Obrazy na stronie

from their own body. Ammonium served as a resting-place for the caravans passing from northern Africa to Meroë. Another still earlier settleinent of this kind was very probably Thebes in Upper Egypt. The circumstance of a town flourishing to such an extent in the midst of a desert, of the same worship of Ammon, of the all-powersul priest-caste, and its permanent connexion with Meroë (united with which it founded Ammonium), conjoined with the express assertion of the Ethiopians that they were the founders (Diod., 3,3), gives to this idea a degree of probability bordering on certainty. The whole aspect of the cir. cumstances connected with this wide-spread priestcaste gains a clearer light, if we consider Ammonium, Thebes, and Meroë the chief places of the African caravan trade; in this view of the subject, the darkness of Ægypto-Ethiopian antiquity is cleared up, as in the hands of this priest-caste the southern caravan trade was placed, and they founded the proud temples and palaces along the banks of the Nile, and the great trading edifices, which served their gods for sanctuaries, themselves for dwellings, and their caravans for places of rest. To this caste, the states of Meroë and Upper Egypt very probably owed their foundation ; except, indeed, that Egypt was much more exposed to the crowding in of foreign relations from Asia, than Meroë, separated as this last was from other countries by deserts, seas, and mountains. The close connexion, in high antiquity, between Ethiopia and upper Egypt, is shown by the circumstance that the oldest Egyptian states derived their origin partly from Abyssinia; that Thebes and Meroë founded, in common, a colony in Libya; that Ethiopian conquerors several times advanced into Egypt, and, on the other hand, that Egyptian kings undertook expeditions to Ethiopia; that in both countries a similar worship, similar nanners and customs, and similar symbolical writing were found ; and that the discontented soldiercaste, when offended by Psammetichus, emigrated into Ethiopia. By the Ethiopians Egypt was likewise profusely supplied with the productions of the southern countries. Where else, indeed, could it have obtained those aromatics and spices with which so many thousands of its dead were annually embalmed ! Whence those perfumes which burned upon its altars! Whence that immense quantity of cotton in which the inhabitants clothed themselves, and which Egypt itself furnished but sparingly Whence, again, that early report in Egypt of the Ethiopian gold-countries, which Cambyses sought after, and lost half his army in the fruitless speculation 4 Whence the quantity of ivory and ebony which adorned the oldest works of art of the Greeks as well as of the Hebrews? Whence, especially, that early extension of the Ethiopian name, which shines in the traditionary history of so many nations, and which the Jewish poets as well as the oldest Greek bards have celebrated Whence all this, if the deserts which bordered on Ethiopia had always kept the inhabitants isolated from those of more northern countries 1–At a later period, in the time of Ptolemy I., it is astonishing how completely that able prince had established the trade between his own country, India, Ethiopia, and Arabia. The series of magnificent and similar inonuments, interrupted on the frontiers of Egypt, near Elephantine, and recommencing on the southern side of the African desert, at Mount Berkel, and especially at Meroe, to be continued to Axum and Azab, certainly denote a people of similar civilization and activity. Meroë was the first fertile country after crossing the Libyan desert, and formed a natural resting-place for the northern caravans. It was likewise the natural mart for the productions of inner Africa, which were brought for the use of the northern portion, and was reckoned the outermost of the countries which produced gold, while by the navigable rivers surrounding it on all sides, it

had a ready communication with the more southern countries (Diod., 1, 33). As ready, owing to the moderate distance, was its connexion with Arabia Felix; and so long as Yemen remained in possession of the Arabian and Indian trade, Meroë was the natural market-place for the Arabian and Indian wares in Asrica. The route which led in antiquity from Meroë to the Arabian Gulf and Yemen, is not designated by any historian : the commerce between those nations being indicated only by monumental traces which the hand of time has not been able to destroy. Immediately between Meroë and the gulf are situated the ruins of Axum, and at the termination of the route, on the coast opposite to Arabia Felix, are those of Azab or Saba. Heeren, from whom the above ideas are principally borrowed, deduces the following conclusions from a review of the entire subject—1. That in the earlier ages, a commercial intercourse existed here between the countries of southern Asia and Africa; between India and Arabia, Ethiopia, Libya, and Egypt, which was founded upon their mutual necessities, and became the parent of the civilization of these nations.—2. That the principal seat of this international commerce was Meroë ; and its chief route is distinguished by a chain of ruins reaching from the shores of the Indian Ocean to the Mediterranean : Axum and Azab being links in this chain between Arabia Felix and Meroë ; Thebes and Ammonium between Meroë, Egypt, and Carthage.—3. That chief places for trade were at the same time settlements of that priest-caste, which, as the ruling tribe, had its chief residence at Meroë, and sent out colonies thence, who became builders of towns and temples, and, at the same time, sounders of new states.—The conductors

