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accustomed to write under the influence of wine; and in confirmation of which Lucian (Demoso. Encom.— ed. Bp.–vol. 9, p. 144) cites the authority of Callisthenes, and Athenaeus (10, 33) that of Chameleon. The inspiration of Bacchus, in such a case, can mean nothing more than the true inspiration of poetry. (Mohnke, Litt. der Gr. und Rom., vol. 1, p. 359.) At the age of twenty-five, AEschylus made his first

ublic attempt as a tragic author, in the 70th Olympiad,

.C. 499. (Suid. in Alox—Clinton's Fasti Hellenici, p. 21, 2d ed.) The next notice which we have of him is in the third year of the 72d Olympiad, B.C. 490, when, along with his two celebrated brothers Cynaegirus and Aminias, he was graced at Marathon with the praises due to pre-eminent bravery, being then in his 35th year. (Marm. Arund, No. 49–Vit. Anonym.) Six years after that memorable battle, he gained his first tragic victory. Four years after this was fought the battle of Salamis, in which AEschylus took part with his brother Aminias, to whose extraordinary valour the apua Teia were decreed. (Herod., 8, 93.--Eluan, War. Hist., 5, 19 ) In the following year he served in the Athenian troops at Plataea. Eight years afterward (Argument. ad Pers.) he gained the prize with a tetralogy, composed of the Persa, the Phineus, the Glaucus Potnicnsis, and the Prometheus Igniser, a satyric drama (or, to give their Greek titles, the IIápoat, bureto, TŽaikoç IIotvweig, and IIpountric Tupoffpoc). The latter part of the poet's life is involved in much obscurity. (Compare Blomfield, ad Pers. praef, p. xxii.-Id. ad Arg, in Agamem., p. xix. et xx.-Bockh, de Graec. Trag. Princip., c. 4, seqq.) That he quitted Athens and died in Sicily, is agreed on all hands, but the time and cause of his departure are points of doubt and conjecture. It seems that Æschylus had laid himself open to a charge of profanation, by too boldly introducing on the stage something connected with the mysteries. According to Clemens Alexandrinus, he was tried and acquitted of the charge (Év 'Apeso, Táyo Kpuffeic, oftwo doeiath, ēttöeišac at Tov His usuviuévow.—Clem. Aler, Stron., 2). The more romantic narrative of Ælian (Var. Hist., 5, 19) informs us, that the Athenians stood ready to stone him to death, when his brother Aminias, who interceded for him, dexterously dropped his robe and showed the stump of his own arm lost at the battle of Salamis. This act of fraternal affection and presence of mind had the desired effect on the quick and impulsive temper of the Athenians, and Æschylus was pardoned. But the peril which he had encountered, the dread of a multitude ever merciless in their superstitions, indignation at the treatment which he had received, joined, in all likelihood, to feelings of vexation and jealousy at witnessing the preference occasionally given to young and aspiring rivals, were motives sufficiently powerful to induce the proud-spirited poet to abandon his native city, and scek a retreat in the court of the munificent and literary Hiero, prince of Syracuse. (Wit. Anonym.— Pausan., 1, 2–Plut. de Eril., Op., vol. 8, p. 385, ed. Reiske.) This must have been before the second year of the 78th Olympiad, B.C. 467, for in that year Hiero died. The author of the anonymous life of AEschylus, which has come down to us, mentions, among other reasons for his voluntary banishment, a victory obtained

