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se;7.—Chalcond., p. 85.) The ruins of Laodicea are now called by the Turks Eski Hissar. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 6, pt. 3, p. 131. – Leake's Journal, p. 154, seqq.)—II. Scabiosa, a city of Syria, southwest of Emesa and of the Orontes. It is sometimes, though erroneously, styled Cabiosa. The epithet Scabiosa must have reference to the leprosy, or some cutaneous complaint, very prevalent here in the time of the Roman power. Its previous name under the Greeks was Aaodiketa # spöc Awbāvo, Laodicea ad Libanum (Strabo, 753.-Plun., 5, 23), and it must have been situate, therefore, near the northeastern part of the chain of Libanus, in the plain Marsyas, which Pococke (2, p. 204) mentions, though he is silent respecting its ancient name. Its site must be looked for to the west of the modern Hasseiah, a day's journey to the southwest of the modern Hems, the ancient Emesa. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 6, pt. 1, p. 428.)—III. A maritime city of Syria, on an eminence near the coast, called, for distinction' sake, Aaodiketa éti Gazārri, Laodicea ad Mare. (Strab., 751–Plin, 21, 5.) It was built by Seleucus Nicator, and named in honour of his mother; and Strabo ranks it among the four principal cities of the country. (Compare Appian, B. Syr., c. 27.) The fruitfulness of the adjacent country, and the quantity of good wine made in this quarter, which furnished a great article of trade with Alexandrea, were the chief reasons that induced Seleucus to found this city. Laodicea may, in fact, be regarded as the harbour of Antiochia. The ancient writers praise its excellent port, and it would seem, even at the present day, to show traces of the works constructed to give security and convenience to the harbour. (Pococke, 2, p. 287.—Walpole's Memoirs, vol. 2, p. 138.) In the civil war after Caesar's death, Dolabella stood a long siege in this place ; it was finally taken, and suffered severely. (Dio Cass., 47, 30. — Appian, B. Cir., 4, 62.) Hence Antony declared it independent, and freed it from all tribute. (Appian, B. Cir., 5, 7.) It again suffered from Pescennius Niger (Malala, Chron., 11, p. 125), and therefore his more successful competitor Severus did all in his power to restore it to its former condition. Among other favours shown it, he made the place a colony with the Jus Italicum. (Ulpian, 1.50, Digest. Tit., 15, de censibus.) The modern name is Ladikić. The modern city suffered severely from an earthquake in 1797, the greater part of the buildings having been thrown down. These have been rebuilt, though less substantially than before. Scarcely any wine is now made here, and few vines are planted. (Walpole's Memoirs, vol. 2, p. 138. — Mannert, Geogr., vol. 6, pt. 1, p. 450.)—IV. Combusta (h Katakekavuévn), a city of Asia Minor or Lycaonia, northwest of Iconium. Its name is supposed to be owing to the frequent breaking forth of subterranean fires in the vicinity. Strabo mentions this as peculiarly the case in the parts of Phrygia to the west of Laodicea, which were hence termed Catacecaumene (Karakekavuévn. Strabo, 579). The place itself was unimportant, and would only seem to have been mentioned by Strabo and Pliny from the circumstance of its having been situated on the great road from the western coast through Melitene to the Euphrates. Leake (Journal, p. 25) gives the modern name as Yorgân Ladik, and speaks of numerous fragments of ancient architecture sound there.—V. A city of Media, on the confines of Persia. (Pliny, 6, 26.)—VI. A city of Mesopotamia, near Seleucia. (Pliny, 4, 26.) LAoxodox, son of Ilus, king of Troy, married Strymo, the daughter of the Scamander, by whom he had Tithonus, Lampus, Clitius, Hicetacn, Podarces (afterward called Priam), and Hesione, together with two other daughters. He had also, by the nymph Calybe, a son named Bucolion. (Il., 6, 23.) The two deities Apollo y” Neptune, having been condemned by 4.