of this caravan trade in Africa, as in Asia, were the

Nomadic shepherd-nations. Men accustomed to fixed residences and to dwellings in towns were not adapted for the restless caravan-life, especially on account of the attention necessary for the camels, and for the loading and unloading of wares. It was better suited to Nomadic nations. In the case of the Carthaginian caravans, we know that they were managed by the Nomadic Lotophagi and Nasamones, as the caravans were by the Midianites and Edomites in Arabia: this is historically proved, and it is probable that it was the case on the great commercial road from Ammonium to Azab, as similar Nomadic tribes are still found on the coast of the Arabian Gulf.-Meroë had mines not only of silver and gold, but also of copper and even of iron itself. (Diod., 1, 33.)

4. Influence of Meroë on Egyptian civilization.

Everything seems to favour the supposition that Meroë gave religion and the arts of civilized life to the valley of the Nile. The following are some of the principal arguments in support of this opinion : 1. The concurrent testimony of the ancient writers.—2. The progress of civilization in Egypt from south to north ; for the Delta, the part of Egypt contiguous to Arabia, appears to have been originally uninhabitable, except a small space about the extremities of the marsh ; and history asserts that the inhabitants of upper Egypt descended and drained the country.—3. The improbability that an Arabian colony would have crossed Syria from Babylon to Suez, and wandered so far south as Thebes to found its first settlement.—4. The radical difference between the Coptic and Arabic languages, which existed even in the days of Abraham. (Murray, Appendiz to Bruce, book 2, p. 479.) —5. The trade from the straits of Babelmandel by Azab, Axum, Meroë, and Upper Egypt. If this trade be as old as from the remarks previously made it would seem to be, we may consider Ethiopia as one of the first seats of international trade, or, in other words, of civilization; for an exchange of wares would lead to an exchange of ideas, *** reciprocal communication would necessarily give rise to moral and intellectual improvement.—6. The curious fact, that the images of some of the Egyptian gods were at certain times conveyed up the Nile, from their temples to others in Ethiopia; and, after the conclusion of a festival, were brought back again into Egypt. (Eustath., ad Il., 1,424.)—7. The very remarkable character of some of the Egyptian paintings, in which black (or, more correctly, dark-coloured) men are represented in the costume of priests, as conferring on certain red figures, similarly habited, the instruments and symbols of the sacerdotal office. “This singular representation,” says Mr. Hamilton, “which is often repeated in all the Egyptian temples, but only here at Philae and at Elephantine with this distinction of col

