intervened before Philip of Macedon, having surprised the Acrolissus, its citadel, compelled the town to surrender. An interesting account of this expedition is to be found in the Fragments of Polybius (8, 15). We are not informed by what means the Illyrians recovered possession of Lissus, but Livy speaks of it as belonging to Gentius (44, 30). Cæsar, who has frequent occasion to mention this city during the progress of the civil war carried on by him in Illyria, informs us, that he had previously stationed there a considerable body of Roman citizens, who readily delivered up the town on the appearance of his forces. (B. Civ., 3, 29.) The situation of the ancient Lissus can hardly be identified with the modern Alessio, which is more inland, and may rather answer to Acrolissus. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 43.) LISTA, the old capital of the Aborigines, in the country afterward settled by the Sabines. It was 24 stadia from Tiora, that is, three miles lower down in the valley of the Salto. The town was surprised by the Sabines in an expedition by night, and the inhabitants were driven out. (Dion. Hal., 1, 14.) LIPARA, the largest and most important island in the group of the Eolia Insula, or Lipari Islands. Its original name was Meligunis (Mεhyovvis-Callim., H. in Dian., 49), and it was uninhabited until Liparus, son of King Auson, having been driven out by his brethren, came hither with a body of followers, colonized the island, and founded a city. Both the island and city then took the name of Lipara. He colonized also some other islands of the group. (Strabo, 275.-Diod. Sic., 5, 7.) The original inhabitants, therefore, according to this tradition, were natives of Italy. The Greeks, however, contributed their part also to the ancient legend, and made Eolus come to this same quarter with a body of companions, and receive in marriage Cyane, the daughter of Liparus. Eolus now assumed the government, and established his aged father-in-law once more on the soil of Italy, in the territory of Surrentum, where the latter continued to reign until his death.-Leaving mythic, we now come to real, history. In the 50th Olympiad (B.C. 577-574), a colony of Cnidians, along with many Rhodians and Carians, settled in Lipara. They had previously established themselves on the western LITERNUM, a town of Italy, in Campania, west of coast of Sicily, but had been driven out by the Elymai Atella, and north of Cuma. Its situation has been and Phoenicians. From this period Lipara was re- disputed; but antiquaries seem now agreed in fixing garded as a Doric colony (Scymn., Ch., 261.) The the site of the town at a place called Torre di Patria. inhabitants began to be powerful at sea, having been The difficulty arose chiefly from the mention of a rivcompelled to defend their eommerce against the Tyr-er of the same name by some of the ancient writers. rhenian pirates, whom they worsted in several encounters. Eventually, however, they followed the bad example set them by their maritime neighbours, and became pirates themselves. (Liv., 5, 28.) When the Carthaginians were striving for the possession of Sicily, they perceived the importance of Lipara as a naval station, and accordingly made it their own. During the first Punic war it fell into the hands of the Romans.-The Lipari isles obtain their modern name from the ancient Lipara. They were anciently called Eolia Insula, from having been fabled to be ruled over by Æolus, god of the winds; and they were also styled Vulcania Insula, from their volcanic nature, on which was based the fable of Vulcan's having forges in Strongyle, one of the group, besides his smithy in Etna. The ancients knew them to be volcanic, but did not narrowly examine them; this has been reserved for modern philosophers. The Lipari isles are commonly reckoned seven in number, and Lipari is the largest of these, being 19 Italian miles in circuit. This island is peculiarly valuable to the naturalist, from the number and beauty of its volcanic products. According to Diodorus, all the Eolian isles were subject to great irruptions of fire, and their craters were visible in his time. (Vid. Strongyle.-Plin., 3, 9.-Mela, 2, 7.-Jornand., de Regn. Succ., p. 29.— Mannert, Geogr., vol. 9, pt. 2, p. 459. seqq.) LIRIS, now Garigliano, a river of Campania, which it separated from Latium, after the southern boundary of the latter had been removed from the Circæan promontory. (Vid. Latium.) It falls into the sea near Minturnæ. According to Strabo, its more ancient name was K2áviç: according to Pliny, Glanis. (Strabo, 233.-Pliny, 3, 5.) Its source is in the country of the Marsi, west of the Lacus Fucinus. This river is particularly noticed by the poets for the sluggishness of its stream. (Horat., Od., 1, 31.