceptibly from one tale to another, so that the whole poem forms an uninterrupted recital. In themselves, however, the events have frequently no relation to each other, and the connexion between the preceding and succeeding fable often consists in nothing more than that the transformation occurred at the same place or at the same time, or had reference, perhaps, to the same amorous deity.—In such an infinite number, the merit of the stories must be widely different; the following, however, may be mentioned as among the best: the sables of Cephalus and Procris, of Philemon and Baucis, of Hippomanes and Atalanta, the flight of Daedalus and Icarus, the loves of Pyramus and Thisbe. But of the whole, the story of Phaëthon is, perhaps, the most splendid and highly poetical.—It has been objected, however, to the Metamorphoses, that, however great may be the merit of each individual tale, there is too much uniformity in the work as a whole, since all the stories are of one sort, and end in some metamorphosis or other. (Kaimes's Elements of Criticism, vol. 1, c.9) But this objection, if it be one, can lie only against the choice of the subject; for if a poet announces that he is to sing of bodies changed and converted into new forms, what else than metamorphoses can be expected Besides, in the incidents that lead to these transformations, there is infinite variety of feeling excited, and the poet intermingles the noble with the familiar, and the gay with the horrible or tender. Sometimes, too, the metamorphosis seems a mere pretext for the introduction of the story, and occupies a very inconsiderable portion of it. The blood which flowed from Ajax, when he slew himself in a transport of indignation, because the arms of Achilles were adjudged to Ulysses, produced a hyacinth, and on this feeble stem the poet has ingrafted the animated and eloquent

speeches of the contending Grecian chiefs. In the tragic history of Pyramus and Thisbe, the lovers themselves are not metamorphosed, but the fruit of the mulberry-tree under which their blood was shed assumes a crimson dye. It would be endless to point out in detail the blemishes and beauties of such an extensive work as the Metamorphoses. The luxuriance of thought and expression which pervade all the compositions of Ovid, prevails likewise here; but his comparisons are pleasing and appropriate, and his descriptions are rich and elegant, whether he exhibits the palace of the Sun or the cottage of Philemon. The many interesting situations displayed in the Metamorphoses have formed a mine for the exertion of human genius in all succeeding periods, not merely in the province of narrative fable, but in the department of the drama and fine arts; and no work, with the exception of the Sacred Scriptures, has supplied so many and such happy subjects for the pencil. The Greek books from which the Metamorphoses were chiefly taken having been lost, the work of Ovid is now the most curious and valuable record extant of ancient mythology. It would be difficult to reduce every story, as some writers have attempted, into a moral allegory (Garth, Pref. to Translation); it would be impossible to find in them, with others, the whole history of the Old Testament, and types of the miracles and sufferings of our Saviour, or even the complete ancient history of Greece, systematically arranged (compare Müller, Einleitung, vol. 4, p. 163, &c.—Fabric., Bibl. Lat., vol. 1, p. 447–Goujet, Bib. Franc., vol. 6, p. 16, 52.) It cannot be denied, however, that the Metamorphoses are immense archives of Grecian fable, and that, beneath the mask of fiction, some traits of true history, some features of manners and the primeval world, may yet be discovered. In this point of view, the Fasti of Ovid, though written in elegiac and not in heroic measure, may be considered as a supplement or continuation of the Metamorphoses. Its composition was commenced at Rome by the author previous to his exile. The work was corrected and finished by him at Tomi (Fasli, 4, 81), and was thence sent to Rome, with a prefatory dedication to the great Germanicus. The plan of this production was probably suggested by the didactic poem which Callimachus had published under the title of Airía, in which he feigns that, being transported to Helicon, he was there instructed by the Muses in the nature and origin of various religious usages and ancient ceremonies. It would appear that, before the time of Ovid, some vague design of writing a poem of this description had been entertained by Propertius (Eleg., 4, 1). But Ovid, in his Fasti, executed the work which Propertius did not live, or, perhaps, found himself unable, to accomplish. In the Latin language, the word Fasti originally signified, in opposition to Nefasti, the days bn which law proceedings could be legally held, or other ordinary business transacted; and thence it came, in course of time, to denote the books or tables on which the days in each month accounted as Fasti or Nefasti were exhibited. The term at length was applied to any record digested in regular chronological order, as the Fasti Consulares; and with Ovid it signifies the anniversaries of religious festivals, of dedications of temples, or of other memorable events, indicated in the calendar under the name of Dies Fasti, and which in general belonged, in the ancient meaning, to the class of Dics Nefasti rather than Fasti. C. Hemina and Claudius Quadrigarius had given histories of these festivals in prose : but their works were dry and uninteresting; and Ovid first bestowed on the subject the embellishments of poetry and imagination. The object of the Fasti of Ovid is to exhibit in regular order a history of the origin and observance of the different Roman ses: tivals, as they occurred in the course of the year; and to associate the celebration of these o with the l

