end of the reign of Anastasius I. This work, em. bracing the history of 1190 years, was divided into six sections or epochs (Tμnuara), viz., 1. Events anterior to the Trojan war. 2. From this latter period to the building of Rome. 3. From the building of Rome to the abolition of royalty in that city. 4. From the latter period to the death of Julius Cæsar. 5. From the death of Cæsar to the reign of Constantine the Great. 6. From the latter period to the death of Anastasius I. The last section, of which we have a valuable fragment remaining, entitled Ilárpia KwvOTAVTIvovóλeus ("Of the origin of Constantinople"), served as an aid to George Codinus in his description of this city. Hesychius also composed Memoirs on the reign of Justinian the elder ('Erépa Bíbλ05, kv ý nepLÉXETUL rù 'lovorívоν πраɣ@éνтα). This work has entirely perished. The fragment of Hesychius, mentioned above, has been published under the name of Codinus by Douza, Heidelb., 1596, 8vo. Hesychius also wrote an Onomasticon, or Table of Men distinguished in the various branches of knowledge (Ilívaš rāv év naideia ovoμaoтiv), of which Suidas professes to have availed himself. We have likewise, under the name of Hesychius, a small work entitled Пepi Tüv zaidziḍ Siakauvúvrov oooov, "Of Philosophers celebrated for their learning." It is nothing more than a very careless compilation either from Diogenes Laertius, or from the lost Onomasticon of the writer whom we are at present considering. It contains, however, some things which are not found elsewhere, and this serves to stamp a certain value on the work. The latest and best edition of these two works is that of Orellius, Lips., 1820, 8vo. -IV. A native of Jerusalem, who died about 428 A.D. He was a priest, and wrote an ecclesiastical nistory, which is lost.-V. This name was also borne by many other ecclesiastics, among whom are reckoned several martyrs. (Consult Fabricius, Bibl. Græc., lib. 5, c. 5, and the Prolegomena to Alberti's edition of the Lexicon of Hesychius.)

whether the glossary which has reached us under the name of this writer be really his, or whether it be not merely an abridgment of his work. What has inclined some to favour the latter opinion is the circumstance of the citations being omitted. Others think, and with some appearance of reason, that this lexicon was originally a small volume, and that the numerous biblical glosses which are at present found in it have been intercalated by the copyists, who have taken the remarks made in the margin by the possessors of manuscripts for portions of the text itself. However this may be, the work of Hesychius is very important towards acquiring a full knowledge of the Greek language. It has preserved for us a large number of passages from poets, orators, historians, and physicians, whose works are lost. Hesychius explains, moreover, various words that depart from the ordinary usage of the Greek tongue, as well as terms used in sacrifices, gymnastic encounters, &c. And yet it must be acknowledged that his text is in a most corrupt state, and that when he is a solitary witness his testimony ought to be received with caution. (Mus. Crit., vol. 1, p. 503.) The work, in fact, has all the appearance of rough notes, put down in the course of reading, rather than of a finished production. It was not known until the sixteenth century. Only one MS., in the library of St. Mark, at Venice, is said to be preserved, and that is full of abbreviations, and has many erasures; which accounts for the great corruption of the text, in spite of the labours of many able editors. It appears, however, that in the seventeenth century there existed a second manuscript in the Florence library. (Ebert's | Bibliogr. Lexicon, vol. 1, p. 772.)--The best edition of Hesychius is that of Alberti, completed by Ruhnken, Lugd. Bat., 1746-1776, 2 vols. fol. It is to be regretted, however, that Alberti could not avail himself of the valuable MS. notes of Bentley on this lexicographer. The editio princeps of Hesychius was published by the elder Aldus, Venice, 1514, fol., under the care of Marcus Musurus. The manuscript followed was HETRURIA (more commonly ETRURIA), a celebrathe Venice one. This, however, being, as we have al- ted country of Italy, lying to the west and north of the ready remarked, very difficult to decipher, and in other Tiber. Of all the nations of Italy, none appear to respects extremely inaccurate, Musurus took great have such claims on our notice as that of the Etrupains to correct and restore it. This is often done rians. The