—Sil. Ital., 4, 348.) In the vicinity of Minturnæ the Pontine marshes ended, in which Marius hid himself, and whence he was dragged with a rope round his neck to the prison of Minturnæ. (Vid. Marius.) (Strabo. 243-Liv., 32, 29.) This river can be no other than that which rises in the Apennines above Nola, and, flowing at no great distance from Acerræ, discharges its waters into the sea near Liternum. This stream is apt to stagnate near its entrance into the sea, and to form marshes anciently known as the Palus Literna, now Lago di Patria. Liternum became a Roman colony in the same year with Vulturnum. (Liv., 34, 45.) It was recolonized by Augustus, and ranked among the præfectura. (Front., de Col-Festus.) That Scipio Africanus retired here in disgust at the injustice of his countrymen, seems a fact too well attested to be called into question; but whether he really closed his existence, here, as far as we can collect from Livy's account, may be deemed uncertain: his tomb and statue were to be seen both at Liternum, and in the family vault of the Scipios, which was discovered some years ago outside the Porta Capena. (Liv., 38, 51.) Strabo (243) certainly seems to imply that he spent the remainder of his life at Liternum, and also makes mention of his tomb there. According to Valerius Maximus (5, 3, 2), Scipio himself had caused to be engraved on it this inscription, INGRATA. PATRIA. NE. OSSA. QUIDEM. which would be decisive of the question. It is not LIVIA, I. Drusilla (Livia Drusilla Augusta, or Livia Augusta), a celebrated Roman female of the LISSUS, a city of Illyria, near the mouth of the Dri- Claudian line, and daughter of Livius Drusillus Claulo. According to Diodorus Siculus (15, 13), it was dianus, was born B.C. 59. She married Tiberius Claucolonized by some Syracusans in the time of Dionys-dius Nero, and when her husband was compelled to ius the Elder. It fell subsequently, however, into flee from Italy in consequence of the troubles connectthe hands of the Illyrians, who retained it with the ed with the civil war (vid. Claudius II.), she accomconsent of the Romans, after they had concluded a panied him, first to Sicily, and afterward to Greece. peace with Teuta. (Polyb., 2, 12.) Not many years In this latter country they were kindly received by the Her will was never executed; and it was not until Claudius, whom she had never liked, ascended the throne, that divine honours were caused by him to be decreed unto her. Livia appears to have been a woman of strong mind, and she is said to have been always consulted by Augustus on public affairs, and often to have given him the most judicious advice. That she was an ambitious woman is most evident; and possibly, in the furtherance of her views, she may have been a guilty one. The conduct of Tiberius, indeed, towards her, might be explained in this way, since, by one of those strange contradictions that sometimes present themselves even in the character of the most vicious, he may have been aware of all her secret arts for his own advancement, and, though so largely benefited thereby, may have cherished a secret detestation for the very individual to whom he owed his elevation. (Sueton., Vit. Aug.-Id, Vit. Tib.-Tacit., Ann., 5, 1.-Vell. Paterc., 2, 75.)-II. or Livilla, daughter of Nero Claudius Drusus, by his wife Antonia the Younger, was sister to Germanicus, and grand-daughter of the Empress Livia. Her first husband was Caius, the son of Agrippa; after his death, when still quite young, she married Drusus the son of Tiberius. Sejanus seduced her affections from the latter. Engaged in a career of adultery with that flagitious minister, she hoped to rise with her paramour to the imperial dignity, and with this view conspired against her husband. Her guilt being afterward fully detected, she was put to death by order of Tiberius. (Sueton., Vit. Tib., 62.-Tacit., Ann., 4, 3, et 40.— Id. ib., 6, 2.)—III. Orestilla, called by Dio Cassius (59, 8) Cornelia Orestina. She was on the point of marrying C. Calpurnius Piso, when Caligula, enamoured of her beauty, carried her off from the very midst of the nuptial ceremonies, and in a few days after repudiated her. She was subsequently condemned by him to exile. (Sueton., Vit. Calig., 25. Lacedæmonians, whom she subsequently recompensed | almost the only honour then rendered to her memory. for the asylum they had afforded her. To rare personal attractions Livia added the charms of a cultivated intellect; and when it was again safe for her husband and herself to return to Rome, she soon drew upon her the notice of Augustus, who demanded her from her husband. Tiberius dared not refuse; and Augustus, having repudiated his own wife Scribonia, made Livia his spouse. She had already borne two sons to her first husband, namely, Tiberius, who was afterward emperor, and Drusus Germanicus; but what rendered the affair most