sun's course in the zodiac, and with the rising or setting of the stars. A book is assigned to each month, but the work concludes with June. The six other books, which would have completed the Roman calendar, may have perished during the middle ages; but it seems more probable that they never were written. No ancient author or grammarian quotes a single phrase or word from any of the last six books of the Fasti; and, in some lines of the Tristia (2,549, seqq.), the author himself informs us that the composition had been interrupted. This subject itself does not afford much scope for the display of poetic genius. Its arrangement was prescribed by the series of the festivals, while the proper names, which required to be so often introduced, and the chronological researches, were alike unfavourable to the harmony of versification. The Fasti, however, is a work highly esteemed by the learned on account of the antiquarian knowledge which may be derived from it. The author has poured a rich and copious erudition-over the steril indications of the calendar, he has traced mythological worship to its source, and explained many of the mysteries of that theology which peopled all nature with divinities. Even Scaliger, whose opinions are generally so unfavourable to Ovid, admits the ancient and extensive erudition displayed in the Fasti. (Poet., 6, 7.) In particular, much mythological information may be obtained from it as to the points in which the superstitions and rites of the Romans differed from those of the Greeks, and also the manner in which they were blended. “The account,” says Gibbon, “of the difserent etymologies of the month of May, is curious and well expressed. We may distinguish in it an Oriental allegory, a Greek fable, and a Roman tradition.” Some truths concerning the ancient history of Rome may be also elicited from the Fasti. It may appear absurd to appeal to a poet in preference or contradiction to annalists and chroniclers; but it must be recollected, that these annalists themselves originally obtained many of their facts from poetical tradition. Ovid, besides, had studied the Registers of the Pontifex Maximus, which are now lost, and which recorded, along with religious observances, many historical events. Occasional light may therefore be thrown by the Fasti of Ovid on some of the most ancient and dubious points of Roman story. For example, our poet completely vindicates Romulus from the charge of having slain his brother in a momentary transport of passion. Remus was legally sentenced to death, in consequence of having violated a salutary law enacted by the founder of Rome, and which, in an infant state, it was requisite to maintain inviolably.—The circumstance of the melancholy exile of Ovid gave occasion to the last of his works, the Tristia, and the Epistola e Ponto. The first book of the Tristia, containing ten elegies, was written by Ovid at sea, during his perilous voyage from Rome to Pontus. (Tristia, l, 1, 42.—Ibid., 1, 10.) It may be doubted, however, whether this, which is the generally received opinion, will hold good with respect to all the elegies of the first book. He speaks in the sixth of copies of his Metamorphoses being circulated at Rome, and it is not likely that he could receive this intelligence while on his way to Pontus. The first book is chiefly occupied with detailing the occurrences at his departure from the capital, the storms he encountered, and the places he saw in the course of his navigation. The remaining four books were composed during the first three years of his

loomy residence at Tomi. In the second book, ad§. to Augustus, he apologizes for his former life and writings. In some of the elegies of the third, fourth, and fifth books, he complains to himself of the hard fate he had suffered in being exiled from Italy to the inhospitable shores of the Euxine : in others he exhorts his correspondents at Rome to endeavour to mitigate the anger of Augustus and obtain his recall.