origin of this nation, however, was inwith intelligence and success; but often also he de- volved in a degree of uncertainty at the time when ceives himself in his corrections, and in general treats the earliest of our ancient historians wrote, which his original in too arbitrary a manner. Schow, of Cowas hardly to have been expected, considering their penhagen, being at Venice, collated the manuscript extended dominion, their immemorial possession of with the edition of Alberti, and took note of all the an alphabet, the existence among them of a sacervariations. He published this collation at Leipsic, dotal caste, and their acknowledged superiority in 1792, 8vo, under the title, "Hesychii Lexicon ex cod. civilization to all their European contemporaries exMs. bibliothecæ S. Marci restitutum, et ab omnibus cept the Greeks. Their subsequent history is chiefly Musuri correctionibus repurgatum." By the help of known from their connexion with other nations; for, this volume, the possessor of any edition of Hesychius, never having cultivated their language so as to attain for they are all based upon this manuscript, can make to the possession of a literature, their writings have the necessary corrections. The glosses, taken from long since perished; and what they recorded on brass the Scriptures, that are found in Hesychius, were col- or marble is far less intelligible than the hieroglyphics lected and published by J. C. G. Ernesti, Lips., 1785, of Egypt. Even in ancient times it was a disputed 8vo. We may regard as the second volume of this question whether the Etrurians were Pelasgi from production the work published by Ernesti in 1786, Greece, or Lydians from Asia, or indigenous in Italy. 8vo, under the title, "Suida et Phavorini Glossa sa- According to Herodotus (1,94), the Lydians ought to cra," in which are found two hundred and twenty-nine be considered as the parent stock of the Etrurian naglosses of Hesychius, forgotten in the first volume. tion. The former had a tradition among them, that a To this may be joined the work of Schleusner, Ob- great famine arose in Lydia during the reign of Atys, servat. in Suid. et Hesych., Wittemb., 1810, 4to. one of their earliest kings. When it had lasted for Among the subsidiary works that illustrate Hesychius, several years, it was at length determined that the may be mentioned Toup's Emendations (Toupii Emen-nation should divide itself into two parts, under the dationes in Suidam et Hesychium, Oxon., 1790, 4 vols. 8vo), and the Dissertation of Ranke (De Lexici Hesychiani vera origine et genuina forma commentatio, Lips., 1831, 8vo).-III. A native of Miletus, surnamed, by reason of the office with which he was invested, Illustris ("Illustrious"). He is supposed to have lived under the emperors Justin and Justinian, and was the author of a chronicle (loropikòv ús év ovvóvel Kooμikns ioropías), from Belus king of Assyria to the

respective command of Lydus and Tyrrhenus, the two sons of Atys, one of which was to migrate, and the other to remain in Lydia. It fell to the lot of Tyr rhenus to abandon Lydia with the people under his charge. He accordingly equipped a fleet at Smyrna, and set sail in quest of a country to settle in; when, after passing by various countries and nations, he finally arrived among the Umbri, in Italy, where he founded several cities, which the people, who, from

him, were called Tyrrhenians, occupied up to the time buried it. Professor K. O. Müller, whose essay obof Herodotus. If we divest the Lydian tradition of tained the prize, had already distinguished himself by some marvellous circumstances which are attached to his Orchomenus und die Minyer (Orchomenus and it, particularly those that relate to the famine, which the Minyans"), and Dorier ("The Dorians"), two works may be fairly charged to Oriental hyperbole, there still in which an extraordinary extent of reading in archaremains the record of an important event, which, con-ology and ancient literature is united to great sagacity sidering the character of the historian who has handed in reconstructing from its fragments the ruined edifice it down to us, and the geographical information he of early Greek history. The dissertation on the Etrupossessed, is certainly entitled to our attention if it rians forms in every respect a suitable accompaniment does not recommend itself to our belief. The great- to these.