ur, may very naturally be supposed to commemorate ne transmission of religious fables and the social institutions from the tawny Ethiopians to the comparatively fair Egyptians.”—S. Other paintings of nearly the same purport. In the temple of Philae, the sculptures frequently depict two persons, who equally represent the characters and symbols of Osiris, and two persons equally answering to those of Isis; but in both cases one is invariably much older than the other, and appears to be the superior divinity. Mr. Hamilton conjectures that such figures represent the communication of religious rites from Ethiopia to Egypt, and the inferiority of the Egyptian Osiris. In these delineations there is a very marked and positive distinction between the dark figures and those of fairer complexion ; the former are most frequently conferring the symbols of divinity and sovereignty on the other.—9. The very interesting fact recorded by Diodorus, namely, that the knowledge of picture-writing in Ethiopia was not a privilege confined solely to the caste of priests as in Egypt, but that every one might attain it as freely as they might in Egypt the writing in common use. A proof at once of the earlier use of picture-writing, or hieroglyphics, in Meroë than in Egypt, and also of its being applied to the purposes of trade. —10. The more ancient form of the pyramid, approaching that of the primeval mound, occurs more to the south than the rectilinear form. Thus the pyramids of Saccāra are older in form than those of Djiza, another proof of architecture's having come in from the countries to the south. (Clarke's Travels, vol. 5, p. 220, Lond. ed.)—From this body of evidence, then, we come to the conclusion, that the same race which ruled in Ethiopia and Meroë spread themselves by colonies, in the first instance, to Upper Egypt; that these latter colonies, in consequence of their great prosperity, became in their turn the parents of others; and as in all this they followed the course of the river, there gradually became founded a succession of colonies in the valley of the Nile, which, according to the usual custom of the ancient world, were probably, at first, independent of each other, and therefore formed just so many little states. Though, with the promulgation of their religion, either that of Ammon himself, or of his kindred deities and temple-companions, after whom even the settlements were named, the extension of trade was the principal motive which tempted colonists from Meroë to the countries beyond the desert; yet there were many other causes, such as the fertility of the land, and the facility of making the rude native tribes subservient to themselves, which, in a pe. riod of tranquillity, must have promoted the prosperity and accelerated the gradual progress of this colonization. The advantages which a large stream offers, by facilitating the means of communication, are so great, that it is a common occurrence in the history of the world to see civilization spreading on their banks. The shores of the Euphrates and Tigris, of the Indus and Ganges, of the Kiangh and Hoangho, afford us as plain proofs of this as the banks of the Nile. (Heeren, Ideen, vol. 5, p. 109, seqq.; Oxford transl., vol. 2, p. 110.)

—As to the origin of the civilization of Meroë itsell, all is complete uncertainty; though it is generally supposed to have been derived from the plains of India. The reader may consult on this subject the work of Von Bohlen, Das alte Indien, mit besonderer Ruck. sicht auf AEgypten, vol. 1, p. 119, seqq.

MERöpe, I. one of the Pleiades. She married Sisyphus, son of Æolus, before her transformation into a star; and it was fabled that, in the constellation of the Pleiades, Merope appears less luminous than her sisterstars, through shame at having been the only one of the number that had wedded a mortal. Other mythol. ogists relate the same of Electra. Schwenck sees in the union of Merope with Sisyphus a symbolical allusion to Corinthian navigation. (Schwenck, Skizzen, p. 19.—Compare Welcker, Æsch., Tril., p. 555–1d. ib., p. 573.)—II. A daughter of Cypselus, who mar. ried Cresphontes, king of Messenia, by whom she had three children. Her husband and two of her children were murdered by Polyphontes. The murderer wished her to marry him, and she would have been obliged to comply had not Epytus or Telephontes, her third son, avenged his father's death by assassinating Polyphontes. (Apollod., 2, 6–Pausan., 4, 3.)

Merops, a king of the island of Cos, who married Clymene, one of the Oceanides. He was changed into an eagle, and placed among the constellations. (Ovid, Met., 1, 763.)

Meros, a mountain of India sacred to Jupiter. It is said to have been in the neighbourhood of Nysa, and to have been named from the circumstance of Bacchus's being enclosed in the thigh (unpác) of Jupiter. This attempt at etymology, however, is characteristic of the Grecian spirit, which found traces of their nation and language in every quarter of the world. The mountain in question is the famous Meru of Indian mythol. ogy. (Creuzer’s Symbolik, vol. 1, p. 537.)

MeseMBRíA, a maritime town of Thrace, east of the mouth of the Nessus, now Mesetria or Mesera. According to Herodotus (7, 108), it was a settlement of the Samothracians.—Won Humboldt notices the terminations of magus, briga, and brica, appended to the names of towns, as undoubtedly Celtic. He refers to the same source the termination bria, which is met with in the geography of Thrace, as, for example, in the cities of Selymbria and Mesembria. He thinks that the Basque iri and uri are also connected with this ; and that we can go no farther than to say that there was an old root bri or bro, expressing land, habitation, settlement, with which the Teutonic burg and the Greek Túpyog may have been originally connected. In the Welsh and Breton languages, bro is still, he says, not only a cultivated field, but generally a country or district; and the scholiast on Juvenal (Sat., 8, 234) explains the name of Allobroges as signifying strangers, men from another land, “quoniam broga Galli agrum dicunt; alla autem aliud.” (Wid, however, Allobroges.—Arnold's Rome, p. xxii.)