Jupiter to be subservient for one year to the will of Laomedon, contracted to build a wall around Troy for a stipulated sum. When, however, this labour was accomplished, Laomedon refused to pay the amount agreed on, and dismissed the two deities, threatening to cut off their ears. He even menaced to tie Apollo hand and foot, and transport him to the distant islands. (Il., 21,441.) To punish him, Apollo sent a pestilence, and Neptune a flood bearing a huge sea-monster, which carried off all the people to be found in the plain.—For the rest of his story, con sult the article Hesione. Laomedo NTEUs, an epithet applied to the Trojans from their king Laomedon. (Virg., AEm., 4, 542; 7, 105; 8, 18.) LaomedontiADAE, a patronymic given to the Trojans, from Laomedon their king. (Virg, Æn., 3,248.) LA phystiuM, a mountain in Boeotia, about twenty stadia to the north of Coronea, on which Jupiter had a temple, whence he was called Laphystius. It was here that Athamas prepared to immolate Phrixus and Helle, whom Jupiter saved by sending them a golden ram. (Pausan., 9, 34.) Lapithae, a tribe or people of Thessaly, whose contest with the Centaurs forms a conspicuous legend in classical mythology. (Vid. Centauri, where a full account is given.) LARA or LARUNDA, one of the Naiads, daughtel of the river Almon in Latium, famous for her beauty and her loquacity, which her parents long endeavour ed to correct, but in vain. She revealed to Juno the amours of her husband Jupiter with Juturna, for which the god cut off her tongue, and ordered Mercury to conduct her to the infernal regions. The god violated her by the way, and she became the mother of the Lares. (Vid. Lares.—Orid, Fast., 2, 585, seqq.) LAREs, gods of inferior power at Rome, of human origin, who presided over houses and families. There were various classes of them, such as Lares Urbani, to preside over the cities; Familiares, over houses; Rustici, over the country ; Compitales, over crossways ; Marini, over the sea; Viales, over the roads, &c. If we closely examine into the nature of the Penates and that of the Lares, we will readily perceive why the former have a higher rank assigned them in the hierarchy of the Genii than the latter. In fact, the Penates were originally gods; they were the powers of nature personified; powers, the wonderful and mysterious action of which produces and upholds whatever is necessary to life, to the common good, to the prosperity of individuals and families; whatever, in fine, the human species cannot bestow upon itself. The case is quite different with the Lares. These were originally human beings themselves; men like unto us, in every respect, who lived upon the earth, and who, becoming pure spirits after death, loved still to hover round the dwelling which they once inhabited, to watch over its safety, and to guard it with as much care as the faithful dog does the possessions of its master. Having once partaken of our mortal condition, they know the better from what quarter danger is wont to menace, and what assistance to render to those whose situation was once in every respect their own. They keep off, therefore, danger from without, while the Penates, residing in the interior of the dwelling, pour forth benefits upon its inmates with bountiful hands. The fundamental idea on which rests the doctrine of the Lares, is intimately connected with all the psychology and pneumatology of the ancient Italians. Accordin to Apuleius (De Genio Socrat., vol. 2, p. 237, ed. Bip.), the demons which once had inhabited, as souls, human bodies, were called Lemures: this name therefore designated, in general, the spirit separated from the body. Such a spirit, if it adopted its posterity; if it took possession, with favourable power, of the abode of its children, was called Lar so If, on the contrary, by reason of the faults committed in life, it found in the grave no resting-place, it appeared to men as a phantom ; inoffensive to the good, but terrible to the wicked. Its name was in that case Larva. (Festus, p. 200, ed. Dacier.—Bulenger, de Prodig., 4, 20. — Graev., Thes. Antiq. Rom., 5, p. 480, seqq.) As, however, there was no way of precisely ascertaining what had been the lot of a deceased person, whether he had become, for example, a Lar or a Larva, it was customary to give to the dead the general appellation of Manes. (Deus Manis.) Varro, in a more extended sense, if we credit Arnobius, regarded the Lares, at one time, as identical with the Manes, the tutelary genii of the living and the dead; at another time, as gods and heroes roaming in the air; and at another, again, as spirits or souls separated from bodies, as Lemures or Larvae. The mother of the Lares was called Lara or Larunda. (Arnobius, adv. Gent, 3, 41.-Macrob., Sat., 1, 7–Marini, gli Atti., 2, p. 373.) This conception of the Lares, as the souls of fathers and of forefathers, protectors of their children, and watching over the safety of their descendants, necessarily gave rise to the custom of burying the dead within the dwelling. (Serp., ad Virg., AEn., 5,64.—Id., ad AEm., 6, 152.—Isidor., Orig., 15, 11. —Zoega, de Obelisc., p. 269.) Men wished to have near them these tutelary genii, in order to be certain of their assistance and support. In process of time, however, this custom was prohibited at Rome by the laws of the Twelve Tables. (Cic, de Leg., 2, 23.) It was general in early Greece, and among the primitive population of Italy. (Plat., Min., p. 254, ed. Bekker.)—The meaning attached to the word Lar being of itself extremely general, had among the ancients different acceptations. (Compare Müller, de Diis Romanorum Laribus et Penatibus, p. 60.) Analogous to the demons (or genii) and heroes of the Greeks, the Lares, pure spirits, invisible masters and protectors, and everywhere present, limited, as little as the Penates, their domain to the domestic hearth. The Etrurians, and the Romans after them, had their Lares publici and Lares privati. (Hempel, de Diis Laribus, p. xxiv., seqq.) The Lares were supposed to assist at all gatherings together of men, at all public assemblies or reunions, in all transactions of men, in all the most important affairs of the state as well as of individuals. Born in the house, in the bosom of the family, the notion of Lares went forth by little and little; extended itself to the streets, to the public ways; above all, to the cross-roads, where the peril was greater for passengers, and where assistance was more immediately necessary. From this it extended itself to communities, to entire cities, and even to whole countries. Hence the numerous classes of the Lares and their various denominations, such as viales, ruales, compitales, grundiles, hostiles, &c. If each individual had his Lar, his genius, his guardian spirit, even the infant at the breast; so entire families, and whole races and nations, were equally under the protection of one of these tutelar deities. Here the Lares became in some degree confounded with the Heroes, that is, with the spirits of those who, having deserved well of their country while on earth, continued to watch over and protect it from that mansion in the skies to which their merits had exalted them. It would seem, too, that at times, the worship of these public Lares, like that of the public Penates, was not without some striking resemblance to that rendered to the great national divinities. The proof that the Lares were not always clearly distinguished from the gods, or, at least, were closely assimilated to the demons and heroes, is found in an ancient inscription: “The Lares, powerful in heaven” (Lares Coilo potentes), that is, most probably, inhabiting the region of the air, where they exercised their power. (Graev., Thes, 5, p. 686, seqq.—Spanheim, de Vesta, &c.)—