This account, if true, shows that his

over him by Simonides, in an elegiac contest; and,

what is more probable, the success of Sophocles, who carried off from him the tragic prize, according to the common account, in the 78th Olympiad, B.C. 468. Plutarch, in his life of Cimon, confirms the latter statement. If so, 42schylus could not have been more than a year in Sicily before Hiero's death. The coinmon account, relative to the cause which drove the poet from his country, is grounded upon an obscure allusion in Aristotle's Ethics, explained by Clemens Alexandrinus and Ælian. In Sicily, loschylus composed a drama, entitled Ætna, to gratify his royal host, who had recently founded a city of that name. During the remainder of his life, it is doubtful whether he ever returned to Athens. If he did not, those pieces of his, which were composed in the interval, might be exhibited on the Athenian stage under the care of some friend or relation, as was not unfrequently the case. Among these dramas was the Orestean tetralogy (Argument. ad Agamem.—Schol. ad Aristoph. Ran., 1155), which won the prize in the second year of the 80th Olympiad, B.C. 458, two years before his death. At any rate, his residence in Sicily must have been of considerable length, as it was sufficient to affect the purity of his language. We are told by Athenaeus, that many Sicilian words are to be found in his later plays. AEschylus certainly has some Sicilian forms in his extant dramas: thus Teóapaloc, Tedaiautoi, Teddopot, usiadow, uti, &c., for utrāpavog, uttaixuto, ueréopot, usičov, u)Top, &c. (Comp. Blomficid, Prom. Vinct., 277, Gloss., and Böckh, de Trag. Gratc., c. 5.) The poet died at Gela, in the 69th year of his age, in the 81st Olympiad, B.C. 456. His death, if the common accounts be true, was of a most singular nature. Sitting motionless, in silence and meditation, in the fields, his head, now bald, was mistaken for a stone by an eagle, which happened to be flying over him with a tortoise in her claws. The bird dropped the tortoise to break the shell; and the poet was killed by the blow. It is more than probable, however, that this statement is purely fabulous, and that it was invented in order to meet a supposed prophecy, that he would receive his death from on high. The Geloans, to show their respect for so illustrious a sojourner, interred him with much pomp in the public cemetery.—Aoschylus is said to have composed seventy dramas, of which five were satyric, and to have been thirteen times victor. The account of Pausanias, however, would almost imply a larger proportion of satyric dramas. In fact, considerable discrepance exists respecting the number of plays ascribed to AEschylus. Only seven of his tragedies remain, together with fragments of others preserved in the citations of the grammarians, and two epigrams in the Anthology. The titles of the dramas which have reached us are as follows: 1. Ilpountric ôeauðrmo (Prometheus Vinctus). 2. ‘ETTú $7, 976ac (Septem contra Thebas). 3. IIápaat (Persa). 4. 'Ayaučuvov (Agamemnon). 5. Xompápot (Choēphora). 6. Eiuéviće (Eumenides). , 7. 'Ikétudes (Supplices). A short account of each of these will be given towards the close of the present article. This great dramatist was the author of the fifth form of tragedy. (Wid. Theatrum.) He added a second actor to the locutor of Thespis and Phrynichus, and thus introduced the dialogue. He abridged the immoderate length of the choral odes, making them more subservient to the main interest of the plot, and expanded the short episodes into scenes of competent extent. To these improvements in the economy of the drama, he added the decorations of art in its exhibition. A regular stage (Vitruv. Praef, lib. 7), with appropriate scenery, was erected; the actors were furnished with becoming dresses, and raised to the stature of the heroes represented by the thick-soled cothurnus (Horat., Ep. ad Pis., 280); while the face was brought to the heroic cast by a mask of proportionate size and strongly. marked character, which was also so contrived as to give power and distinctness to the voice. He paid great attention to the choral dances, and invented several figure-dances himself. Among his other improvements, is mentioned the introduction of a practice, which subsequently became established as a fixed and essential rule, the removal of all deeds of bloodshed and murder from the public view (Philostr., Vit. Apollon., 6, 11), a rule only violated on one occasion, namely, by Sophocles in his play of the Ajax. In short, so many and so important were the alterations and additions of AEschylus, that he was considered by the Athenians as the Father of Tragedy (Philostr., l. c.), and, as a mark of distinguished honour paid to his merits, they passed a decree, after his death, that a chorus should be allowed to any poet who chose to re-exhibit the dramas of AEschylus. (Philostr., l.c.) Aristophanes alludes to this custom of re-exhibiting the plays of Æschylus in the opening of the Acharnians (v. 9, seqq.). Quintilian, however (10, 1), assigns a very different reason for this practice, and makes it to have been adopted for the purpose of presenting these dramas in a more correct form than that in which they were left by the author himself. What authority he had for such an assertion, does not now appear. In philosophical sentiments, 4.schylus is said to have been a Pythagorean. (Cic. Tusc. Disp., 2, 9.) In his extant dramas the tenets of this sect may occasionally be traced ; as, deep veneration in what concerns the gods (Agamem., 371), high regard for the sanctity of an oath and the nuptial bond (Eumen, 217), the immortality of the soul (Choēph., 321), the origin of names from imposition and not from nature (Agamen., 682–Prom. Vinct., 84, 742), the importance of numbers (Prom. Vinct., 468), the science of physiognomy (Agamem., 797), the sacred character of suppliants (Suppl., 351–Eumen, 233), &c. AEschylus, observes Schlegel (Dram Lit., p. 135, seqq.), must be considered as the creator of tragedy; it sprang forth from his head in complete armour, like Minerva from the brain of Jove. He clothed it as became its dignity, and not only instructed the chorus in the song and the dance, but came forward himself as an actor. (Athenaeus, 1, 22.) He sketches characters with a few bold and