The names, however, of the friends and patrons whom he addressed are not mentioned (Tristia, 1, 4, 7), since, during this time, his relatives and acquaintances were afraid lest they should incur the displeasure of Augustus by holding any communication with the unhappy exile. At the end of three years, this apprehension, which, perhaps, had been all along imaginary, was no longer entertained; and, accordingly, the epistles which he wrote from Pontus during the remainder of his sewere sojourn are inscribed with the names of his friends, among whom we find the most distinguished characters of the day. These elegiac epistles differ from the Tristia merely in the poet's correspondents being addressed by name, instead of receiving no appellation whatever, or being only mentioned under some private and conventional title. The subjects of the four books of epistles from Pontus are precisely the same with those in the Tristia, complaints of the region to which the poet had been banished, and exhortations to his friends to obtain his recall. From the first line of the Tristia to the last of the epistles from Pontus, the lyre of the exiled bard sounds but one continued strain of wailing and complaint. All the melancholy events of his former life are recalled to his recollection, and each dismal circumstance in his present condition is immeasurably deplored. But he speaks of his old age, mortifications, and sorrows with such touching and natural eloquence, and in a tone so truly mournful, that no one can read his plaintive lines without being deeply affected. The only elegies in which Ovid quits even for a moment this tone of complaint, are those where he celebrates the victories of Tiberius in Germany; and the commencement of a poem on the return of spring, which contains the sole lines in the Tristia that give any indication of a mind soothed by the im

roving season or the reviving charms of nature.— É. his exile, Ovid appears to have been much indebted to the kindness and commiseration of the friends whom he had left behind him at Rome. A few, however, with whom he had been bound in ties of the closest intimacy, not only neglected him during his banishment, but attempted to despoil him of the patrimony which he still retained by the indulgence of the emperor. The conduct of one who had been his warmest friend in prosperity, and became his bitterest foe in adversity, prompted him, while at Tomi, to dip his pen in the gall of satire, from which, during a long life, he had meritoriously abstained. The friend, now changed to foe, whose altered conduct drove our poet to pen a vehement satire, is generally supposed to have been Hyginus, the celebrated mythograph, and at this time the keeper of the imperial library. Ovid, however, does not name his enemy, but execrates him in his Ibis. Callimachus, having had a quarrel with Apollonius Rhodius, satirized him under the appellation of Ibis, an unclean Egyptian bird, and hence Ovid bestowed it on Hyginus, who, though a native of Spain, had gone in early youth to Egypt, and was brought from Alexandrea to Rome. He had offended our poet by attempting to persuade his wife to accept another husband, and by soliciting the emperor to confiscate his property, with a view of having it bestowed on himself. The poem which Ovid directed against this selfish and ungrateful friend cannot, perhaps, be properly termed a satire, being a series of curses in the style of the Diraz of Valerius Cato. They are of such a description that, compared with them, the Anathemas of Ernulphus and the Curse of Kehana may be considered as benedictions. – Besides the works of Ovid which yet remain entire, and which have now been fully enumerated, there are fragments still extant from some poems of which he is reputed to have been the author. The Halleuticon, which is much mutilated, is attributed to Ovid on the authority of the elder Pliny (32, 2), who says that he has told many wonderful things concerning the nature of fishes i, his Hali

•uticon; and we find in Pliny, the names of several

called Oxus; but it is not improbable that, with his

fishes which are not mentioned by any other author, usual carelessness in matters relating to geography,

but perhaps were natives of the sea on the shore of he confounds its source with its termination.

which Ovid commenced this poem towards the close of his life. Notwithstanding this authority, Wernsdorff is of opinion that it was not written by Ovid, as it is not found in any MS. of his works; and he assigns it to Gratius Faliscus. Ovid also wrote a poem De Medicamine faciel, as we learn from two lines in his Art of Love (3,205). It is doubted, however, if the fragment remaining under this title be the genuine work of our poet—During his residence at Tomi, Ovid acquired a perfect knowledge of the language which was there spoken. The town had been originally founded by a Greek colony, but the Greek lan