MesãNE, I. an island in the Tigris, where Apamea was built. It is now Digel. (Strah., in Huds, G. M., 2, p. 146–Plin., 6, 31.—Steph. Byz., p. 91, n. 8.)—II. Another, enclosed between the canal of Basra and the Pasitigris, and which is called in the Oriental writers Perat-Miscan, or “the Mesene of the Euphrates,” to distinguish it from the Mesene of the Tigris. The term Mesene is a Greek one, and resers to land enclosed between two streams. (Philostorgius, 3, 7. Cellarius, Geogr. Antiq., vol. 1, p. 641, ed. Schwartz.)

MEsoméors, a poet, a native of Crete. He was a freedman of the Emperor Hadrian's, and one of his favourites, and wrote a eulogium on Antinois. , Hadrian's successor, the philosophic Antoninus, made it a duty to restore order and economy into the finances of the empire; and, among other things, he stopped the salaries which had been allowed to the useless courtiers with whom the palace of Hadrian had swarmed. It was on this occasion that the stipend allowed to Mesomedes suffered a reduction. (Jul. Cap., Wit. Ant. Pii, c. 7.)—We have two epigrams of this poet's in the Anthology, and also a piece of a higher character, a Hymn to Nemesis. Judging from this last specimen, Mesomedes must have possessed talents of no mean order. The Hymn to Nemesis was published for the first time, with ancient musical notes, by Fell, at the end of his edition of Aratus, Oron., 1762, 8vo. It was subsequently given by Burette in the 5th vol. of the Mem. de l'Acad. des Inscr., &c., by Brunck in his Analecta, and by Snedorf in his work, “De Hymmis veterum Graecorum,” Hafn., 1786, 8vo. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 4, p. 51.) MesopotAMIA, an extensive province of Asia, the Greek name of which denotes between the rivers (from uégoc and rotauðc.) It was situate between the Euphrates and the Tigris. The name itself, however, does not appear to have been given to this tract prior to the Macedonian conquest. The southern part of Mesopotamia Xenophon calls Arabia (Anab., 1, 6, 1); and other writers included this country, especially the northern part, under the general name of Syria. (Strabo, 737.) The Romans always regarded Mesopotamia as a mere division of Syria. (Mela, 1, 11.-Plin., 5, 13.) It is called by the Arabs at the present day Al Jezira, or “the island.” In scripture it is styled Aram and Aramata; but as Aram also signifies Syria, it is denominated, for distinction' sake, Aram Naharaim, or the “Syria of the rivers.” It was first peopled by Aram, the father of the Syrians, though little is known of its history till it became a province of the Persian empire. Cushan-rishthathaim, who is mentioned in Judges (3, 8, 10) as king of Mesopotamia, appears to have been only a petty prince of a district east of the Euphrates. In the time of Hezekiah, the different states of Mesopotamia were subject to the Assyrians (2 Kings, 19, 13), and subsequently belonged in succession to the Chaldaean, Persian, and Syro-Macedonian monarchies.—Mesopotamia, which inclines from the southeast to the northwest, commenced at lat. 33° 20' N., and terminated near N. lat. 37° 30'. Towards the south it extended as far as the bend formed by the Euphrates at Cunaxa, and to the wall of Semiramis, which separated it from Mesene. Towards the north it was bounded by a part of Mount Taurus. The northern part of Mesopotamia, which extended as far as the Chaboras, a tributary of the Euphrates, is mountainous, and for the most part fruitsul. The southern portion consists chiefly of reddish hills, and deserts without any trees, except liquorice-wood; and, like the desert of Arabia, suffers, at a distance from the rivers, a dearth of food and water. Here, on the parched steppes or table-lands, where the simoom often breathes destruction, hordes of Arabs have from the earliest times wandered. When history, therefore, speaks of the Romans and Persians as possessing Mesopotamia, we must understand the northern part, which abounded in all the necessaries of life. The inhabitants of this portion, who still speak an Armeno-Syriac dialect, were called among themselves Mygdonians, and their district was known by the name .# Mygdonia. (Polyb., 5, 51. —Steph. Byz., s. v.) Subsequently, under the Syro-Macedonian monarchy, it took the name of Anthemusia. (Amm. Marcell., 14, 9.— Eutrop., 8, 2.-Sertus Rufus, c. 20.) In the time of the Parthian sway, about 120 B.C., an Arab sheik, Osroes, took possession of the northwestern part of the land, wresting a principality in this quarter from the Seleucidae of Syria. This district then assumed the name of Osroene. (Steph. Byz., s. v.–Procop., Pers, 1, 17.-Amm. Marcell., 14, 3.) Mesopotamia was frequently the scene of warlike operations, especially between the Parthians and Romans, who here lost Crassus, and between the latter nation and the new Per5