-We have already remarked, that even in est argument, however, in favour of this tradition, ancient times it was a disputed question, whether the must be allowed to consist in the weight of testimony Etruscans were Pelasgi from Greece, or Lydians from which can be collected in support of it from the wri- Asia, or indigenous in Italy; and that the moderns ters of antiquity, especially those of Rome, who, with had added more than an equal number to the hypothefew exceptions, seem to concur in admitting the fact ses of the ancients. Thus some have supposed that of the Lydian colony. (Consult Virg., En., 8, 479, the Etrurians might be descended from the Egyptians et pass. Catull., 31, 13.-Horat., Sat., 1, 6.—Stat. (Bonarotti, ad Monum.); others, from the Canaanites Silv., 1, 2.—Id., 4, 4.—Senec., ad Helv.—Justin, 20, (Maffei, Ragion. delli Itali primitivi, p. 218, seqq.— 1.-Val. Max., 2, 4.-Plut., Vit. Rom.-Pliny, 3, 5.) Mazocchi, Comment. in Tab. Heracl., p. 15, &c.); -Strabo, who has entered more fully into the discus- others, from the Phoenicians (Swinton, de Ling. Etrusion of the Tyrrhenian origin, does not seem to enter- ria regalis Vernacula, Oxon., 1738); others again tain any doubt of the event which we are now con- contended for their Celtic origin (Pelloutier, Hist. des sidering, and he quotes Anticlides, an historian of Celtes, lib. 1, p. 178.— Bardetti, dei primi abit. d'Ital., some authority, who reports that the first Pelasgi vol. 1). Freret ascribed it to the Raeti (Mem. de settled in the islands of Imbros and Lemnos, and that l'Acad., &c., vol. 18); Hervas to the ancient Cantabri some of them sailed with Tyrrhenus, the son of Atys, (Idea del Universo, vol. 17, c. 4); while some again to Italy. (Strabo, 219.) In short, the presumption gave up all hope of arriving at any certain conclusion would appear so strong in favour of this popular ac- in this puzzling question, and seemed to consider it as count of the origin of the Tyrrheni, that we might one of those historical problems which must for ever consider the question to be decided, were not our at- remain without a solution. Müller's theory appears tention called to the opposite side by some weighty ob- ingenious and plausible. He admits a primitive popjections, advanced long since by Dionysius of Halicar-ulation of Etruria, whom he calls, after Dionysius, the nassus, and farther strongly urged by some modern Rasena, on whose origin he does not decide, but critics of great reputation and learning. Dionysius thinks there are grounds for assuming, that these were seems to stand alone among the writers of antiquity mingled with a body of Pelasgian colonists from the as invalidating the facts recorded by Herodotus; and coast of Lydia. We find in Greece a people bearing though his own explanation of the origin of the Tyr- the name of Pelasgian Tyrrheni, driven from Boeotia rhenians is evidently inconsistent and unsatisfactory, by the Dorian migration, appearing as fugitives in still it must be owned that his arguments tend greatly Athens, and thence betaking themselves to Lemnos, to discredit the colony of the Lydian Tyrrhenus. He Imbros, and Samothrace, where, as well as on Mount maintains, in the first place, that it is fabulous, from Athos, they remained in the historic times. The the silence on so important an event of Xanthus the name Tyrrhenian is applied to the Etrurians in Hesiod historian of Lydia, a writer of great research and au- (Theog., 1015), and, in the Homeric hymn to Bacchus, thority, and more ancient than Herodotus. Xanthus to this people of the Egean. That they were not the acknowledges no Lydian prince of the name of Tyr- Tyrrhenians of Italy by whom the god was carried off rhenus; the sons of Atys, according to him, were Ly- is evident; the pirates intended to carry him to Egypt dus and Torybus, who both remained in Asia. Again, or to Cyprus, not to Italy; and from other sources it Dionysius asserts that there was no resemblance to appears that the mythus was a Naxian legend. Ovid be discovered either in the religion, customs, or lan- (Met., 3, 577, seqq.) relates it at great length, and guage of the Lydians and Tuscans; and, lastly, from represents the Tyrrhenians as Mæonians. Now, on the discrepance to be observed in the various state- the coast of Mæonia or Lydia there was a place named ments of the genealogy of Tyrrhenus and the period Túppa, from which Müller deduces the name Tyrrheof his migration, he feels justified in rejecting that nian; in all probability radically the same with Torevent as a mere fiction. (Ant. Rom., 1, 30.) The rhebian, the name borne by the southern district of advocates of Herodotus, however, have not been in- Lydia. He is inclined, however, to consider the peotimidated by these arguments, but have endeavoured ple, to whom, from their occupation of Tuppa, the to prove their insufficiency. Among these may be name Tyrrhenian was given, not as Lydians, but as reckoned Ryckius (de primis Italia colonis, c. 6); Pelasgians, who settled for a time on this part of the Bishop Cumberland (Connexion of the Greek and Ro- coast, and having thence acquired their name, and man Antiquities. Tract. 