disreputable, was the circumstance of her being six months gone in pregnancy at the time of her union with Augustus. This child, the only one she had after her marriage with the emperor, died almost at the moment of its birth. Livia was twenty years of age when she was thus called to share the empire of the world; and, availing herself skilfully of the influence which she soon acquired over the mind of Augustus, she began to concert her plans for securing the succession to her own son Tiberius. With this view, she was suspected of having caused the death of the young Marcellus, who might have proved an obstacle to her ambitious views, though it must be confessed that there is no positive testimony which would seem to justify the suspicion. She soon lost her own son Drusus Germanicus; but she did not imitate Octavia, who had actually wearied out Augustus by the excess of her sorrow on the contrary, she lent an ear to the consolations of the philosopher Areus, and testified her gratitude to Augustus for the honours he had decreed to the memory of her son. In all this, no doubt, there was much of dissimulation, even if we make the fullest allowance for the feelings of a parent. After the premature death of the two sons of Julia, Livia hastened to call her own son Tiberius from his retirement in the island of Rhodes, and prevailed upon Augustus to adopt him, along with Agrippa Posthumus, the last of the family of the Cæsars. Her next care was to exclude this same Agrippa from-Dio Cass., l. c.) the succession, an object which she easily effected by means of secret calumnies; and when now the path to the throne stood open for Tiberius, she is said by some to have hastened the end of Augustus himself, by means of poisoned figs which she had given him to eat, and which brought on an attack of dysentery. Be this, however, as it may, it is at least certain that she had the entire control of his last moments. Everything that passed within the walls of the dwelling where he lay was concealed by her with the utmost Hasty messengers were sent after Tiberius to recall him instantly to the death-bed of the emperor; and with so much secrecy was the whole affair shrouded, that, although it was given out that Tiberius found his adopted father still alive (Sueton., Vit. Aug., 97, seqq.), and had a long and affectionate interview with him, yet Tacitus informs us, that it was never clearly ascertained whether these stories were not mere fabrications; and whether Augustus was not, in reality, already dead when Tiberius arrived at Nola. By a singular clause in his will, Augustus adopted Livia herself, directing her to take the name of Julia Augusta, and made her joint sharer in the inheritance with her son. The latter, however, showed but little gratitude to his parent, to whom he was in every sense indebted for his elevation. When the senate wished to decree new honours to her, he opposed the step; he never consulted her about public affairs, a thing which Augustus was always accustomed to do; and yet, at the same time, he took care to conceal his ingratitude under the most studied respect. At length, however, an open rupture ensued, which continued until the period of her death. Livia died at Rome, at the age of 86 years. Her funeral was celebrated without any kind of display, and her great-grandson Caligula pronounced her funeral culogium, which was care. Drusus was LIVIE LEGES, proposed by M. Livius Drusus, a tribune, A.U.C. 662, about transplanting colonies to different parts of Italy and Sicily, and granting corn to poor citizens at a low price; also, that the judices should be chosen indiscriminately from the senators and equites, and that the allied states of Italy should be admitted to the freedom of the city. a man of great eloquence and of the most upright intentions; but, endeavouring to reconcile those whose interests were diametrically opposite, he was crushed in the attempt, being murdered by an unknown assassin in his own house, upon his return from the forum, amid a number of clients and friends. No inquiry was made about his death. The states of Italy considered this event as the signal of a revolt, and endeavoured to extort by force what they could not obtain voluntarily. Above 300,000 men fell in the contest in the space of two years. At last the Romans, although upon the whole they had the advantage, were obliged to grant the freedom of the city, first to the allies, and afterward to all the states of Italy. (Vell. Paterc., 2, 13, seqq.