wersul strokes. His plots are extremely simple. o. had not yet arrived at the art of splitting an action into parts numerous and rich, and distributing their complication and denouement into well-proportioned steps. IIence in his writings there often arises a ces. sation of action, which he makes us feel still more by his unreasonably long choruses. But, on the other hand, all his poetry displays a lofty and grave disposition. No soft emotions, but terror alone remains in him; the head of Medusa is held up before the petrified spectators. His method of considering destiny is extremely harsh; it hovers over mortals in all its gloomy magnificence. The buskin of Æschylus has, as it were, the weight of brass; on it none but gigantic forms stalk before us. It almost seems to cost him an effort to paint mere men; he frequently brings gods on the stage, particularly the Titans, those ancient deities who shadow forth the dark primeval powers of nature, and who had long been driven into Tartarus, beneath a world governed in tranquillity. In conformity with the standard of his dramatis personae, he secks to swell out the language which they employ to a colossal size; hence there arise rugged compound words, an over-multitude of epithets, and often an extreme intricacy of syntax in the choruses, which is the rause of great obscurity. He is similar to Dante and Shakspeare in the peculiar strangeness of his imaginalions and expressions, yet these images are not deficient in that terrible grace which the ancients particularly praise in-Eschylus. The poet flourished exactly when the freedom of Greece, rescued from its enemies, was in its ** with a consciousness of which he

seems to be proudly penetrated. He had lived to be an eyewitness of the greatest and most glorious event of which Greece could boast, the defeat and destruction of the enormous hosts of the Persians under Darius and Xerxes, and had sought with distinguished valour in the combats of Marathon and Salamis. In the Persar, and the Seren against Thebes, he pours forth a warlike strain; the personal inclination of the poet for the life of a hero beams forth in a manner which cannot be mistaken. The tragedies of Æschylus are, on the whole, one proof among many, that in art, as in nature, gigantic proportions precede those of the ordinar