All that the house contained was confided to the superintending care of these vigilant genii: they were set as a watch over all things large and small, and hence the name of Praestites, which is sometimes given them. (Orid, Fast., 5, 128, 133.) Hence the dog was the natural symbol of the Lares; an image of this animal was placed by the side of their statues, or clise these were covered with the skin of a dog. (Creuzer, Comment. Herod., 1, p. 239.)—The ordinary altar on which sacrifices were offered to the Lares was the domestic hearth. The victims consisted of a hog (Horat., Od., 3, 23) or a fowl; sometimes, with the rich, of a young steer; to them were also presented the first of all the fruits of the season, and libations of wine were poured out. In all the family repasts, the first thing done was to cast a portion of all the viands into the fire that burned on the hearth, in honour of the Lares. In the form of marriage, called coèmtio, the bride always threw a piece of money on the hearth to the Lares of her family, and deposited another in the neighbouring cross-road, in order to obtain admission, as it were, into the dwelling of her husband. (Nom. Marc. de propr. Serm., c. 12, p. 784, ed. Gothofred.) Young persons, after their fifteenth year, consecrated to the Lares the bulla which they had worn from infancy. (Pers., Sat., 5, 31.) Soldiers, when their time of service was once ended, dedicated to these powerful genii the arms with which they had fought the battles of their country. (Orid, Trist., 4, 8, 21.) Captives and slaves restored to freedom consecrated to the Lares the fetters from which they had just been freed. (Horat., Sat., 1, 5.) Before undertaking a journey, or after a successful return, homage was paid to these deities, their protection was implored, or thanks were rendered for their guardian care. (Ovid, Trist., 1, 3, 33.-Müller, de Dils Rom. Lar. et Penat., p. 70.-Ev. Otto, de Diis vialibus, c. 9.) The new master of a house crowned the Lares, in order to render them propitious; a custom which was of the most universal nature, and which was perpetuated to the latest times. (Plaut., Trinum., 1, 2, 1.—Creuzer, Comment. Herod., 1, p. 235.) The proper place for worshipping the Lares, and where their images stood, was called Lararium, a sort of domestic chapel in the Atrium, where were also to be seen the images and busts of the family ancestors. The rich had often two Lararia, one large and the other small ; they had also “Masters of the Lares,” and “Decurios of the Lares,” namely, slaves specially charged with the care of these domestic chapels and the images of their divinities. As to the poor, their Lares had to be content with the simple hearth, where honours not less simple were paid to them. (For farther details respecting the Lararia, consult Guther, de Veteri jure Pontificio, 3, 10.-Graev., Thes, 5, p. 139.)—Certain public festivals were also celebrated in honour of the Lares, called Lararia and Compitalia. The period for their celebration sell in the month of December, a little after that of the Saturnalia. On this occasion the Lares were worshipped as propitious deities: hence these festivals were marked by a gay and joyful character, and thus formed a direct contrast to the gloomy Lemuria. The Compitalia, dedicated to the Lares Compitales, were celebrated in the open air, in the cross-roads (ubi via competunt, in compitis.-Dio. Hal., 4, 14.—Aul. Gell., N. A., 10, 24.—Siccama in Fastos Calend. Rom.—Grav., Thes., 8, p. 69, &c.); the day of their celebration was not fixed. They were introduced at Rome by Servius Tullius, who left to the senate the care of determining the period when they should be held. In early times, children were immolated to the goddess Mania, the mother, according to some, of the Lares, to propitiate her favour for the protection of the family. This barbarous rite was subsequently abolished, and little balls of wool were hung up in the stead of human offerings at the gates of dwellings. Macrobius (Sat., 1,7) informs us, that it was Junius Brutus who, after the expulsion of the Tarquins, introduced a new form of sacrifice, by virtue of which, heads of garlic and poppies were offered up in place of human heads, ut, pro capitibus, capitibus supplicaretur, in accordance with the oracle of Apollo. Every family, during these festivals, brought a cake for an offering; slaves enjoyed a perfect equality with their masters, as on the Saturnalia; and it was slaves, not free men, that assisted the priests in the sacrifices offered up on this occasion to the tutelary genii of the ways. (Dion. Hal.,4–Cic, ad Att., 7, 7.-Horat., Od., 3, 17, 14, and Mitscherlich, ad Horat., l.c.) In case of death in a family, a sacrifice of sheep was offered up to the family Lares. (Cic., de Leg., 2, 22, 55, where we must read, with Görenz, vervecibus.-Marini, Atti, &c., 1, p. 373.)—As regards the forms under which the Lares were represented, it may be observed, that it differed often but little from that of the Penates. Thus, on the coins of the Caesian family, they are represented as two young men, seated, their heads covered with helmets, and holding spears in their hands, while a dog watches at their feet. Sometimes, as we have already remarked, the heads of the Lares are represented as covered with, or their mantle as formed of, the skin of a dog. At other times we find the Lares resembling naked children, with the bulla hanging from the neck, and always accompanied by the attribute of the dog. (Creuzer, Symbolik, par Guigniaut, vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 416, seqq.) LARINUM, a town of Apulia, which appears to have belonged once to the Frentani, from the name of Larimates Frentani attached to its inhabitants by Pliny (3, 12). It was situate on the road which led from Picenum into Apulia. (Lit., 22, 18.) Its ruins, which are said to be considerable, occupy the site called Larina Vecchio. (Romanelli, vol. 3, p. 20.) LArissa, I. a town of Syria, on the western side of the Orontes, southeast of Apamea. It was either founded or else re-established by Seleucus Nicator. (Appian, B. Syr., c. 57.) Pliny calls the inhabitants Larissaei (5, 23). The city appears to have made no figure in history. Its true Oriental name would seem to have been Sizara, or something closely resembling it. Stephanus Byzantinus (s. v.) gives Sizara (Xi'apa) as the Syriac name of the place, and Abulfeda (Tab. Syr., p. 110) and other Arabian writers speak of a fortress in this quarter named Schaizar or Sjaizar. (Compare. Schultens, Index ad Vitam Saladini, s. v. Siajzarum)—II. A town of Lydia, in the Caystrian field, and territory of Ephesus. It had a famous temo of Apollo. Larissa was situate near Mount Tmous, 180 stadia from Ephesus, and 30 stadia from Tralles, on the northern side of the Messogis. The adjacent country produced very good wine. (Strabo, 620.) —III. A town on the coast of Troas, north of Colonae and Alexandrea Troas. Whether it is the same with the place assigned by Homer to the Pelasgi (Il., 2, 841) is uncertain. Strabo, however, decides in favour of the Larissa below Cumae. (Mannert, Geogr., vol.