7, c. 2); Dempster (Etrur. made it notorious by their piracies in the Ægean, Regal, 1, 4); Larcher (Hist. d'Herod., vol. 1, p.); migrated first to the Malean promontory, and then to and Lanzi (Saggio, &c., vol. 2, p. 102). On the Etruria. In deriving them, however, immediately other hand, the reasons advanced by the Greek histo- from the Pelasgians who came from Attica to Lemnos rian have appeared convincing to some eminent critics, and Imbros, and thence to Lydia, he seems to embarsuch as Cluverius (Ital. Antiq., vol. 1, lib. 1, c. 1); rass his hypothesis with an unnecessary difficulty. He Freret (Mem. de l'Acad., vol. 18, p. 97); and Heyne himself makes the worship of the phallic Hermes to be (Comment., &c., Nov. Soc. Gott., vol. 3, p. 39); who characteristic of the Pelasgi in Attica and the islands; have, besides, added other objections to those already yet of this he admits that hardly a trace is to be found started. At length, in 1826, the Academy of Sciences in the Etrurian religion. It is remarkable how late is at Berlin, by proposing the Etruscans as the subject of the application of the name Pelasgian to the Tyrrhea prize essay, showed their opinion that the time was nians. Herodotus not only never calls them so, but come when the scattered notices of the ancient writers even by referring to the Crestonians, who live above should be combined with the discoveries in Etruscan the Tyrrhenians, for a proof of what the Pelasgic lanantiquities which the last century brought to light, and guage was, he seems to imply that the Tyrrhenians the historical truth separated from the mass of contra- themselves were, in his view, not Pelasgians; else dictory theories beneath which successive writers had why not take them at once for his illustration? No

on their progress from Lydia to Italy, rests on very slight grounds. A passage, namely, in the commentator Lactantius or Lutatius on Statius (Theb., 4, 224), who calls the inventor of the Tyrrhenian trumpet Maleus; but the resemblance between the Tuscan and the Lydian or Phrygian music, really adds considerable weight to the other arguments in favour of the Oriental colonization of Etruria. The musical instrument of the Greeks, in the heroic and Homeric age, was the lyre; the flute was unknown, or, at least, not in use. It has been long since remarked that Homer mentions the avλós only in two passages (Il., 10,13; 18, 495). In the first of these he is describing the nightly noise of the Trojan camp, and the Villoison scholiast observes, that these instruments were known only to the Barbarians. This observation, though limited, is not contradicted by the other passage, in which youths are represented as dancing at a wedding to the sound of lyres and flutes. To say nothing of the suspicions which have been entertained, that the description of the shield of Achilles, of which this is a part, is not of the same age with the rest of the Iliad, it is very possible that the Greeks of Ionia may have employed the flute-players of Lydia or Phrygia at their festivities; or, should it be supposed that in the days of Homer the use of the flute was familiar to the Ionians themselves, the entire absence of all mention of it in the Odyssey shows that in Greece itself it had not yet been introduced. It came in there along with the worship of Bacchus, which, whatever may have been its remoter origin, certainly passed from Lydia and Phrygia to Thrace, and thence into southern Greece, devouring with its stormy music the feebler notes of the lyre. The double flute, of which the left hand played a treble to the bass of the right hand, is mentioned by Herodotus (1, 7) under the name of αὐλὸς ἀνδρεῖος aud γυναικείος, as used by the Lydians in war. Now the double flute, as we know both from ancient authors and from monuments (Inghirami, Monumenti Etruschi, pt. 3, pl. 20; pt. 2, pl. 96), was in use among the Etrurians; and the Itomans not only borrowed their flute-music from them, but generally employed at sacrifices and festive dances a Tuscan flute-player. (Compare Virg., Georg., 2, 193.