-Flor., 3, 18.) LIVIUS, I. Andronicus, a dramatic poet who flourished at Rome about 240 years before the Christian era. He was a native of Magna Græcia, and, when his country was finally subdued by the Romans, was made captive and brought to Rome (B.C. 267). It is generally believed that he there became the slave, and afterward the freedman, of Livius Salinator, from whom he derived one of his names; but these facts do not seem to rest on any authority more ancient than the Eusebian Chronicle. (Hieron. in Euseb., Chron., p. 37. Scaliger, Thes. Temp., ed. Amstel., 1658.) The precise period of his death is uncertain; but in Cicero's dialogue de Senectute, Cato is introduced, saying that he had seen old Livius while he was him ed by Livius on the Latin tongue; and, indeed, the polish of the language, and metrical correctness of these hexameter lines, have led to a suspicion that they are not the production of a period so ancient as the age of Livius, or, at least, that they have been modernized by some later hand. (Jos. Scaliger, Lect. Auson. — Osann., Analect. Crit., p. 36.) Some verMaurus are the chief authority for these hexameters being by Livius. As the verses in the chorus of the Ino are the only passage among the fragments of Livwe must take our opinion of his poetical merits from those who judged of them while his writings were yet wholly extant. Cicero has pronounced an unfavourable decision, declaring that they were scarcely worthy a second perusal. (Brutus, c. 18.) They long, however, continued popular in Rome, and were read by the youth in schools even during the Augustan age of poetry. It is evident, indeed, that at that period of Roman literature there was a good deal of what corresponds with modern black-letter taste, and which led to the inordinate admiration of the works of Livius, and the bitter complaints of Horace, that they should be extolled as perfect, or held up by old pedants to the imitation of youth, in an age when so much better models existed. (Hor., Epist., 2, 1.) But, although Livius may have been too much read in the schools, and too much admired in an age which could boast of models so greatly superior, he is at least entitled to praise as the first inventor among the Romans of a species of poetry which was afterward carried by them to much higher perfection. By translating the Odyssey, too, into Latin verse, he adopted the means, which, of all oth self a youth (c. 14). Now Cato was born B.C. 235, | This passage testifies the vast improvement effectand since the period of youth among the Romans was considered as commencing at fifteen, it may be presumed that the existence of Livius was at least protracted till B.C. 220. It has been frequently said that he lived till the year B.C. 208, A.U.C. 546, because Livy (27, 37) mentions, that a hymn composed by this ancient poet was publicly sung in that year, to avert the disasters threatened by an alarming prodi-ses in the Carmen de Arte Metrica of Terentianus gy; but the historian does not declare that it was written for the occasion, or even recently before. Festus, however, informs us (s. v. Scribas), that the Romans paid distinguished honour to Livius, in conse-ius from which a connected meaning can be elicited, quence of the success which attended their arms in the second Punic war, after the public recitation of a hymn which he had composed.-Livius wrote both tragedies and comedies. The earliest play of his was represented B.C. 240, A.U.C. 514, about a year after the termination of the first Punic war. Like Thespis, and most other dramatists in the commencement of the theatrical art, Livius was an actor, and for a considerable time the sole performer of his own pieces. Afterward, however, his voice failing, in consequence of the audience insisting on a repetition of favourite passages, he introduced a boy, who relieved him by declaiming the recitative part in concert with the flute, while he himself executed the corresponding gesticulations in the monologues, and, in parts where high exertion was required, only employing his own voice in the conversational and less elevated scenes."Hence," observes Livy (7, 2), "the practice arose of dividing the representation between two actors, and of reciting, as it were, to the gesture and action of the comedian. Thenceforth the custom so far prevailed, that the comedians never uttered anything except the verses of the dialogue." And this system, apparent-ers, was most likely to foster the infant literature of ly so well calculated to destroy all theatrical illusion, continued, under certain modifications, to subsist on the Roman stage during the most refined periods of taste and literature. The popularity of Livius increasing from these performances, as well as from a propitiatory hymn he had composed, and which had been followed by great public success, a building was assigned to him on the Aventine Hill. This edifice was partly converted into a theatre, and was also inhabited by a troop of players, for whom Livius wrote his pieces, and frequently acted along with them. (Festus, s. v. Scribas.) It has been disputed whether the first drama represented by