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nor, to the southeast of Cyme, and on the northern' bank of the Hermus. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 6, pt. 3, p. 394.) It is supposed by Strabo to have been the same with the Larissa mentioned by Homer (Il., 2, 841), and was called by the AEolians, after it was taken by them from the Pelasgi, Phriconis, for distinction' sake from the other Larissas. Cyme was also named Phriconis. (Straho, 621.) Another appellation given to the place was Larissa AEgyptiaca, because it was said to have been one of the towns which Cyrus the elder gave to the Egyptians who had come over to him from the army of Croesus. (Xen, Cyrop., 7, 1, 45.-Compare Hist. Gr, 3, 1, 7.) In Strabo's time the place was uninhabited.—W. A city of Assy

ria, on the banks of the Tigris. The ten thousand found it deserted and in ruins. Xenophon states that it had been once inhabited by the Medes. (Anab., 3, 4, 7.) Bochart (Geogr. Sacr., 4, 23) considers it identical with the city mentioned in Genesis (10, 12) under the name of Resen; but Michaelis opposes this. (Spicileg. Geogr. Hebr., vol. 1, p. 247)—VI. An ancient and flourishing city of Thessaly, on the river Peneus, to the northeast of Pharsalus. It is not mentioned by Homer, unless, indeed, the Argos Pelasgicum of the poet is to be identified with it (Il., 2,681), and this notion would not be entirely groundless if, as Strabo (440) informs us, there was once a city named Argos close to Larissa. The same geographer has enumerated all the ancient towns of the latter name, and we may collect from his researches that it was peculiar to the Pelasgi, since all the countries in which it was found had at different periods been occupied by that people. (Compare Dion. Hal., 1, 21.) This city was placed in that most fertile part of the province which had been occupied by the Perrhaebi, who were partly expelled by Larissaans, while the rest were kept in close subjection, and rendered tributary. According to Aristotle, the constitution of this city was democratical. Its magistrates were elected by the people, and considered themselves as dependant on their favour. (Aristot, de Rep., 5, 6.) This fact will account for the support which the Athenians derived from the republic of Larissa during the Peloponnesian war. (Thucyd., 2, 32.) The Aleuada, mentioned by Herodotus as princes of Thessaly at the time of the Persian invasion, were natives of this city. (Herod., 9, 58.) Diodorus Siculus (16, 61) informs us, that the citadel of Larissa was a place of great strength. Though the territory of this city was rich and fertile, it was subject to great losses, caused by the inundations of the Peneus. (Straho, 440.-Plin., 4, 8.-Hierocl., Synecdem., p. 642.) Dr. Clarke states that he could discover no ruins at Larissa, which still retains the ancient name; but that the inhabitants gave the name of Old Larissa to a Palæo Castro, which is situated upon some very high rocks, at four hours' distance towards the east (vol. 7, p. 339). Dr. Holland and Mr. Dodwell are, however, of opinion, that the modern Larissa stands upon the remains of the ancient city. (Holland's Travels, p. 390.—Dodwell's Tour, yol. 2, p. 100—Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 385, seqq.)—VII. Cremaste, so called from the steepness of its situation, a city of Thessaly in the district Phthiotis, and south of Phthiotic Thebe. It lay in the domains of Achilles, and it is probably from that circumstance that Virgil gives him the title of Larissaus, unless this epithet is a general one for Thessalicus. Dodwell thought he discovered the ruins of this place at about three quarters of an hour's distance from the village of Gradista (vol. 2, p. 81.-Compare Gell's Itinerary of Greece, p. 252)—VIII. An old town of the Pelásgi in Attica, near Mount Hymettus. Some ruins, indicative of the site of an ancient town near the monastery of Syriani, at the foot of Mount Trelo Wouni, have been thought to correspond with this ancient Pelasgic settlement. (Strabo, 440.)—IX. A town on the confines of Elis and Achaia. (Xen., Hist. Gr., 3, 2, 17.)—X. The acropolis of Argos, deriving its name, as was said, from Larissa, daughter of Pelasgus. It was also called Aspis. (Plut. Wit. Cleom. Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 3, p. 244.) Lariss AEus, an epithet applied by Virgil (Æm., 2, 197: 11, 404) to Achilles, either with reference to the town of Larissa Cremaste, which lay within his dominions (vid. Larissa VII.), or as equivalent generally to Thessalicus. Heyne prefers the latter interpretation (ad AEm., 2, 197). Larissus, a river of Achaia, forming the line of sep: aration between that country and Elis. (Pausan, 7, 17. –Plin., 4, 5.) Strabo informs us % it flowed ignates by the name of “Olenian rock.” (Strabo, 387.) The modern name of this river is Russo or Mana. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 3, p. 73.)

from Mount Scollis, which Homer (Il., 11, 757) des- in the temple of Diana on the Aventine, for themselves

LARíos, Lacus, a lake of Cisalpine Gaul, north of The name Larius is supposed to have been of Etrurian ori

the Padus, and east of the Lacus Verbanus.