ancient author describes the Tyrrhenians of Lydia as | gians. The settlement of the Tyrrhenians at Males, Pelasgians from Attica and the islands. The genealogy of Herodotus from the Lydian authors makes Tyrrhenus a son of Atys, king of Lydia; in that given in Dionysius without the author's name, Lydus and Tyrrhenus are brothers; in that of Xanthus the brothers are called Lydus and Torybus or Torrhubus, i. e., according to Müller, Tyrrhenus. Whichever of these we argue from, it appears very improbable that the lineage of a band of Pelasgian pirates, who had settled on the coasts of Lydia, should have been carried up to the ancient kings or gods of the country; and that, too, not by the Greeks, but by the Lydians themselves. We cannot, therefore, avoid the conclusion, that the Tyrrhenians were much more intimately connected with the Lydian population than Müller's account of them supposes. Niebuhr makes the Moonians (the Homeric name for the Lydians) to be Pelasgians, arguing from the name of their stronghold, Larissa, which is found in all countries occupied by Pelasgians; Müller represents them as wholly different, alleging that no ancient author calls the Moonians Pelasgians. This is true; but they make the Tyrrhenians Moonians and also Pelasgians, and therefore imply, though they do not assert, the identity of the people who bore these three names. The whole coast of Asia Minor appears to have been occupied by the Pelasgi, or nations differing from them only in name. Menecrates (ap. Strab., 571) related, that the Pelasgi had occupied the whole of Ionia, from Mycale northward, and the adjacent islands; the Carians, the Leleges, and the Caucones, the Trojans, and Mysians, were of the same race, and also allied to the Lydians, as appears from the genealogy given by Herodotus (1, 171). The Greeks themselves attribute the Pelasgic population of Asia Minor to colonies sent from Greece or from the islands; but their accounts of colonies before the Homeric age, being founded on no contemporary authority, must generally be regarded as historical hypotheses, chiefly grounded upon similarity of names, which may often be more rationally explained from other causes. It is, however, by no means probable that the Lydians were wholly a Pelasgic people. The phenomena of the history of Asia Minor are most easily solved by the supposition that a nation of Syrian origin was mingled in its two principal districts, Ovid, A. A., 1, 111.) It is very improbable that Lydia and Phrygia, with another nearly allied to the such a coincidence between the Etruscan and Asiatic Greeks. The Mosaic genealogy of nations (Gen., 10, customs should be accidental; and no more probable 22) assigns a Semitic origin to the Lydians; while it explanation of it can be given than that the Tyrrherefers most of the tribes of Asia Minor, along with thenians were really a colony of Pelasgi from Lydia. Greeks, to the stock of Japheth. The mythology of Lydia, the basis, as usual, of its dynasties of kings, betrays its Syrian as well as Grecian affinities. Their deities 'ATTηs or 'Arvs (the same as Пlanaç, Hes.), and Mã, father and mother, have probably given their name to the Atyades and the Moonians; and their worship is clearly the same with that of the Syrian goddess, who was variously denominated Atargatis, Derceto, Semiramis, Rhea, Juno, and Venus. The chief seat of her worship at Hierapolis, was the resort of the people of Asia Minor; and Ascalon, in Phoenicia, appears to have been considered as a colony of the Lydians (Steph. Byz., s. v.) for no other reason than that the traditions of the great goddess were in a peculiar manner connected with this place. In the list of the kings of Troy, whose names are generally of Grecian etymology, the Oriental name of Assaracus points to a mixture of Oriental mythology; and this remark is still more applicable to the genealogy of the Heraclid kings of Lydia, in which Greek and Assyrian personages are so strongly mixed, Hercules, Alcæus, Belus, Ninus, Agron. (Herod., 1, 7.) If, then, the Lydians were a people partly Asiatic, partly allied to the Greeks, there is really no contradiction between those historians who call the Tyrrhenians Lydians, and those who speak of Tyrrhenian Pelas