sians. After remaining for some time a Roman province, it fell under the power of the new Persian É. dom, and then successively under the Saracens and Turks. The oppression of the Turkish government has so altered the appearance of this large tract of country, that these fruitful plains, which once were covered with cities, now scarcely exhibit more than a few miserable villages. The lower part of Mesopotamia is now called Irak Arabi, the upper Diar-Bekr. (Laurent's Anc. Geogr., p. 268. — Rennell, Geogra. phy of Western Asia, vol. 1, p. 432.) Mess&LA, I. Marcus Valerius Messala Corvinus, a Roman nobleman of ancient family. In the Eusebian Chronicle he is said to have been born A.U.C. 694; but if that date be correct, he would have been 17 when he joined the republican standard at Philippi. He acted a prominent part in that battle, and, after it was lost, was offered the command of the dispersed forces of the commonwealth. It is not, therefore, likely that he was younger than 21 at this period, and his birth, consequently, ought not to be fixed later than the year 690. In his youth he studied for a short time at Athens, along with the son of Cicero. After his return to Rome, his name having appeared in the roll of the proscribed by the nomination of Antony, he fled from Italy, and sought refuge with the army of Brutus and Cassius. Previous, however, to the battle of Philippi, his name, along with that of Varro, was erased from the fatal list, on the plea that he had not been in Rome at the time of Caesar's murder. Varro accepted the proffered pardon, and retired to his studies and his books, among which he asterward died in the ninetieth year of his age ; but it was indignantly rejected by Messala, who steadily adhered to the cause of the commonwealth. The night before the battle of Philippi he supped in private with Cassius in his tent. That chief had wished to protract the war, and opposed himself to the general desire that prevailed in the army to hazard the fortunes of the republic on one decisive battle. At parting for . the night, he grasped Messala by the hand, and, addressing him in Greek, called him to bear witness that he was reduced to the same painful necessity as the great Pompey, who had been reluctantly forced to stake on one throw the safety of his country. On the following day, so fatal to the liberties of Rome, Messala commanded one of the best legions in the army of Brutus. After the second defeat at Philippi he escaped to Thasus, an island in the AEgean Sea. He was there invited to place himself at the head of the remains of the republican party. But he probably considered the cause of the commonwealth as now utterly hopeless, and accordingly listened to the persuasions of Pollio, who undertook to reconcile him to the conquerors, and to preserve the lives of those who should surrender under his command. Antony passed over to Thasus, and, with great appearance of cordiality, received Messala, as well as some of his friends, into favour, and, in return, was put in possession of the stores which had been amassed in that island for the wreck of the republican forces. Having now joined the arms of Antony, Messala accompanied him in the dissolute progress which he made through the Rqman dominions in Asia, when he received the homage of the tributary kings and settled their disputes. Messala, from his earliest youth, had been distinguished for his powers in speaking, and he sometimes plead before Antony in favour of an accused tetrarch or of an injured people. At length, however, the scandalous and infatuated conduct of Antony, and the comparative moderation of Augustus, induced him to transfer his services to the latter, whom he continued to support during the remainder of his life. In the naval war with Sextus Pompey, he was second in command under Agrippa, and, on one occasion during his absence, had the supreme do.” of the