gin. Whatever truth, however, there may have been in this conjecture, there is no mention of the name prior to the time of Polybius, who, as Strabo (209) reports, estimated its length at 300 stadia and its breadth at 30, or 38 miles by 4. Servius says that Cato reckoned 60 miles from one extremity to the other, and the real distance, including the Lake of Chiavenna, is not short of that measurement; so that Virgil (Georg., 2, 159) seems justified in saying, “Anne lacus tantos ? te Lari maxime—” The younger Pliny had two villas on this lake, which he describes (Epist., 9, 7). The one which he calls his Tragedy stood probably at Bellagio, as from thence the view extends over both arms of the lake. The intermitting fountain, of which he gives an account (4, 20), still exists under the name of Pliniana. This lake receives the Addua or Adda, which again emerges from it, and pursues its course to the Po. The modern name is Lago di Como, from the modern Como, the ancient Comum. The surrounding country is highly picturesque, being covered with vineyards, interspersed with beautiful villas, and skirted by lofty mountains. A headland, running boldly into the lake at its southern end, causes it to branch off into two arms, at the extremity of the western one of which the town of Como is situate. LARs or LARTEs Tolu MNius, a king of the Veientes, slain in battle by Cornelius Cossus. (Wid. Spolia Opima.—Liv., 4, 17.—Id., 4, 19.) LARtius Florus, I. T., a consul, who appeased a sedition raised by the poorer citizens, and was the first dictator ever chosen at Rome, B.C. 49S. (Liv., 2, 18.)—II. Spurius, one of the three Roßns who withstood the fury of Porsenna's army at tile head of a bridge while the communication was cutting down behind them. His companions were Cocles and Herminius. (Vid. Cocles.—Liv., 2, 10, 18.—Dionys. H. —Val. Maz., 3, 2.) LAR v AE, a name given to the wicked spirits and apparitions which, according to the notions of the Romans, issued from their graves in the night, and came to terrify the world. ticle Lares.) Lasus, a celebrated dithyrambic poet, born at Hermione in Argolis, and, according to some authorities, the instructer of Pindar. (Thom. Mag., Wit. Pind.) He was contemporary with Simonides (Aristoph., Vesp., 1401–Schol, Vesp., 1402), and flourished in the reign of Hipparchus at Athens (Herod., 7, 6), and in the reign of Darius. (Schol., Vesp., 1401.) He was the first that introduced the dithyrambic measure into the celebrations at the Olympic games. The poet Archilochus, however, who was much older than Lasus, uses the word Dithyrambus in two verses cited by Athenaeus (p. 628), so that Lasus could not have been the inventor of this species of measure. (Bentley, Diss. on Phalaris, p. 254, ed. 1816.) LATINAE FERIAE, or Latin Holydays, a festival among the Romans. It was originally the solemn meeting of the cantons of Latium, and afterward, on the overthrow of the Latin republic, was converted into a Roman celebration. At first the Romans took part in it, as members of the Latin confederacy, into which they had entered by virtue of an old treaty, made A.U.C. 261, which placed the thirty cities of Latium on a perfect equality with the Romans. The place for holding the festival was the Alban Mount; and, so long as Latium had a dictator, none but he could offer a sacrifice there, and preside at the holydays. He sacrificed on behalf of the Romans likewise, as they did