standard, which then grow less and less, till they o: meanness and insignificance; and also that poetry, on its first appearance, is always next to religion in estimation, whatever form the latter may take among the race of men then existing. The tragic style of Æschylus is far from perfect (compare Porson, Praclect. in Eurip, p. 6), and frequently deviates into the Epic and the Lyric, elements not qualified to harmonize with the drama. He is often abrupt, disproportioned, and harsh. It was very possible that more skilful tragic writers might compose after him, but he must always remain unsurpassed in his almost superhuman vastness, since even Sophocles, his more fortunate and more youthful rival, could not equal him in this The latter uttered a sentiment concerning him by which he showed himself to have reflected on the art in which he excelled. “AEschylus does what is right, but without knowing it.” Simple words, which, however, exhaust all that we understand by a genius which produces its effects unconsciously. (Theatre of the Greeks, p. 114, scqq., 2d ed.)—It only remains to give a brief account of the tragedies of AEschylus which have reached us entire. 1. IIpountleig óeguáTmc (“Prometheus in chains”). All the personages of this tragedy are divinities, and yet the piece, notwithstanding, carries with it an air of general interest. for it involves the well-being of the human race. The subject is Prometheus, punished for having been the benefactor of men in stealing for them the fire from the skies; or, to express the same idea in a moral point of view, it is strength and decision of character struggling against injustice and adversity. In this drama, which stands alone of its kind, we recognise, amid strength and sublimity of conception, a wild and untutored daring, which betrays the rudeness of early tragedy, and the infancy of the art. The scenery is awfully terrific : the lonely rock frowning over the waves, the stern and imperious sons of Pallas and Styx holding up Prometheus to its risted side while Vulcan fixes his chains, Oceanus on his hippogriff, the sury of the whirlwind, the pealing thunder, and Prometheus himself undismayed amid the warfare of the elements, and bidding defiance even to the monarch of the skies, present a picture pregnant with fearful interest, and worthy the genius of . Eschylus. This drama was translated into Latin by the poet Attius, some fragments of whose version are preserved for us by Cicero (Tusc. Quast., 2, 10). The question relative to the remaining pieces of the Tetralogy, of which this play formed a part, may be seen discussed in Schütz's edition of Æschylus (vol. 5, p. 120, seqq.).2. 'ETrà & Ti (), sac (“The Seven Chiefs against Thebes”). The subject of the piece is the siege of Thebes, by the seven confederate chieftains, who had espoused the cause of Polynices against his brother Eteocles. It is said that Joschylus particularly valued himself on this tragedy, and certainly not without reason, both as regards the animation of the scenes that are portrayed, the sublimity of the dialogue, and the strong delineations of character which it contains. This drama has the additional marit of having given birth to the Antigone of Sophocles, the Phoenissa of Euripides, and the Thebaid of Statius. Besides the Siege of Thebes, Æschylus wrote three * also on the events which preceded it, viz., the “Laius," the “OEdipus,” and the “Sphinx.” Some critics, however, make the last to have been a satyric drama.–3. II opaqt (“The Persians”). This piece is so called because the chorus is composed of aged Persians. The subject is purely an historical one: it is the defeat of the naval armament of Xerxes. This play was performed eight years after the battle of Salamis, and it has been considered by some a defect that so recent an event should have been represented on the stage. But, as Racine has remarked in the preface to Bajazet, distance of place supplies the want of distance of time. The scene is laid at Susa, before the ancient structure appropriated to the great council of state, and near the tomb of Darius. The shade of this monarch comes forth from the sepulchre, for the purpose of counselling Xerxes to cease from the war against a people whom the gods protect. The piece contains great beauties; every instant the trouble of the Persians increases, and the interest augments. By some it has been supposed to have been written with a political intent, the poet endeavouring, by an animated description of the pernicious effects of an obstinate pride, and by filling the spectators with a malignant compassion for the vanquished Xerxes, indirectly disposing them to break off the war which Themistocles wished to prolong. — 4. 'Ayaupovan, (“Agamemnon"). This prince, returning from the siege of Troy with his female captive Cassandra, is as: sassinated by Clytemnestra and AF’gisthus. The part of Cassandra, who predicts the woes that are about to fall upon the house of Agamemnon, forms the chief interest of the piece, and is one of the finest that has ever been conceived. The confimencement of this tragedy is somewhat languid, but as the play proceeds all is movement and feeling.—5. Xomopol (“The Choēphorae”). This drama is so entitled, because the chorus, composed of female Trojan captives, slaves of Clytemnestra, are charged with the office of bringing the liquor for making libations at the tomb of Agamem. non (toff, a libation, and opa, to bring). The subject of the piece is Orestes avenging the death of Agamemnon on Clytemnestra and her paramour. When this horrible deed has been accomplished, the parricide is delivcred over to the Furies, who disturb his reason. “The spirit of Æschylus,” observes Potter, “shines through this tragedy; but a certain softening of grief hangs over it, and gives it an air of solemn magnificence.” The characters of Orestes and Electra are finely supported.—6. Eiuévićeg (“The Eumenides,” or “Furies”). This play derives its name from the circumstance of the chorus being composed of Furies who pursue Orestes. The latter pleads his cause before the Areopagus, and is acquitted by the vote of Minerva. This drama is remarkable for its violation of the unity of place, the scene being first laid at Delphi and afterward at Athens. Müller has written a very able work on the scope and châracter of this production, in which he discusses incidentally some of the most important points connected with the Greek drama. As regards the object which the poet had in view when composing the piece, he considers it to be a political one. Æschylus was a zealous partisan of Aristides, and opponent of Themistocles, and evident symptoms of this partiality are to be found in some of his plays. As an Athenian citizen and patriot, the poet on every occasion recommends to his countrymen temperance and moderation in their enjoyment of democratic liberty, and in their ambitious schemes against the rest of Greece. The party of Themistocles had made themselves obnoxious, in these respects, to the patriotic feelings of Æschylus ; and a demagogue named Ephialtes, having attacked the authority of the venerable court of the Areopagus, the poet in this play of the Eumenides appeared in its defence, and strove to save this excellent institution, though ineffectually,