fleet. In the course of this contest he was also for some time stationed with an army on the Neapolitan shore; and Augustus, having been not only defeated, but shipwrecked in one of the many naval engagements which he fought with Pompey, sought shelter in the most wretched condition in the camp of Messala, by whom he was received as a friend and master, and treated with the tenderest care. The death of Sextus Pompey at length opened both sea and land to his successful adversary, and it was quickly followed by the long-expected struggle for superiority be. tween Antony and Augustus.-Messala was consul in A.U.C. 721, the year of the battle of Actium, in which he bore a distinguished part. After that decisive victory and the firm establishment of the throne of Augustus, he lived the general favourite of all parties, and the chief ornament of a court where he still asserted his freedom and dignity. While at Rome he resided in a house on the Palatine Hill, which had formerly belonged to Marc Antony; but he was frequently absent from the capital on the service of the state. War after war was intrusted to his conduct, and province after province was committed to his administration. In some of his foreign expeditions he was accompanied by the poet Tibullus, who has celebrated the military exploits of Messala in his famed panegyric, and his own friendship and attachment to his patron in his elegies. The triumph which Messala obtained in 727, for his victories in a Gallic campaign, completed the measure of his military honours; and he filled in succession all the most important civil offices in the state. Besides holding the consulship in 721, he was elected into the college of Augurs, and was intrusted with the superintendence of the aque.

ducts, one of those great public works for which

Rome has been so justly celebrated. In 736, on account of the absence of Augustus and Maecenas from the capital, he was nominated prefect of the city; but he resigned that situation a few days after his appointment, regarding it as inconsistent with the ancient constitution of his country. He is also believed to have been the person who, by command of the Conscript fathers, first saluted Augustus in the senatehouse as the “Father of his country;” a distinction which was bestowed in a manner that drew tears from the master of the Roman world (Suet., Aug., 58), and a reply, in which he declared that, having attained the summit of his wishes, he had nothing more to desire from the immortal gods but a continuance of the same attachment till the last moments of his life—From this period the name of Messala is scarcely once mentioned by any contemporary writer. He survived, however, ten or twelve years longer. Tiberius Cae. sar, who was then a youth, fond of the liberal arts, and by no means ignorant of literature, paid Messala, when in his old age, much deference and attention, and attempted to imitate his style of oratory. (Suet, Tib., c. 70.) Towards the close of his life he was dreadfully afflicted with ulcers in the sacre spina; and it is said that, two years before his deat!, he was deprived of both sense and memory. He at length forgot his own name (Plin , 7, 24), and became incapable of putting two words together with meaning. It is mentioned in the Eusebian Chronicle that he perished by abstaining from food when he had reached the age of seventy-two ; but if he were born in 690, as is supposed, this computation would extend his existence till the close of the reign of Augustus, which is inconsistent with a passage of the dialogue “De causis corrupta eloquentiac,” where it is said, “ Corvinus in medium usque Augusti principatum, Asinus pane ad extremum duravit.” Now the middle of the reign of Augustus cannot be fixed later than the year 746, when Messala could only have attained the age of fifty-six.—His death was deeply lamented, and his funeral elegy was written by Ovid. (Ep., ex. Pont.,

1.7.)—Though Messala had attained the highest poin of exaltation, in an age of the most violent political sactions and the most flagrant moral corruption, he left behind him a spotless character; being chiefly known as a disinterested patron of learning, and a steady supporter, so far as was then possible, of the principles of the ancient constitution. “Messala," says Berwick, “had the singular merit of supporting an unblemished character in a most despotic court, without making a sacrifice of those principles for which he had fought in the fields of Philippi; and the genuine integrity of his character was so deeply impressed on all parties, that it attracted a general admiration in a most corrupt age. He was brave, eloquent, and virtuous; he was liberal, attached to letters, and his patronage was considered as the surest passport to the gates of fame, and extended to every man who was at all conversant with letters. This character is supported by history, is not contradicted by contemporary writers, and is sealed by the impartial judgment of posterity. No writer, either ancient or mèdern, has ever named Messala without some tribute of praise. Cicero soon perceived that he pos. sessed an assemblage of excellent qualities, which he would have more admired had he lived to see them expanded and matured to perfection. Messala was his disciple, and rivalled his master in eloquence. In the opinion of the judicious Quintilian, his style was neat and elegant, and in all his speeches he displayed a superior nobility. In the Dialogue of Orators, he is said to have excelled Cicero in the sweetness and correctness of his style. His taste for poetry and po: lite literature will admit of little doubt, when we call to mind that he was protected by Caesar, favoured by Mascenas, esteemed by Horace, and loved by Tibul. lus. Horace, in one of his beautiful odes, praises Messala in the happiest strains of poetry, calls the day he intended to pass with him propitious, and promises to treat him with some of his most excellent wine. For,’ says the poet, ‘though Messala is conversant with all the philosophy of Socrates and the Academy, he will not decline such entertainment as my humble board can supply.” (Od, 3,21.) The modest Tibullus flattered himself with the pleasing hope of Messala's paying him a visit in the country, ‘where,’ says he, “my beloved Delia shall assist in doing the honours for so noble a guest' (1, 5). The rising genius of Ovid was admired and encouraged by Messala; and this condescension the exiled,hard has acknowledged in an epistle to his son Messalinus, dated from the cold shores of the Euxine. In this letter Ovid calls Messala his friend, the light and di. rector of all his literary pursuits. It is natural to suppose that an intimacy subsisted between Messala and Virgil, and yet no historical circumstance has come to our knowledge sufficient to evince it. The Poem called ciris, which is dedicated to Messala, and ho been ascribed to Virgil by some grave authorities, grows more suspicious every day. Tacitus, whose judgment of mankind is indisputable, and whose o cision is not always in the most favourable point *