(Consult remarks under the ar

and the Latins. Tarquinius Priscus assumed the presidency on the Alban Mount, as it was subsequently exercised by the chief magistrates of Rome, after the dissolution of the Latin state; but the opinion that Tarquinius instituted the festival is quite erroneous, as its antiquity is proved to have been far higher. Like the Greek festivals, this Latin one ensured a sacred truce. It lasted four days. The consuls always celebrated the Latin Holydays before they set out to their provinces; and if they had not been rightly performed, or if anything had been omitted, it was necessary that they should be repeated. (Consult on this whole subject Niebuhr, Rom. Hist., vol. 2, p. 16, seqq., Eng. transl.) Latini, the inhabitants of Latium. (Wid. Latium.) Latinus, I. a son of Faunus by Marica, king of the Aborigines in Italy, who from him were called Latini. He married Amata, by whom he had a son and a daughter. The son died in his infancy, and the daughter, called Lavinia, was secretly promised in marriage by her mother to Turnus, king of the Rutuli, one of her most powerful admirers. The gods opposed this union, and the oracles declared that Lavinia must become the wife of a foreign prince. The arrival of Æneas in Italy seemed favourable to the realization of this prediction, and Latinus was prompted to become the friend and ally of the Trojan prince, and to offer him his daughter in marriage. Turnus, upon this, declared war against the king and AEneas, but lost his life in battle by the hand of the latter, who thereupon received Lavinia as his spouse. Latinus died soon after, and AFneas succeeded him on the throne of Latium. So says the fabulous legend. (Vid. A neas.—Virg., AEn., 9, &c.—Ovid, Met., 13, &c.; Fast., 2, &c.—Dion. Hal., 1, 13. – Liv., 1, 1, &c.—Justin, 43, 1.)—II. A son of Sylvius AEneas, surnamed also Sylvius. He was the fifth king of the Latins, and succeeded his father. (Dion. Hal., 1, 15.) LATIUM, a country of Italy, lying south of Etruria, from which it was separated by the Tiber.—The earliest records of Italian history, as we are assured by Dionysius of Halicarnassus (1, 9), represented the plains of Latium as first inhabited by the Siculi, a people of obscure origin, but who would be entitled to our notice from the circumstance above mentioned, even had they not acquired additional historical importance from their subsequent migration to the celebrated island from them named Sicily. (Wid. Siculi.) Ancient writers do not seem agreed as to the name of the people who compelled the Siculi to abandon Latium. Dionysius informs us, that Philistus ascribed their expulsion to the Umbri and Pelasgi. Thucydides refers the same event to the Opici; while Antiochus of Syracuse, a still more ancient writer, represents the Siculi as flying from the OEnotri. Notwithstanding this apparent discrepance, it is pretty evident, that under these different names of Umbri, Opici, and OEnotri, the same people are designated whom Dionysius and the Roman historians usually term Aborigines. (Ant. Rom., 1, 10) The Aborigines, intermixing with several Pelasgic colonies, occupied Latium, and soon formed themselves into the several communities of Latini, Rutuli, Hernici, and Wolsci, even prior to the Trojan war and the supposed arrival of Æneas.