They were probably not numerous, compared with the Rasena, whom they found in possession of the country; and hence, though some of their arts were communicated to the nation among whom they settled, they were soon so completely absorbed in it, that the language of Etruria bore no traces either of a Greek or a Lydian mixture. The adoption of a story of a Lydian origin by no means requires that we should reject the accounts of migrations of Pelasgi from Thessaly, and from the opposite shore of the Adriatic to the mouths of the Po, which we find in other writers on Etrurian history. Professor Müller thus sums up this part of his researches: "It remains, then, that we regard the Tuscan nation as an original and peculiar people of Italy; their language is widely different from the Greek; the names of their gods are not those which we find among the earliest Greeks whom we call Pelasgi, and which passed from them to the Hellenes; there is much, too, in the doctrine of theil priests entirely foreign to the Greek theology. But it appears to have been the fate of this nation, which never displayed any independent civilization, but only adopted that of the Greeks, to have been indebted for its first impulse towards improvement to a Greek, or, at best, half-Greek tribe. The Tuscans themselves, in their native legends, referred their polity and civili

zation to the maritime town Tarquinii, and the hero | the Ægean. Possessing harbours on both seas, they Tarchon, both probably only variations of the name maintained the command of both, and made them. Tyrrheni. Here it was that the much-dreaded Pelas- selves formidable not only to merchant ships by their gians of Lydia landed and settled, bringing with them corsairs, but to the naval powers by their armaments. the arts they had acquired at home or on their way. To their predominance in the lower sea, Müller atFor the first time the barbarous land saw men covered tributes the circumstance, that the Greeks, while they with brass array themselves for battle to the sound of had numerous colonies on the eastern and southern the trumpet; here first they heard the loud sound of coasts of Sicily, had only one, Himera, on the north, the Lydo-Phrygian flute accompanying the sacrifice, as late as the age of Thucydides. Indeed, the dread and perhaps witnessed for the first time the rapid of the Etruscans long prevented the Greeks from passcourse of the fifty-oared ship. As the legend, in its ing the straits of Rhegium with their ships; and it propagation from mouth to mouth, swells beyond all was not till the rise of the naval power of the Phobounds, the whole glory of the Tuscan name, even cians that either the Adriatic or Tyrrhene seas were that which did not properly belong to the colonists, well explored by them. Rivalry soon followed; both attached itself to the name of Tarchon, the disciple nations endeavoured to possess themselves of Corsica; of Tages, as the author of a new and better era in the and the Etruscans, being joined by the Carthaginians, history of Etruria. The neighbouring Umbrians and fought a desperate battle with their Phocian antago Latins named the nation, which from this time began nists, in which victory ultimately sided with the latter. to increase and diffuse itself, not from the primitive They were equally unfortunate in their naval wars inhabitants, but from these new settlers. For since, with the Dorians of Cnidos and Rhodes, who had in the Eugubine tables, Trusce occurs along with made a settlement on the island of Lipara. In the Tuscom and Tuscer, it is impossible not to conclude, time of Pausanias, a consecrated offering of the Lipathat from the root TUR have been formed Trusicus, reans was seen at Delphi, made from the spoils of the Truscus, Tuscus; as from the root OP, Opscus and Tyrrhenians. Another trophy of the victory of the Oscus; so that Tvþónvoi or Tuponvoí, and Tusci, Greeks over them has been brought to light in our are only the Asiatic and Italic forms of one and the own times. In the year 474 B.C., the people of Cusame name." (Etrusker, vol. 1, p. 100.) The time mæ, in Campania, being engaged in war with the Tyrof such a colonization can, of course, only be fixed by rhenians, called in the aid of Hiero, tyrant of Syracuse, approximation. Müller supposes it to have coincided by whom they were totally defeated; and Greece, as with the Ionic migration, and to have been occasioned Pindar says (Pyth., 1,72), was delivered from slavery. by it. The Umbrians were powerful in the land of In 1817, a brazen helmet was discovered among the which the new colonists took possession, and long ruins of Olympia, with an inscription to the following wars must have been carried on with them before effect: "Hiero, son of Dinomeus, and the Syracusans they were dispossessed of the three hundred towns (consecrate) to Jupiter, Tyrrhenian (arms) from Cuwhich Pliny (3, 19) says they once held in the coun- mæ." Two other helmets without inscriptions, but no try afterward called Etruria. To the south the Etru- doubt part of the same votive offering, were found at rians extended themselves to the banks of the Tiber, the same time. (Boeckh, Corp. Inscript., 1, 34.-Id. and even beyond it into Latium, as the name of Tus- ad Pind., vol. 1, p. 224.)