view, seems fond of praising Messala; and in a speech given to Silius, the consul-elect, he considers o among the few great characters who have risen." the highest honours by their integrity and o: (Ann., 11, 6.) Even Tiberius himself, when a * took him for his master and pattern in speaking; . happy would it have been for the Roman people al he also taken him for his guide and pattern in ". (Berwick's Lives, p. 59, seqq.)—Messala was unite

to Terentia, who had been first married to Cicero, *

subsequently to Sallust, the historian. After the death of Messala, she entered, in extreme old . into a fourth marriage, with a Roman senio t used to say that he possessed the two gro ão osities in Rome, the 'widow of Cicero, and the *

in which Julius Caesar had been assassinated. Messala left by Terentia two sons, Marcus and Lucius. The elder of these, who was consul in 751, took the name of Messalinus; he greatly distinguished himself under Tiberius, when that prince commanded, before his accession to the empire, in the war of Pannonia. (Vell. Paterc., 2, 112.) Messalinus inherited his father's eloquence, and also followed the example he had set in devoted attachment to Augustus, and the patronage he extended to literature. But, during the reign of Tiberius, he was chiefly noted as one of the most servile flatterers of that tyrant. (Tacit., Ann., 3, 18.) The younger son of Messala assumed the name of Cotta, from his maternal family, and acted a conspicuous, though by no means reputable part in the first years of Tiberius. Both brothers were friends and protectors of Ovid, who addressed to Messalinus two of his epistles from Pontus, which are full of respect for the memory of his illustrious father. (Dunlop's Roman Lit., vol. 3, p. 53, seqq., Lond ed.) MEssaLiNA, I. Valeria, the first wife of the Emperor Claudius, dishonoured his throne by her unbridled and disgusting incontinence. Her cruelty equalled her licentiousness. After a long career of guilt, she openly married a young patrician named Silius, during the absence of the emperor, who had gone on a visit to Ostia. Narcissus, the freedman of Claudius, was the only one who dared to inform Claudius of the fact, and, when he had roused the sluggish resentment of his imperial master, he brought him to Rome. The arrival of Claudius dispersed in an instant all who had thronged around Messalina; but still, though thus deserted, she resolved to brave the storm, and sent to the emperor demanding to be heard. Narcissus, however, fearing the effect of her presence on the feeble spirit of her husband, despatched an order, as if coming from him, for her immediate punishment. The order sound her in the gardens of Lucullus. She endeavoured to destroy herself, but her courage failing, she was put to death by a tribune who had been sent for that purpose, A.D. 48. (Tacit., Ann., 11 et 12. —Suetonius, Vit. Claud.)—II. Called also Statilia, the grand-daughter of Statilius Taurus, who had been consul, and had enjoyed a triumph during the reign of Augustus. She was married four times before she came to the imperial throne. The last of her four husbands was Atticus Vestinus, a man of consular rank, who had ventured to aspire to her hand, although he was not ignorant that he had Nero for a rival. The tyrant, who had long favoured Vestines as one of the companions of his debaucheries, now resolved to destroy him, and accordingly compelled him to open his veins. Messalina was transferred to the imperial bed. After the death of Nero she endeavoured to regain her former rank, as empress, by means of Otho, whom she had captivated by her beauty, and hoped to espouse. But Otho's fall having destroyed all these expectations, she turned her attention to literary subjects, and obtained applause by some public discourses which she delivered. (Biogr. Univ., vol. 28, p. 431.) Messalinus, M. Valerius, son of Valerius Messala Corvinus. (Consult remarks at the close of the article Messala.) Messina, an ancient and celebrated city of Sicily, situate on the straits which separate Italy from that island. The first settlers in this quarter would seem to have been a body of wandering Siculi, who gave the place, from the scythelike form of its harbour, the name of Zancle (Záykān, “a scythe"). The Siculi were not a commercial race, and therefore could not avail themselves of the superior advantages for trade which the spot afforded; they, in consequence, finally left it. To them succeeded a band of pirates from Cumae in Campania. (Thucyd., 6, 4.) These settled in the place, and, to give the new colony more stability,