from the levelling doctrines of the day. Pollux informs us, that the tragic chorus, up to the time when this play was first represented, consisted of fifty persons, but that the terror occasioned by a chorus of fifty furies caused a law to be passed, fixing the tragic chorus, for the time to come, at fifteen, and the comic chorus at twenty-four. (Iul. Pol. 4, 110) Pollux evidently is in error here. The number of choreuta, for the whole . tetralogy consisted of fifty (originally, as Müller thinks, of forty-eight), and these choreuta, it was the poet's business to distribute into choruscs for the individual tragedies and satyric drama composing the tetralogy. Pollux, therefore, in all probability, misconceived something which he had learned relative to the number of choreuta for the whole tetralogy, of which number at least three fourths were on the stage at the end of the Eumenides But this was done in order to afford the people a splendid and expressive spectacle; neither were the choreutae thus combined all habited as furics. (Muller, Eumenides, p 52, seqq.)—With regard to the number of the tragic chorus in each particular play, it may be remarked, that Sophocles first brought in fisteen, the previous number having been twelve, and that Æschylus employed only twelve in more than one of his dramas, although in others very possibly he adopted the number so extended by Sophocles. (Consult the remarks of Muller, Eumen., p. 58.)—This play did not prove, at first, very successful. It was altered by the poet, and reproduced some years after, during his residence in Sicily, when it carried off the prize. –7. Ikštadec (“The Female Suppliants”). Danaus and his daughters solicit and obtain the protection of the Argives against Ægyptus and his sons. This play forms one of the feeblest productions of Æschylus. It possesses one remarkable feature, that the chorus acts the principal part. The scene is near the shore, in an open grove, close to the altar and the images of the gods presiding over the sacred games, with a view of the sea and the ships of Ægyptus on one side, and of the towers of Argos on the other; with hills, and woods, and vales, a river flowing between them.—We have no good edition, as yet, of all the plays of Æschylus. That of Schütz, Hala, 1808–21, 5 vols. Svo, although useful in some respects, is not held in very high estimation; neither is that of Butler, Cantab., 1809, 8 vols. 8vo, regarded with a very favourable eye by European scholars Wellauer’s edition, also, Lips, 1823–1831, 3 vols. Svo, though highly lauded by some, is far from being satisfactory to all. The edition by Scholefield, Cantab., 1828, 8vo, is a useful one. The best text is that given by W. Dindorf, Lips., 1827. The best editions of the separate plays are those of Blomfield, as far as they extend, comprising, namely, the Prometheus, Septem contra Thebas, Agamemnon, Persa, and Choēphora. His edition of the Persa, however, was very severely handled by Seidler, in one of the German reviews, though the edge of the critique was in a great measure blunted by the personal feeling visible throughout. The editions of Dr. Blomfield appeared originally from the Cambridge press. There are good editions of the Agamemnon and Choēphorae by Klausen and Peile. Müller's edition of the Eumenules, appended to the dissertations above alluded to, is an excellent and scholar-like performance, though it provoked the ire of Hermann and his school, having been severely criticised by him and one of his disciples. A translation of it appeared from the Cambridge press in 1835 –II., III. (Vid Supplement.) AEsculapius, son of Apollo and the nymph Coronis, and god of the healing art. Pausanias (2, 26) gives three different accounts of his origin, on which our limits forbid us to dwell. The one of these that has been followed by Ovid, makes Coronis to have been unsaithful to Apollo, and to have been, in consequence, put to death by him, the offspring of her womb having been first taken from her and spared. Apollo received the anformation respecting the unfaithfulness of Coronis, from a raven, and the angry deity is said by Apollodorus to have changed the colour of the raven from white to black, as a punishment for his unwelcome officiousness As Coronis, in Greek, signifies a crow, hence another fable arose that AEsculapius had sprung from an egg of that bird, under the figure of a serpent. The first of the accounts given by Pausanias makes the birthplace of Æsculapius to have been on the borders of the Epidaurian territory ; the second lays the scene in Thessaly; the third in Messenia. AEsculapius was placed, at an early age, under the care of the centaur Chiron. Being of a quick and lively genius, he made such progress as soon to become not only a great physician, but at length to be reckoned the god and inventor of medicine, though the Grecks, not very careful of consistency in the history of those early ages, gave to Apis, son of Phoroneus, the glory of having invented the healing art. AEsculapius accompanied Jason in his expedition to Colchis, and in his medical capacity was of great service to the Argonauts. He married Epione, whom some call Lampetia, by whom he had two sons, Machaon and Podalirius, and four daughters, Hygiea, Aogle, Panacea, and Iaso, of whom Hygiea, goddess of health, was the most celebrated. In the fabulous traditions of antiquity, A.sculapius is said to have restored many to life. According to Apollodorus (3, 10, 3), he received from Minerva the blood that flowed from the veins of Medusa, and with that which proceeded srom the veins on the left, he operated to the destruction of men, while he used that which was obtained from the veins on the right for the benefit of his fellow-creatures. (Compare Heyme, ad Apollod, l, c.) With this last he brought back to the light of day Capaneus and Lycurgus, according to some, or Eriphyle and Hippolytus according to others, or, as other ancient authorities state, Hymenaeus, and Glaucus the son of Minos. Jupiter, alarmed at this, and fearing, says Apollodorus, lest men, being put in possession of the means of triumphing over death, might cease to render honour to the gods, struck AEsculapius with thunder. The common account makes this to have been done on the complaint of Pluto. Apollo, enraged at the loss of his son, destroyed the Cyclopes who had forged the thunderbolts of Jove, for which offence the monarch of the skies was about to hurl him into Tartarus, but, on the supplication of Latona, banished him for a season from Olympus, and compelled him to serve with a-mortal (rid. Admetus and Amphrysus)—Thus far we have traced the Greek accounts respecting Æsculapius. If, however, a careful inquiry be instituted, the result will be a decided conviction that the legend of Æsculapius is one of Oriental origin. According to Sanchoniatho, Al’sculapius was the same with the Phoenician Esmun, the son of Sydyk, called “the just,” and the brother of the seven Cabiri. (Sanchon, frag., ap 12useb., Prop. 12 rang, p. 39–Cory's Ancient Fragments, p. 13) Hence the meaning of Esmun, which signifies “the cighth " (Compare the Schmoun, or Mendes, of Egypt) .The seven Cabiri are the seven planets; and, in the Egyptian mythology, Phtha is added to them as the eighth. Phtha and AEsculapius, then, are identical, and the latter, like the former, though added to the number of the Cabiri, becomes in a mysterious sense their parent and guide. (Creuzer's Symboluk, vol. 2, p. 285 and 336.) In Eemun-Esculapius, then, we have a solar deity, personified in his beauty and his weakness, for he is the same with the youth of Berytus, who mutilated himself and was placed in the number of the gods, and in this quality he receives the name of Pa'an or Paeon, “ the physician.” He becomes identified also with the beauteous Apollo, for whose son he passes among the Greeks; while, as a mutilated deity, he is the same with the Phrygian Atys, the fair Adonis, and the chained Hercules of the Tyrians, all varied forms of the