guage had been gradually corrupted, from the influx of

the Getae, and its elements could hardly be discovered in the jargon now employed. Ovid, however, composed a poem in this barbarous dialect, which, if extant, would be a great philological curiosity. The subject he chose was the praises of the imperial family at Rome. When completed, he read it aloud in an assembly of the Getae; and he paints with much spirit and animation the effect it produced on his audience. —After what has been already said of the different works of Ovid in succession, it is unnecessary to indulge in many general remarks on his defects or merits. Suffice it to say, that the brilliancy of his imagination, the liveliness of his wit, his wonderful art in bringing every scene or image distinctly, as it were, before the view, and the fluent, unlaboured ease of his versification, have been universally admired. But his wit was too profuse and his fancy too exuberant. The natural indolence of his temper, and his high self-esteem, did not permit him to become, like Virgil or Horace, a finished model of harmony and proportion. (Dunlop's Roman Literature, vol. 3, p. 349, seqq.)—The best editions of Ovid are, that of Burmann, Amst., 1727, 4 vols. 4to, and that of Lemaire, Paris, 1820–24, 10 vols. 8vo. The edition of N. Heinsius, Amst, 1661, 3 vols. 12mo, is also a valuable one. Oxf4:, small pointed islands, near the Echinades, off the coast of Acarnania. Their ancient name has reference to their form (Ofeiai). Strabo reports, that these are the same which Homer calls Thoa. (Od., 15, 298. —Strabo, 458.) Stephanus supposes the Oxege to be Dulichium (s. v. Aovžíxtov). This group is now commonly known by the name of Curzolari, but the most considerable among them retains the appellation of Oria. (Gell's Itin., p. 298.) Oxus, a large river of Bactriana, rising in the northeastern extremity of that country, or, rather, in the southeastern part of Great Bukharia, and flowing for the greater part of its course in a northwest direction. It receives numerous tributaries, and falls, after a course of 1200 miles, into the Sea of Aral. The Oxus is now the Amoo or Jihon (the latter being the name given to it by the Arabian geographers). According to most of the ancient writers, it flowed direct into the Caspian, and this statement is said to be confirmed by the existence of its former channel; but, in all probability, they were ignorant of the existence of the Sea of Aral. Some writers think that Herodotus speaks of the Oxus under the name of Araxes (1, 201, seqq.; 4, 11); but it is more likely that he there refers to the Volga. The historian, however, certainly consounds it with the Araxes of Armenia, since he says it rises in the country of the Matieni (1, 202), and flows towards the east (4, 40). According to his account, there were many islands in it, some as large as Lesbos, and it emptied itself by forty mouths, which were all lost in marshes, with the exception of one, that flowed into the Caspian (1, 202). Strabo says, that the Oxus rose in the Indian Mountains, and flowed into the Caspian (Strab., 509, 519), which is also the opinion of Mela (3, 5) and Polo, Pliny (6, 18) makes it rise in a lake 6