Livius Andronicus at Rome was a tragedy or comedy. (Osann., Analect. Crit., c. 13.) However this may be, it appears from the names which have been preserved of his plays, that he wrote, as we have already said, both tragedies and comedies. These titles, which have been collected by Fabricius and other writers, are Achilles, Adonis, Egisthus, Ajax, Andromeda, Antiopa, Centauri, Equus Trojanus, Helena, Hermione, Ino, Lydius, Protesilaodamia, Serenus, Tereus, Teucer, Virgo. (Bibl. Lat., vol. 3, l. 4, c. 1.) Such names also evince, that most of his dramas were translated or imitated from the works of his countrymen of Magna Græcia, or from the great tragedians of Greece. Thus, Eschylus wrote a tragedy on the subject of Egisthus there is still a play of Sophocles extant by the name of Ajax, and he is known to have written an Andromeda Stobæus mentions the Antiopa of Eu--IV. Titus, a celebrated historian. He was born ripides four Greek dramatists, Sophocles, Euripides, Anaxandrides, and Philætus, composed tragedies on the subject of Tereus; and Epicharmus, as well as others, chose for their comedies the story of the Sirens. Little, however except the titles, remain to us of the dramas of Livius. The longest passage we possess, in connexion, is four lines from the tragedy of Ino, forming part of a hymn to Diana, recited by the chorus, and containing a poetical and animated exhortation to a person about to proceed to the chase. his country, as he thus presented it with an image of the most pure and perfect taste, and, at the same time, with those wild and romantic adventures, which are best suited to attract the sympathy and interest of a half-civilized nation. This happy influence could not be prevented even by the use of the rugged Saturnian verses, which led Cicero to compare the translation of Livius to the ancient statues that might be attributed to Dædalus. (Brutus, c. 18.-Dunlop's Rom. Lil., vol. 1, p. 66, seqq., Lond. ed.)-II. M. Salinator, obtained the consulship B.C. 219, and again in 207. During his first term of office he carried on a successful war in Illyricum; during the second he had for his colleague Claudius Nero. Livius and Nero were personal enemies, but the interests of their common country reunited them for a time in the bonds of friendship. They marched together against Hasdrubal, and gained the victory at the Metaurus in Umbria. Livius received the honours of a triumph for this exploit, and his colleague only an ovation, although the former insisted that his colleague was entitled to the same distinctions with himself. Three years after he was censor with the same Nero, and caused an unpopular tax to be levied on salt, whence he obtained the soubriquet of Salinator (from salinæ, “salt-works”). The old enmity between Livius and Nero broke out afresh in their censorship, as Livy (29, 37) informs us. (Liv., 27, 34.- Id., 28, 9, seqq. Id., 29, 5, &c.)-III. Drusus, a tribune. (Vid. Livia Leges.) at Patavium, the modern Padua, of a consular family, in the year of Rome 695, B.C. 59. Titus Livius Optimus was the first of the Livian family that came to Rome; and from him was descended Caius Livius, the father of the historian. (Zarabella, Storia della gente Livia.) Livy seems to have received his early instruction in his native city. But, though his education was provincial, he was taught all the useful learning of his age; and it has been conjectured, from several passages of his history, and the general colour of his style, that he had acquired some superfluous ac- | pied among their poets, and Cicero among their oracomplishments in a school of declamation. (Monbod- tors. His fame reached even the remotest extremido, Origin and Progress of Language, vol. 5, b. 1, c. 1.) It would appear, that he remained at Patavium during the whole period of the civil dissensions, proscriptions, and violations of property which followed the assassination of Cæsar. It has been even maintained by some writers, that he commenced his great work at Patavium ere he visited the capital. (Kruse, de Fide Livti, Lips., 1811.) But through the whole of the first Decade, which is the part they suppose he had written before coming to Rome, he speaks concerning the localities of the city, its customs, judicial forms, and religious ceremonies, as one who was actually on the spot, and had ocular proof of all he relates. At whatever time he came to Rome, it is evident that he commenced his history between the years 725 and 730 A.U.C., or B.C. 29 and 24; for in the first book (c. 19) he mentions, that, at the period when he wrote, the temple of Janus had been twice shut since the reign of Numa, once after the first Punic war, and again in his own time by Augustus. Now this temple never had been closed by Augustus till 725, so hat the passage could not have been written prior to