same idea. He is the sun, without strength at the close of autumn. In all these different points of view, we find Æsculapius corresponding to the Egyptian divinities; to Horus, to Harpocrates, to Sem, and to the god of the earth, Serapis. Egypt was always famed for the knowledge possessed by its priests of the healing art; and it always represented its great deities, the symbols of the power of nature, as chdued with a healing influence. (Creuzer's Symbolik, par Guignaut, vol. 2, p. 337 and 170, seqq.) Isis receives, in inscriptions, the epithet of “salutary.” (Gruter, p. 83. —Fabrett., p. 470.-Reines, col. 1, n. 132) Serapis, whose name frequently occurs by the side of that of his spouse, had, at Canopus, a city already famous by its temple of Hercules, a sanctuary no less renowned for the wonderful cures performed within it, and of which a register was carefully preserved. (Straho, 801.Compare Crcuzer, Dionys., 1, p. 122, and Guigniaut's dissertation on the god Serapis, “Sur le Dieu Serapis et son origine,” p. 20 and 22.) Both of these divinities, in the scenes figured on the monuments, bear serpents, or agathodemons, as the emblems of health: they carry also the chalice, or salutary cup of nature, surrounded by serpents, and which formed, perhaps, the most ancient idol connected with their worship. (Creucer's Symbolik, par Guigniaws, vol. 1, p. 818, seqq.) One thing at least is certain, that these sacred seepents were nourished in their temples as living images of these deities of health. (Guigniaut's Scrapis, p. 19, seqq.) The nurture of these national fetchs consisted in cakes of honey, and such was also the food of the serpents consecrated to the powers beneath the earth, the divinities of the dead. In fact, the god of medicine is, at the same time, a telluric power; and