formed a union with the parent city of Chalcis in Euboea, in consequence of which a considerable body of colonists, coming from Chalcis and the rest of Euboea, participated in the distribution of the lands. . (Thucyd, l, c.) Chalcis had previously sounded the city of Naxos on the eastern coast below; and it is probable that a part of the new population came from this latter place. On this supposition, at least, we can reconcile with the statement of Thucydides the account of Strabo, who informs us that Zancle was a settlement of the Naxians who dwelt near Catana (Naštov Kríaua Tóv Tpog Karávn.—Strabo, 268). Zancle went on silently increasing in strength, and was soon powerful enough to sound the city of Himera (Thu cyd., 6, 5), and to carry on a successful warfare against the neighbouring Siculi in the interior. As it was, however, the only Grecian city in this corner of the island, it sought to strengthen itself by new accessions from abroad ; and, accordingly, the Ionians of Asia Minor were invited to send a colony to the “Beautiful Shore” (Kažň 'Aktú), which lay along the coast of Sicily on the Tyrrhene Sea. (Herod., 6, 22.) This happened about the period when Miletus was destroyed by the Persians, and when the other Greek cities of Lower Asia had either to submit to the yoke of Darius, or imitate the example which the Phocaeans had set in the time of Cyrus. The Samians, therefore, and a body of Milesians who had escaped being led into captivity, embraced the offer of the people of Zancle. They landed at Locri, on the Italian coast; but Scythes, the king or tyrant of Zancle, would seem to have made no preparations whatever for receiving them, being engaged at the time in besieging one of the cities of the Siculi. An-. axilas, tyrant of Rhegium, who was on no friendly footing with his neighbours in Zancle, took advantage of this circumstance. He proceeded to Locri, told the newcomers to give up all thought of a settlement in that quarter, that Zancle was undefended and might easily be taken, and that he would aid them in the attempt. The enterprise succeeded, Zancle was taken, and the inhabitants became united as one common people with , their new invaders. The Samians, however, were not long after driven out by the same Anaxilas who had aided in their attempt on Zancle. He established here, according to Thucydides (6, 5), “a mixed race,” and called the city by a new name, “Messana” (Meagåva), as well from the country (Messenia) whence he was anciently descended, as from a body of Messenian exiles whom he settled here. Messana (or, as the Attic writers call it, Messene, Meadown), soon became a very flourishing city, both by reason of its very fruitful territory and its advantageous situation for commerce. It was also a place of some strength, and the citadel of Messana is often mentioned in history. (Diod, 14, 87–Polyb., 1, 10.) Messana was regarded also by the Greeks as the key of Sicily (Thucyd., 4, 1), as being the place, namely, to which vessels cruising from Greece to Sicily directed their course on leaving the Iapygian promontory. (Bloomfield, ad Thucyd., l.c.) And yet, notwithstanding all these advantages, it was never other than an unlucky place, always undergoing changes, and unable at any time to play an important part in the affairs of Sicily; for its wealth, and its advantageous situation as regarded the passage from Italy into the island, always made it a tempting prize to the ambitious and powerful princes around. No Greek city, therefore, experienced more frequent changes of rulers than this, and none contained within its walls a more mixed population.— At a later period (Ol. 96, 1), Messana sell into the hands of the Carthaginians, who destroyed it (Diod., 14, 56, seqq.), being aware of their inability at that time to retain a place so far distant from their other strongholds, and not wishing it to come again into the possession of their opponents. Dionysius of Syracuse, however, began to rebuild it in the *** and,

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