-The name of Prisci Latini was first given to certain cities of Latium, supposed to have been colonized by Latinus Sylvius, one of the kings of Alba, but most of which were afterward conquered and destroyed by Ancus Marcius and Tarquinius Priscus. (Lir., 1, 3.) In the reign of Tarquinius Superbus we find the Latin nation united under the form of a confederate republic, and acknowledging that ambitious prince as the protector of their league. (Lir., 1, 50.) After the expulsion of the tyrant from Rome, we are told that the Latins, who favoured his cause, experienced a total defeat near the Lake Regillus, and were obliged to sue for peace. (Dion. Hal., 6, 18.) According to this historian, the Latins received the thanks of the Roman senate, some years afterward, for having taken no advantage of the disturbances at Rome, which finally led to the secession of the people to Mons Sacer, and for having, on the contrary, offered every assistance in their power on that occasion; he adds also that a perpetual league was formed at that time between the Romans and the Latins. However, about 143 years afterward, we find the latter openly rebelling, and refusing to supply the usual quota of troops which they had agreed to furnish as allies of Rome. Their bold demand, which was urged through L. Annius Setinus, in the Roman senate, that one of the consuls at least should be chosen out of their nation, led to an open rupture. A war followed, which was rendered remarkable from the circumstances of the execution of the young Manlius by order of his father, and the devotion of Decius. After having been defeated in several encounters, the Latins were reduced to subjection, with the exception of a few towns, which experienced greater lenity, and Latium thenceforth ceased to be an independent state. (Liv., 8, 14.—Plin, 34, 5.) At that time the rights of Roman citizens had been granted to a few only of the Latin cities; but at a later period the Gracchi sought to level all such distinctions between the Latins and the Romans. This measure, however, was not carried. The Social war followed; and though the confederates were finally conquered, after a long, and desperate contest, the senate thought it advisable to decree, that all the Latin cities which had not taken part with the allies should enjoy the rights of Roman citizens. Many of these towns were, however, deprived of their privileges by Sylla; and it was not till the close of the republic that the Latins were admitted generally to participate in all the rights and immunities enjoyed by the Quirites. (Suet., Vit. Jul., 8.-Ascon., Ped. in Pis., p. 490–On the Jus Latii and Jus Italicum, consult Lipsius, ad Tacit., Ann., 11, 24. Panpin., Comm. Rep. Rom., 3, p. 329. —Spanheim, Orb. Rom., 1, 16.)—The name of Latium was at first given to that portion of Italy only which extends from the mouth of the Tiber to the Circaean promontory, a distance of about 50 miles along the coast; but subsequently this latter boundary was removed to the river Liris, whence arose the distinction of Latium Antiquum and Norum. (Strabo, 231. — Plin., 3, 5.) At a still later period, the southern boundary of Latium was extended from the Liris to the mouth of the river Vulturnus and the Massic hills. (Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 2, p. 1, seqq.) Latous, a mountain of Caria, near Miletus. It was famous as having been the scene of the fable of Endymion. (Vid. Endymion.) In the vicinity of this mountain stood the city of Heraclea, commonly termed ‘Hoàkžeta à dro AaTuoi, “Heraclea below, or at the foot of, Latmus.” The mountain gave to the adjacent bay the name of Latmicus Sinus. (Mela, 1, 17–Plin., 5, 29.) Latobriqi, a people of Belgic Gaul, in the vicinity of the Tulingi, Rauraci, and Helvetii, whose country lay on the banks of the Rhine, about 90 miles to the west of the Lacus Brigantinus, or Lake of Constance. If they are the nation called by Ptolemy Latobici, they must have changed their settlements before that geographer wrote, as he includes their territories in Pannonia near Noricum. (Caes., B. G., 1, 2. —Id. ib., 3, 1.) Latomize. Vid. Lautumiae. LatóNA (in Greek Léto), was the daughter of the Titans Coeus and Phoebe. In Homer she appears as one of the wives of Jupiter, and there occur no traces of enmity between her and Juno. (Il., 21, 499.) Later poets, however, fable much about the persecution she underwent from that goddess, an account of