it is he that causes the mineral waters, the sources of

health, to spring from the bosom of the earth. Æsculapius, then, is identical, in his essence, with the Canopic Serapis : like him, he has for a symbol a vase surrounded by serpents, and he was originally this same vase, the sacred Canopus. (Compare Creuzer, Dionys, p. 220–Symbolik, par Guignaut, vol. 1, p. 415 and 818, seqq.) It is curious to observe the strong analogy that exists between the Oriental worship of Serapis, and the Grecian ideas, rites, and usages in the case of Esculapius. At Algium, in Achaia, near the ancient temple of slithyia, were to be seen the statues of the god and goddess of health, Asclepius (.Esculapius) and Hygiea. (Pausan, 7, 23.) At Titane, a city of Sicyonia, the first settler of which was, according to tradition, Titan, brother of the Sun, Alexanor, the son of Machaon and grandson of Æsculapius, had erected a temple to this deity. His statue, at this place, was almost entirely enveloped in a tunic of white wool, with a mantle thrown over it, so that the face, and the extremities of the hands and feet, alone appeared to view. Af.sculapius was carried, it is said, from Epidaurus to Pergamus ; and we are also told that, in this Asiatic city, the Acesius of Epidaurus took the name of Telesphorus. (Pausan, 2, 11.) Now Telesphorus indicates the autumnal season, the sun that has coine to his maturity together with the productions of the earth, and, consequently, verging to his decline. Hence the Arcadians gave to Esculapius a nurse named Trygon, an appellation derived probably from the Greek 7pt; m or Tpuyáo), and referring to the labours of harvest. A sculapius, moreover, according to a tradition preserved in Attica, offered himself on the eighth day for admission into the Elcusinian mysteries, and was accordingly initiated. (Philostrat., Wit. Apollon. 4, 18 ) He is, in this point of view, the tardy one, the last comer assisting at the festival of autumn and the harvest. The subterranean powers and the deities of death, are also the divinities of sleep. Such, too, is the case with Æsculapius. He gives slumber and repose, and by their means bestows health. (Lyd. de Mons. p 78, ed. Schow.) Hence the custom ";" to his

temple at Epidaurus for the purpose of sleeping there. its walls the most sacred mysteries. (Pausan, 3, 22;

in, and recovering health by the means which the god of health would indicate in a dream to the invalids,

The statue of Hygiea, at Ægium in Achala, could only be viewed by the priests. (Pausan, 7, 24.) No fe

(Compare Sprengel, Gesch der Medicin, vol. 1, p. 107, male was allowed to be delivered, and no sick persons

seqq.). The ancient AEsculapius, introduced at an were permitted to die, within the environs of the tem- - - - - -

early period into the religion of Samothrace, appeared ple at Epidaurus. (Pausan , 2, 27.) The temple at

at first in Greece under a form closely assimilated to Tithorea was surrounded by a hedge, in the vicinity of

that of the vase gods, dwarfs, or pigmies, that were

accustomed to be enveloped in garments, and to which was attributed a magic influence. (Creuzer's Sym

bolik, par Guignaut, vol. 2, p. 310, seqq.) In these

mysterious idols, the richness of hidden ineaning was as great as the mode of decking the exterior was whimsical. The spirit of the old Pelasgic belief would seem, however, to have been continually employed in decomposing, as it were, this body of ideas united in one particular symbol, and in individualizing each for itself. It was thus that, by degrees, there arose round the god of medicine a cortège of genii, of both sexes, regarded either as his wives, or as his sons and daughters, or even as his grandchildren. In the sculptured representations of Æsculapius, to which the developement of Grecian art had subsequently given birth, we find the figure of Jove, a little modified, becoming the model of this deity. And yet, though the Grecian perception of the beautiful led them to deviate, in general, from the grosser representations of the Pelasgic worship, we find them, in the present case, still retaining an attachment for the ancient, and, at the same time, more significant and mysterious images. Hence, by the side of the new deity is placed one of his personified attributes, under the figure of an enveloped dwarf. In every quarter, where the Asclepiades (rid. that article) taught the principles of the healing art, or “ired diseases in the temples of their master and renuted father, Æsculapius and his good genii were celebrated as saving divinities, on votive tablets, inscriptions, medals, and gems. The Romans, too, in the year of their city 461, in order to be delivered from a pestilence, sent a solemn embassy to Epidaurus to obtain the sacred serpent nourished at that place in the temple of Æsculapius. A temple was likewise erected to this deity on an island in the Tiber, where the sacred reptile had disappeared among the reeds. (Val. Mar, 1, 8, 2) Not content with this, however, they resolved to have also a family of Asclepiades, and they pretended to have found it in the house of AciliusThe principal and most ancient temples of Æsculapius ('Ack?morieta), were those at Titane in Sicyonia (Pausan, 2, 11); at Tricca in Thessaly (Strabo, 438); at Tithorea in Phocis, where he was revered under the name of Archegetes (Pausan., 10, 32); at Epidaurus (Pausan., 2, 26); in the island of Cos (Strabo, 657); at Megalopolis (Pausan., 8, 32); at Cyllene in Elis (Pausan, 6, 26); and at Pergamus in Asia Minor (Pausan., 2, 26). Among all these temples, that of Epidaurus was at first the most celebrated, for it was from this city that the worship of Æsculapius was carried into Sicyonia, and also to Pergamus and Cyllene. (Pausan., 2, 10.) It appears, however, that the temple of Cos became in time the most famous of all, since the Epidaurians, on one occasion, sent deputies thither. Pausan., 3, 23.) At a more recent period, Ægea, in Silicia, could boast of a temple of Æsculapius which was held in high repute. It was here that Apollonius of Tyana practised many of his impostures. (Philostr., Vit Apollon., 1,7) Constantine destroyed this temple in his zeal for Christianity. (Eusch, Vit. Constant, ed. Reading, 3, 56.) Almost all these edifices were regarded as sanctuaries, which none of the profane could approach except after repeated purifications. Epidaurus was called the sacred country (Pausan. 2, 26), a name which also appears on its medals. (Eckhel, Doctr. Num. Wet, vol. 2, p. 290–Willoison, Prolegom., p. Lu.) The temple at Asopus took the woo Hyperteleaton, as if it concealed within