that year; and it could not have been written subsequently to 730, because in that year Augustus again shut the temple, and Livy, of course, must have then said that it had been three times, and not twice, closed since the age of Numa. Soon after his arrival at Rome, he composed some dialogues on philosophical and political questions (Seneca, Epist., 100), which he addressed to Augustus. These dialogues, which are now lost, procured for him the favour of the emperor, who gave him free access to all those archives and records of the state which might be serviceable in the prosecution of the historical researches in which he was employed. He allotted him apartments in his own palace, and sometimes even condescended to afford explanations, that facilitated the right understanding of documents which were important to his investigations. Livy appears, indeed, to have been on intimate terms with Augustus, who used, according to Tacitus (Ann., 4, 34), to call him a "Pompeian," on account of the praises which he bestowed on Pompey's party. It appears that Livy availed himself of the good graces of the emperor only for the purpose of facilitating the historical researches in which he was engaged. We do not hear that he accepted any pecuniary favours, or even held any public employment. It has been conjectured by some writers, from a passage in Suetonius (Vit. Claud., 41), that he had for a short time superintended the education of Claudius, who afterward succeeded to the empire. (Gibbon's Misc. Works, vol. 4, p. 425.) But, though the expressions scarcely authorize this inference, they prove that, at Livy's suggestion, Claudius undertook in his youth to write a history of Rome from the death of Julius Cæsar, and thus acquired the habits of historical composition, which he continued after his accession; being better qualified, as Gibbon remarks, to record great actions than to perform them. -Livy continued for nearly 20 years to be closely occupied in the composition of his history. During this long period his chief residence was at Rome, or in its immediate vicinity; but he occasionally retired to Naples, that he might there arrange with leisure and tranquillity the materials he had amassed in the capital. (Funccius, de Virili Etate Ling. Lat., pars 2, c. 4.) He also paid frequent visits to his native city, where he was invariably received with distinguished honours. Though Livy's great work was not finished till the year 745 A.U.C., B.C. 9, he had previously published parts of it, from time to time, by which means he early acquired a high reputation with his countrymen, who considered him as holding the same rank among their historians that Virgil occu ties of the Roman empire. An inhabitant of Gades was so struck with his illustrious character, that he travelled all the way from that city to Rome on purpose to see him, and, having gratified his curiosity, straightway returned home. (Plin., Ep., 2, 3.) Livy continued to reside at Rome till the death of Augustus. On the accession of Tiberius he returned to Patavium, where he survived five years longer, and at length died at the place of his birth, in A.U.C. 770, A.D. 17, and in the 76th year of his age.-Livy is supposed to have been twice married. By one of his wives he left several daughters and a son, to whom he addressed an epistle or short treatise on the subject of rhetoric, in which, while delivering his opinion concerning the authors most proper to be read by youth, he says, that they ought first to study Demosthenes and Cicero, and next such writers as most closely resembled these excellent orators. (Quint., Inst. Or., 10, 1.) After his death, statues were erected to Livy at Rome; for we learn from Suetonius that the mad Caligula had nearly ordered that all his images, as well as those of Virgil, should be removed from the public libraries. His more rational subjects, nevertheless, regarded Livy as the only historian that had yet appeared, whose dignity of sentiment and majesty of expression rendered him worthy to record the story of the Roman republic.-The work of Livy comprehended the whole history of Rome, from its foundation to the death of Drusus, the brother of Tiberius, which happened in the year B.C. 9. It consisted of 142 books; but of these, as is well known, only 35, with some fragments of others, are now extant. The first ten books, which are still remaining, and which have been termed the first Decade, bring down the history from the arrival of Eneas in Italy to B.C. 293, or to within a few years of the commencement of the war with Pyrrhus. An hiatus of the following ten books, or second Decade, deprives us of the interesting expedition of Pyrrhus, who landed in Italy in order to succour the Tarentines, the discomfiture at length sustained by that enterprising monarch, the final subjugation