which will be found near the commencement of the article Apollo. Her children by Jupiter were Apollo and Diana. —While wandering from place to place with her offspring, Latona, says a legend most prettily told by Ovid (Metamorph., 6,313, seqq.), arrived in Lycia. The sun was shining fiercely, and the goddess was parched with thirst. She saw a pool and knelt down at it to drink. Some clowns, who were there cutting sedge and rushes, refused to allow her to slake her thirst. In vain the goddess entreated, representing that water was common to all, and appealing to their compassion for her babes. The brutes were insensible: they not only mocked at her distress, but jumped into and muddied the water. The goddess, though the most gentle of her race, was roused to indignation: she raised her hand to heaven, and cried, “May you live for ever in that pool " Her wish was instantly accomplished, and the churls were turned into frogs.-Niobe, the daughter of Tantalus and wife of Amphion, proud of her numerous offspring, ventured to set herself before Latona; the offended goddess called upon her children, Apollo and Diana, and soon Niobe was, by the arrows of those deities, made a childless mother, and became stiffened into stone with grief. (Vid. Niobe.)—Tityus, the son of Earth, or of Jupiter and Elara, happened to see Latona one time as she was going to Delphi (Pytho). Inflamed with love, he attempted to offer her violence. The goddess called her children to her aid, and he soon lay slain by their arrows. His punishment did not cease with life, but vultures preyed upon his liver in Erebus. (Vid. Tityus)—The Greeks personified night under the title of AHTQ or Latona, and BAYBQ; the one signifying oblivion, and the other sleep or quietude (Plutarch, ap. Euseb., Praep. Evang, 3, 1. —Hesych., s. v. Bauto); both of which were meant to express the unmoved tranquillity prevailing through the infinite variety of unknown darkness that preceded the creation or first emanation of light. Hence she was said to have been the first wife of Jupiter (Odyss., 11, 579), the mother of Apollo and Diana, or the sun and moon, and the nurse of the earth and the stars. The Egyptians differed a little from the Greeks, and supposed her to be the nurse and grandmother of Horus and Bubastis, their Apollo and Diana (Herod., 2,

156), in which they agree more exactly with the an

cient naturalists, who held that heat was nourished by the humidity of night. (Macrob, Sat., 1, 23.) Her symbol was the Mygale or Mus Araneus, anciently supposed to be blind (Plut., Sympos., 4, p. 670. — Anton., Liberal. Fab., 28); but she is usually repre

sented upon the monuments of ancient art under the

form of a large and comely woman, with a veil upon her head. This veil, in painting, was always black : and in gems the artists generally availed themselves of a dark-coloured vein in the stone to express it; it being the same as that which was usually thrown over the symbol of the generative attribute to signify the nutritive power of night fostering the productive power of the pervading spirit; whence Priapus is called in the poets black-cloaked. (Mosch, Epitaph. Bion., 27.) The veil is often stellated. (Knight, Inquiry into the Symb. Lang, &c., § 87.—Class. Journ., vol. 24, p. 214.) Latopolis, a city of Egypt in the Thebaid, between Thebes and Apollinopolis Magna. It derived its Greek name from the fish Latos worshipped there, which was regarded as the largest of all the fishes of the Nile. (Athenaeus, 7, 17–Strabo, 816.) The later writers drop the term Tóżto (polis), and call the place merely Laton (Aárov, Hierocles), and therefore, in the Itin. Anton. and Notitia Imperii, the ablative form Lato occurs. The modern Esme occupies the site of Latopolis, and is an important place in the caravan trade from Darfur and the more southern regions. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 10, pt. 1, p. 331.)

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