The Oxus is a broad and rapid river, and receives many as|fluents, of which the most important mentioned by the ancients was the Ochus, which, according to most accounts, flowed into the Oxus near its mouth, though some make it to have entered the Caspian by a separate channel. (Strab., 509, 518.)—The Oxus has exjercised an important influence upon the history and civilization of Asia. It has in almost all ages formed the boundary between the great monarchies of Southwestern Asia and the wandering hordes of Scythia and Tartary. The conquests of Cyrus were terminated by its banks, and those of the Macedonians were few and unimportant beyond it. The Oxus appears also to have formed one of the earliest channels for the conveyance of the produce of India to the western countries of Asia. Strabo informs us, on the authority of Aristobulus, that goods were conveyed from India down the Oxus to the Caspian, and were thence carried by the river Cyrus into Albania and the countries bordering on the Euxine. (Strab., 509.) This account is also confirmed by the statement of Varro (ap. Plin., 6, 19), who informs us, that Pompey learned, in the war with Mithradates, that Indian goods were carried by the Oxus into the Caspian, and thence through the Caspian to the river Cyrus, from which river they were conveyed, by a journey of five days, to the river Phasis in Pontus. The breadth of the Oxus, immediately to the north of Balkh, is 800 yards, and its depth 20 feet (Burne's Travels, vol. 1, p. 249); but south of Bokhara the river is only 650 yards wide, but from 25 to 29 feet deep. (Burne's Travels, vol. 2, p. 5.—Encycl. Us. Knowl., vol. 17, p. 108.)—According to Wahl, the term Oschan in Pehlvi meant “river,” and he thinks that this name was softened down by the Greeks into Orus, the intermediate form having been probably Oschus or Ochus. A Hindoo name for the same river is said to be Kasseh, which means “water,” and has a strong resemblance to the German Wasser. The Oxus, therefore, may have been so called kar' §oxiv, as being in an emphatic sense the great river of Upper Asia. The root in Oschan (or Och-i) bears some analogy to that in the old names Ogyges and Oceanus. (Vid. Ogyges. – Wahl, Mittel und Worder-Asien, vol. 1, p. 753.-Ritter, Erdkunde, vol. 2, p. 22.-Bähr, ad Ctes., p. 186.) Oxydr KcAE, a nation of India who are supposed to have inhabited the district now called Outsch, near the confluence of the Acesines and Indus. (Strabo, 701. —Steph. Byz., p. 615. —Arrian, 6, 13. – Vincent's Nearchus, p. 133.) Oxyry Nchus, a city of Egypt, in the district of Heptanomis, and capital of the Oxyrynchite Nome. It was situate on the canal of Moeris, south of Heracleopolis Magna, and received its name (a translation very probably from the Egyptian) on account of a fish called ěšipwyxos in Greek, a species of pike, being worshipped and having a temple here. This place became a great resort of monks and hermits when Christianity was spread over Egypt. Nothing remains of this city, in the village called Behnese, built on its ruins, but some fragments of stone pillars, and a single column left standing, and which appears to have formed part of a portico of the composite order. (AElian, Hist. An., 10, 46.-Ruffinus, de vita Patrum, c. 5.Mannert, Geogr., vol. 10, pt. 1, p. 412.) OzöLAE, one of the divisions of the Locri in Greece. Besides the explanation of their name as given in a previous article (vid. Locri I.), the following etymologies are mentioned by Pausanias. 1. During the reign of Orestheus, son of Deucalion, a bitch brought forth a stick (ooov) instead of a whelp. Orestheus planted this, and a vine shot up, from the branches

(§§ov) of which the race derived their "; 2. An

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PAcatl ANUs, Titus Julius, a general of the Roman armies, who proclaimed himself emperor in Gaul about the latter part of Philip's reign. He was soon after defeated, A.D. 249, and put to death. Pachy Nus (IIáxvvos ūkpa), a promontory of Sicily, forming the southeastern extremity of the island, and called also, by some of the Latin writers, Pachynum. (Mela, 2, 7.-Plin., 3,8.) It is one of the three promontories that give to Sicily its triangular figure, the other two being Pelorus and Lilybaeum. The modern name is Capo Passaro. Its southernmost point is called by Ptolemy Odyssea Acra ('Odvaaeta àxpa), and coincides with the projection of the coast before which the islands delle Correnti lie. Between Pachynus and this latter cape lies a small harbour, called at the present day Porto di Palo, and the same with what Cicero terms Portus Pachyni. (In Verr., 5, 34.) It served merely as a temporary refuge for mariners in stress of weather. This harbour is very probably meant by the Itin. Marit. when it gives the distance “a Syracusis Pachyno” at 400 stadia or 45 geographical miles along the coast, since the direct line from Syracuse to the promontory of Pachynus is less than this. (Itin. Marit., p. 492, ed. Wesseling.—Mannert, Geogr., vol. 9, pt. 2, p. 34.1.) PAcóRus, I. the eldest of the sons of Orodes, king of Parthia, and a prince of great merit. After the defeat of Crassus, he was sent by his father to invade Syria, having Osaces, a veteran commander, associated with him. The Parthians were driven back, however, by Caius Cassius, and Osaces was slain. After the battle of Philippi, Pacorus invaded Syria in conjunction with Labienus, and, having many exiled Romans with him, met with complete success, the whole of the country being now reduced under the Parthian sway. From Syria he passed into Judaea, and placed on the throne Antigonus, son of Hyrcanus. The Roman power having been re-established in Syria by the efforts of Ventidius, Pacorus again crossed the Euphrates, but was defeated and slain by the Roman commander. His death was deeply lamented by Orodes, who for several days refused all nourishment. (Justin, 42, 4.—Well. Paterc., 12, 78.—Tacit., Hist., 5, 9.)—II. Son of Vonones II., king of Parthia. He received from his brother Vologeses, who succeeded Vonones, the country of Media as an independent kingdom. His dominions were ravaged by the Alani, who compelled him to take shelter for some time in the mountains. (Tacit., Ann., 15, 2 et 14.) Pactolus, a river of Lydia, rising in the southeastern part of Mount Tmolus, and falling into the Hermus, after having passed by Sardes, the ancient capital of Croesus. Its sands were auriferous, the particles of gold being washed down by the mountain torrents (Plin., 5, 29), and hence it was sometimes called Chrysorrhoas. The poets accounted for the golden sands of the river by the fable of Midas having bathed in its waters when he wished to rid himself of the transmuting powers of his touch. (Wid. Midas.) It was from the gold found amid the sands of the Pactolus that Craesus is said to have acquired his great riches. At a time when this precious metal was scarce, the labour of procuring it in this way was no doubt well bestowed. At a later period, however, the stream was neglected; and Strabo, passing over the true reason, informs us that the river yielded no more (viv 6'