of Magna Græcia, and the first Punic war. narrative recommences at the twenty-first book, with the second Carthaginian contest, B.C. 218, in which Hannibal invaded Italy, and it continues with little interruption till the end of the forty-fifth book, or the period when the Romans resolved on the destruction of Carthage, and began the third war which they waged against that ill-fated city; thus comprehending in one unbroken narration the complete history of the great struggle in which Hannibal and Scipio were the chief antagonists, the campaigns in Macedon against Philip, those against his successor Perseus, and the contest with Antiochus, king of Syria. Still, however, it must be admitted, that the most valuable portion of Livy's history has perished. The commencement of those dissensions which ended in the subversion of the liberties of Rome, and the motives by which the actors on the great political stage were influenced, would have given scope for more interesting reflection and more philosophic deduction than details of the wars with the Sabines and Samnites, or even of those with the Carthaginians and Greeks. Stronger reliance might also have been placed on this portion of the history than on that by which it was preceded. The author's account of the civil wars of Marius and Sylla, of Pompey and Caesar, may have been derived from those who were eye-witnesses of these destructive contests, and he himself was living an impartial and intelligent observer of all the subsequent events which history recorded. Both Lord Bolingbroke and Gibbon have declared that they would willingly give up what we now possess of Livy on the terms of recovering what we have lost. (Gibbon's The Misc. Works, vol. 4, p. 427.)—In addition, then, to the found the translation of it in Polybius, if he had confirst ten books of Livy's history, we have from the sulted him before he began to narrate the Punic wars); 21st to the 45th books, both inclusive; though from and, finally, the treaty with Porsenna, which was the 40th to the 45th they are full of lacunæ. We known to Pliny (34, 14). He does not, therefore, possess also some fragments, and among them one of found his narrative upon contemporary records, but the 91st book, discovered in 1772, in a palimpsest avowedly draws his materials from the works of earmanuscript in the Vatican library. This last-men- lier annalists, such as Fabius Pictor, Calpurnius l'iso, tioned fragment was first published by Bruns (Ham- Valerius Antias, Licinius Macer, Ælius Tubero, and burg, 1773), and afterward by Kreyssig (Chemnitz, reposes upon their authority. As long as his guides 1807). There also exist brief epitomes of the lost agree in the main points of their story, he follows books, as well as of those which have come down to us. them without fear or doubt. When they openly con They have been frequently supposed, though without tradict each other, especially on questions of names sufficient reason, to have been compiled by Florus. or dates, then he sometimes honestly confesses the We have, however, only epitomes of 140 books; but difficulty, and acknowledges in general terms the unit has been satisfactorily shown by Sigonius and Dra- certainty of the history of the first centuries of the kenborch (ad Liv., Epit., 136), that the epitomes of the city. But very many discrepances less flagrant, and 136th and 137th books have been lost, and that the even some as important as those which he has speci epitome of the 136th book, as it is called, is in reality fied, he passes over without notice; and yet we know the epitome of the 138th.-With the aid of this col- with certainty that they existed, because they appear lection of epitomes, and that of other ancient writers, in the narrative of Dionysius, who drew from the both Greek and Latin, Freinshemius, a learned Ger- same authorities as Livy. But, though the course of man scholar of the 17th century, composed a collec- his narrative is sometimes checked by the conflict of tion of supplements to replace the books that are lost. external testimony, he is never induced to pause, or He has imitated admirably the style and general man- doubt, by any internal difficulty, any inconsistency or ner of Livy, and has displayed great care and accuracy contradiction, or perplexity in the received story. in citing his authorities.-Many hopes have been en- Nothing less than a miracle is too strange for his actertained, at various periods, of recovering the lost quiescence. It is evident that he has bestowed no labooks of Livy's work, but they appear at last to have bour upon examining the probability of the events been put to rest. Erpenius and others stated once which he relates, or investigating their connexion as that there was a translation of them in Arabic, but causes and effects.