which no edifice could be erected. The hedge was forty stadia from the building itself. (Pausan, 10, 32.) Most of these temples stood in healthy situations. That of Cyllenc, for example, was situate on Cape Hyrmine, in one of the most fertile and smiling countries of the Peloponnesus; while that of Epidaurus, erected, like the former, in the immediate neighbourhood of the sea, was surrounded by hills covered with the thick foliage of groves. (Pausan., 2, 27–Compare Willonson, Prolegom., p. laii., and Chandler's Travels, ch. 53, p. 223.) Others again were built near rivers, or in the vicinity of mineral springs; and it would appear from Xenophon (Mem., 3, 13), that the temple of Æsculapius at Athens contained within it a source of warm water. The worship rendered to Æsculapius had for its object the occupying the imaginations of the sick by the ceremonies of which they were witnesses, and the exciting them to a sufficient degree in order to produce the desired result. For an account of these ceremonies, and the mode of curing that was generally adopted, consult Sprengel, Hist, de la Medicine, vol. 1, p. 154, seqq.—Esculapius was sometimes represented either standing, or sitting on a throne, holding in one hand a staff, and grasping with the other the head of a serpent: at his sect a dog lay extended. (Pausan, 2, 27—Compare Montfaucon, Antiquité expliq., vol. 1, pt. 2, pl. 187, 188.) At Corinth, Megalopolis, and Ladon, the god was represented under the form of an infant, or rather, perhaps, a dwarf, holding in one hand a sceptre, and in the other a pine-cone. (Pausan., 2, 10.) Most generally, however, he appeared as an old man with a flowing beard. (Pausan., 10, 32.) On some ancient monuments we see him with one hand applied to his beard, and having in the other a knotted staff encircled by a serpent. (Minucius Felir, ed. Elmenhorst., p. 14.) He oftentimes bears a crown of laurel (Antichita d'Ercol., vol. 5, p. 264, 271–Maffei, Gemm. ant., 2, n. 55), while at his feet are placed, on one side, a cock, and, on the other, the head of a ram; on other occasions, a vulture or an owl. Frequently a vase of circular form is seen below his statues (Erizco, Discorso, &c., p. 620), or, according to others, a serpent coiled up. (Buonarotti, Osserrazioni, &c., p. 201.) At other times he has his body encircled by an enormous serpent. (Theodoret. affect. curat, disp Op. ed. Shulze, vol 4 and 8, p. 906.) Among all the symbols with which Æsculapius is adorned, the serpent plays the principal part. The gems, medals, and other monuments of antiquity, connected with the worship of this deity, most commonly bear such an emblem upon them. (Spanheim, Epist. 4, ad Morell., p. 217, 218, ed. Lips., 1695–Compare Knight's Inquiry into the Symbolical language of Ancient Art and Mythology, $ 25–Class Journ, vol. 23, p. 13.) AEsopus, a river of Mysia, in Asia Minor, rising in Mount Cotylus, and falling, after a course of 500 stadia, into the Propontis, to the east of the Granicus. Strabo (582) conceives, that IIomer extended the boundaries of Priam's kingdom to this river. Chishul) (Trarels in Turkey, p. 59) makes the modern name to be the Boklu, but Gossellingives it as the Sataldere (French Strabo, vol. 4, p. 187, not.) AEser NIA, a city of Samnium, in the northern par of the country, and not far from the western confines It was situate about twelve miles northwest of Bovi. anum, and is mentioned by Livy (Epit., 16) as having been colonized about the beginning of the first Punic war. The same writer (27, 10) speaks of it as one of those colonies which distinguished themselves by

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