*Rāśāottre psyua.—Strab., 627). Callimachus and Dionysius Periegetes speak of the swans of the Pactolus. (Callim., H. in Del., 249 – Dionys. Perieg., 830.) The Turkish name of this stream is the Bagouly. (Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 1, p. 442.—Mannert, Geogr., vol. 6, pt. 3, p. 361.) Pacuvius, M. an early Roman dramatic poet, the nephew of Ennius by a sister of his (Plin., 35,4), was born at Brundisium, A.U.C. 534. At Rome he became intimately acquainted with Laolius, who, in Cicero's treatise De Amicitia, calls him his host and friend. There is an idle story, that Pacuvius had three wives, all of whom successively hanged themselves on the same tree; and that, lamenting this to Attius, who was married, he begged for a slip of it to plant in his own garden; an anecdote which has been very seriously confuted by Annibal di Leo, in his learned memoir on Pacuvius. A story somewhat similar to this is told of a Sicilian by Cicero (de Orat., 2, 69). Pacuvius, besides attending to poetry, employed himself also in painting. He was one of the first Romans who attained any degree of eminence in that elegant art, and he particularly distinguished himself by the picture which he executed for the temple of Hercules in the Forum Boiarium. (Plin., 35, 4.) He published his last piece at the age of eighty (Cic., Brut., c. 63); after which, being oppressed with old age, and afflicted with perpetual bodily illness, he retired to Tarentum, where he died, aster having nearly completed his ninetieth year. (Aul. Gell., 13, 2. Hieron, Chron., p. 39.) An elegant epitaph, supposed to have been written by himself, is quoted with much commendation by Aulus Gellius, who calls it rerecundissimum et purissimum (1, 24). It appears to have been inscribed on a tombstone, which stood by the side of a public road, according to the usual custom of the Romans.— Though a few fragments of the tragedies of Pacuvius remain, our opinion of his dramatic merits can only be formed at second hand, from the observations of those critics who wrote while his works were yet extant. Cicero, though he blames his style, and characterizes him as a poet male loculus (Brut., c. 74), places him on the same level for tragedy as Ennius for epic poetry, or Caecilius for comedy; and he mentions, in his treatise De Oratore, that his verses were by many considered as highly laboured and adorned : “Omnes apud hunc ornati elaboratique sunt versus.” It was in this laboured polish of versification, and skill in the dramatic conduct of the scene, that the excellence of Pacuvius chiefly consisted; for so the lines of Horace have been usually interpreted, where, speaking of the public opinion entertained concerning the dramatic writers of Rome, he says (Ep., 2, 1,56),