-There are also sufficient proofs none such has ever been discovered.-Tacitus (Ann., that he wrote hastily and even carelessly. He some4,34) and Seneca (Suasor., 7), among the later Ro- times mentions incidentally, in à subsequent part of man writers, speak in the highest terms of the beauty his history, circumstances which he has omitted in of Livy's style, and of the fidelity of his history; their proper place. Thus it is only by his remarks praises which have been constantly repeated by mod- on the proposal for communicating the dignities of ern writers. But, while most will be ready to admit pontiff and augur to the plebeians (10, 6) that we learn that his style is eloquent, his narrative clear, and his from him that Ramnes, Tatienses, and Luceres were powers of description great and striking, it can scarce- names of the ancient tribes. He sometimes repeats ly be denied that he was deficient in the first and (35, 21 and 39), sometimes contradicts himself (30, most important requisites of a faithful historian, a love 22, and 34, 44). It is an instance and proof of botan of truth, diligence and care in consulting authorities, his carelessness and his want of familiarity with the and a patient and pains-taking examination of con- antiquities of his country, that, though he expressly flicting testimonies. Livy made very little use even informs us that till a very short time before the capof such inscriptions and public documents as were ture of the city, the Roman way of fighting was in within his reach. He appeals, indeed, to the treaty close phalanx, with long spears, yet in no description of Spurius Cassius with the Latins, engraven on a of a battle does he allude to such tactics, but comcolumn of brass (2, 33); but in the notable instance monly uses of the older times the terms which relate of the inscription on the Spolia Opima of Cornelius to the more modern structure of the Roman army. Cossus, preserved in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius, We cannot, therefore, feel assured that he always redwhich was at variance with the received Fasti (or resented accurately the statements of the older annalregister of magistrates) and the common accounts ists from whom he takes his materials.-Any errors, of historians, he does not appear to have had the however, which might arise from these causes, would curiosity to examine the monument itself, but is be single and detached, could bear but a very small content with repeating the report of Augustus Ca- ratio to the bulk of the history, and would not affect sar (4, 20). This is one of the few passages in its general spirit. But the very tone and manner of which he descends to a critical comparison of evi- Livy's work, however great may be his powers of dedence and authorities; and it will serve as a proof scription, however lucid his style of narrative. howhow little expert he was in that art of an historian, ever much he may dazzle the imagination or interest and how little he valued its results: for, though in the feelings of his readers, are a warning against imhis digression he professes to believe in the superior plicit belief. He excelled in narration and in the elauthority of the inscription, in the main course of his oquent expression of excited feelings, and he obviousnarrative he follows the beaten track of writers who ly delighted in the exercise of his genius. In reporthad gone before him. He makes no mention of other ing the traditions of the early ages of Rome, he seems monuments which we know to have existed; the less desirous to ascertain the truth than to array the brazen column in the temple of the Aventine Diana, popular story in the most attractive garb. He is not on which was engraven the treaty of Servius Tullius so much an historian as a poet. As the history adwith the Latins, with the names of the tribes who vances and the truth of facts is better ascertained, were members of the league (Dion. Hal., 4, 26); he is of course compelled to record them with greatthe treaty of Tarquinius Superbus with Gabii, writer fidelity; but still his whole work is a triumphal ten on a bull's hide, and preserved in the temple of Dius Fidius (Dion. Hal., 4, 59); a treaty with the Sabines, in the time of the kings (Hor., Epist., 2, 1, 25); the treaty with Carthage in the first year of the republic (Polyb., 3, 22) (and here his negligence is without excuse; for, even though the document itself might have perished before his time, he could have celebration of the heroic spirit and military glory of Rome. Here, then, is a disturbing force which has borne him away from the strict line of historical truth. To this desire of exalting the glory of his country (and, no doubt, to a similar impulse actuating those from whom he copied) we must ascribe the singular phenomena which appear on the face of the history, that, |