“Ambigitur quoties uter utro sit prior, aufert Pacuvius docti famam senis, Attius alti;”

and the same meaning must be affixed to the passage in Quintilian: “Wirium tamen Attio plus tribuitur ; Pacuvium videri doctiorem, qui esse docti adsectant, volunt.” (Inst., Orat., 10, 1.) Most other Latin critics, though, on the whole, they seem to prefer Attius, allow Pacuvius to be the more correct writer. The names are still preserved of about 20 tragedies of Pacuvius. Of these the Antiopa was one of the most distinguished. It was regarded by Cicero as a great national tragedy, and an honour to the Roman name. (De Fin., 1, 2.) Persius, however, ridicules a passage in this tragedy, where Antiopa talks of propping her melancholy heart with misfortunes (1,78). —With regard to the Dulorestes (Orestes Servus), another of these tragedies, there has been a good deal of discussion and difficulty. Naevius, Ennius, and Attius are all said to have written tragedies which bore the title of Dulorestes; but a late German writer has attempted, at great length, to show that this is a misconception; and that all the fragments which have been classed with the 1emains of these three dramatic poets, belong to the Dulorestes of Pacuvius, who was, in truth, the only Latin poet that wrote a tragedy with this appellation. What the tenour or subject of the play, however, may have been, he admits, is difficult to determine, as the different passages still extant refer to different periods of the life of Orestes; which is rather adverse, it must be observed, to his idea, that all these fragments were written by the same person, unless, indeed, Pacuvius had utterly set at defiance the observance of the celebrated unities of the ancient drama. On the whole, however, he agrees with Stanley in his remarks on the Choēphori of AEschylus, that the subject of the Choēphori, which is the vengeance taken by Orestes on the murderers of his father, is also that of the Dulorestes of Pacuvius. (Eberhardt, Zustand der schönen Wissenchaften bei den Römern, p. 35, seqq.)—In the Ilioma, the scene where the shade of Polydorus, who had been assassinated by the King of Thrace, appears to his mother, was long the favourite of a Roman audience, who seemed to have indulged in the same partiality for such spectacles that we still entertain for the goblins in Hamlet and Macbeth-All the plays of Pacuvius were either imitated or translated from the Greek, except Paulus. This was of his own invention, and was the first Latin tragedy formed on a Roman subject. Unfortunately, there are only five lines of it extant, and these do not enable us to ascertain which Roman of the name of Paulus gave his appellation to the tragedy. It was probably either Paulus AEmilius, who fell at Cannae, or his son, whose story was a memorable instance of the instability of human happiness, as he lost both his children by his second marriage, one five days before and the other five days after, his Macedonian triumph.-From no one play of Pacuvius are there more than fifty lines preserved, and these generally very, much detached. It does not appear that his tragedies had much success or popularity in his own age. He was obliged to have recourse for his subjects to foreign mythology and unknown history. Iphigenia and Orestes were always more or less strangers to a Roman audience, and the whole drama in which these and similar personages flourished, never attained in Rome to a healthy and perfect existence. (Dunlop's Roman Literature, vol. 1, p. 343, seqq.)—The fragments of Pacuvius are given in the collections of Stephens, Maittaire, &c. PAdus, now the Po, the largest river of Italy, anciently called also Eridanus, an appellation which is frequently used by the Roman poets, and almost always by Greek authors. (Wid. Eridanus.) This latter name, however, belongs properly to the Ostium Spineticum of the Padus. (Plin., 3, 20. — Muller, Etrusker, vol. 1, p. 225.) The name Padus is said to have been derived from a word in the language of the Gauls, which denoted a pine-tree, in consequence of the great number of those trees growing near its source. (Plin., 3, 16.) Whatever be the derivation of the term Padus, the more ancient name of the river, which was Bodincus, is certainly of Celtic origin, and is said to signify “bottomless.” (Compare the Ger. man bodenlos.-Dalecamp, ad Plin., 3, 16.) The Po rises in Mons Vesulus, now Monte Viso, near the sources of the Druentia or Durance, runs in an easterly direction for more than 500 miles, and discharges its waters into the Adriatic, about 30 miles south of Portus Venetus or Venice. It is sufficiently deep to bear boats and barges at 30 miles from its source, but the navigation is at all times difficult, and not unfrequently hazardous, on account of the rapidity of the current. Its waters are liable to sudden increase from the melting of the snows and from heavy falls of rain, the rivers that flow into it being almost all mountainstreams; and in the flat country, in the lower part of its course, great dikes are erected on both sides of the river to protect the lands from inundation. During its

long course it receives a great number of tributaries, its channel being the final receptacle of almost every stream which rises on the eastern and southern declivities of the Alps, and the northern declivity of the Apennines. The mouths of the Po were anciently reckoned seven in number, the principal one, which was the southernmost, being called Padusa, and now Po di Primaro. It was this mouth also to which the appellations Eridanus and Spineticum Ostium were applied. It sends off a branch from itself near Trigaboli, the modern Ferrara, which was anciently styled Wolana Ostium, but is now denominated Po di Ferrara. (Polyb., 2, 16.) Pliny mentions the following other branches or mouths of the Po: the Caprasiae Ostium, now Bocca di bel Occhio; Sagis, now Fossage; and Carbonaria, now Po d' Ariano (3, 16). The Fossa Philistina is the Po grande. (Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p. 115.)—The Padus is rendered famous in the legends of mythology by the fate of Phaëthon, who fell into it when struck down from heaven by the thunderbolt of Jove. (Wid. Phaëthon.) PADüsa, the same with the Ostium Spineticum, or southernmost branch of the river Padus. (Vid. Padus.) A canal was cut by Augustus from the Padusa to Ravenna. (Valg., el, ap. Serv. ad Virg., AEn., 11, 456.) Virgil speaks of the swans along its banks (l. c.—Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p. 114). PAEAN, an appellation given to Apollo, who under this name was either considered as a destroying (Taio, “to smite”), or as a protecting and healing deity, who frees the mind from care and sorrow (Tavo, “to cause to cease”). The tragedians, accordingly, by an analogical appellation of the word, also called Death, to whom both these attributes belonged, by the title of Paan. (Eurip., Hippol., 1373. AEsch., ap. Stob., Serm., p. 121.) And thus this double character of Apollo, by virtue of which he was equally formidable as a foe and welcome as an ally (AEsch., Agam. 518), was authorized by the ambiguity of the name. Homer speaks of Paeon (IIathov) as a separate individual, and the physician of Olympus; but this division appears to be merely poetical, without any reference to actual worship. Hesiod also made the same distinction. (Schol. ad Hom., Od., 4, 231.) Still, however, Apollo must be regarded as the original deity of the healing art. From very early times, the papan had, in the Pythian temple, been appointed to be sung in honour of Apollo. (Hom., Hymn. ad Apoll. Eurip., Ion, 128, 140. — Pind., Patan, ap. Fragm.) The song, like other hymns, derived its name from that of the god to whom it was sung. The god was first called Paean, then the hymn, and lastly the singers themselves. (Hom., Hymn. ad Apoll., 272, .."? Now we know that the paan was originally sung a the cessation of a plague and after a victory; and generally, when any evil was averted, it was performed as a purification from the pollution. (Proclus, ap. Phot. Soph., (Ed. T., 152. Schol, ad Soph., (Ed. T., 174.—Suid., s. v. intov.) The chant was loud and joyous, as celebrating the victory of the preserving and healing deity. (Callim., Hymn. ad Apoll., 21.) Besides the paans of victory, however, there were others that were sung at the beginning of a battle (AEsch, Sept. c. Theb., 250); and there was a tradition, that the chorus of Delphian virgins had chanted “Io Paan” at the contest of Apollo with the Python. (Callim. ad Apoll., 113.−Apoll. Rh., 2, 710–Compare Athemacus, p. 15, 701, c.) The paran of victory varied acaccording to the different tribes; all Dorians, namely, Spartans, Argives, Corinthians, and Syracusans, had the same one. (Thucyd., 7, 44.—Compare 4, 43.) This use of the papan as a song of rejoicing for victory, sufficiently explains its double meaning; it bore a mournful sense in reference to the battle, and a joyous one in reference to the victory. (Müller's Dorians, vol. 1, p. 319, seqq., Eng. *oss

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