--In opposition to the theory culum proves. According to their own traditions, the of Müller, however, another one has been advocated, same Tarchon who founded the twelve cities of Etru- with his usual ability and learning, by the celebrated ria led a colony across the Apennines and founded Niebuhr. He makes the name Tyrseni or Tyrrheni, twelve other cities. Of such a tradition, the historian in Italy, to have belonged originally and properly to can receive no more than the fact, that Etruria, in the the Pelasgian population, and the Etruscans to have valley of the Po, was colonized from the southern come in from the Rhetian Alps, and to have conquerEtruria. Bologna, anciently Felsina, which stands ed the previous inhabitants. These new-comers he where the Apennines descend into the fertile plains makes to have been the Rasena of Dionysius, wherewhich border the Po, was probably the first of these as Müller, it will be remembered, considers the Racolonies, as it is called by Pliny (3, 20), “princeps senæ to have formed the primitive population of the quondam Etruriæ:" the names of most of the others land, and to have been conquered by the Tyrrheni. are uncertain. A stone, with an Etruscan inscription, In reply to the question that very naturally presents has been found (Lanzi, vol. 2, p. 649) as far to the itself, why, if the Etruscans were a foreign and distinct westward as Alessandria. Atria and Spina, near the race, the Greek writers, nevertheless, invariably called mouth of the Po, were certainly Tuscan cities, and them Tyrseni, and Etruria Tyrsenia, Niebuhr revery important from their commerce with the Adriatic; marks, that the Etruscans had no more title to the but the foundation of both was claimed for the Pelas- name of Tyrsenians, than the English to that of Britgians of Thessaly or the followers of Diomede. The ons, or the Spanish Creoles to that of Mexicans or same story of twelve colonies is repeated in reference Peruvians: the strange name was acquired in all these to the settlement of the Etruscans in Campania. Mül-cases, according to him, in precisely the same way. ler supposes these to be really colonies from Etruria, in opposition to the opinion of Niebuhr, who thinks they were founded by Pelasgian Tyrrhenians, confounded with the Etruscans from identity of name. At all events, the amount of Etruscan population in Campania cannot have been great, since the Oscan language, not the Etruscan, prevailed there; and not a single Etruscan inscription has been found in this whole district. This land of luxurious indulgence appears to have exerted its usual influence on the Etruscans, and they yielded the possession of it with little resistance to the Samnites, who poured down It is not an easy task to paint the domestic manners from the hills on the fertile plains of Campania. In and national character of a people who have transmittheir Italian settlement, the Tyrrhenians appear to ted no living image of themselves to posterity in lite have retained long the practice of piracy, which had rary compositions. The basis of the national prospermade their name notorious in the Grecian seas; in-ity of the Etrurians was agriculture, to which their deed, it is sometimes difficult to decide whether the soil and climate were well adapted, and which has alimputation falls on the Etruscans or the Tyrrhenians of ways flourished in Tuscany, when the beneficence of

The whole theory is undoubtedly a very plausible one; but the difficulties with which it is encumbered are so numerous, that we cannot hesitate to yield an assent to the more rational view taken by Müller of this interesting but difficult subject. (Consult Niebuhr, Rom. Hist., vol. 1, p. 82, seqq., and 89, ed. 2, p. 38 and 108, ed. 3.-Hist. of Rome, p. 78, Libr. Us. Knowl.)

Domestic Manners, National Character, &c., of the

Etrurians.

nature has not been counteracted by misgovernment of a power exerted only at long intervals in the proand absurd legislation. But Etruria was not, like duction of being, and absorbing into itself all that it Campania, a land of spontaneous fertility; the industry had produced, to create again. The symbols of this and ingenuity of man were required to adapt cultivation power were the Dii involuti of Etrurian theology, to the various qualities of the land, and to curb the in- whose names were unknown, and who were not obundations of the Po in the provinces on the Adriatic. jects of popular worship; of them Jupiter himself Their primitive manners were simple; the distaff of asked counsel: the Di Consantes, twelve in number, Tanaquil was long preserved in the temple of Sancus six of either sex, presided over the existing order of at Rome; and a passage of Juvenal (6, 288) seems to things, and received homage and sacrifice. Their inimply, that in domestic industry and virtue there was tervention in human affairs was chiefly manifested in a close resemblance between the Tuscan and the Ro- omens of impending evil, to be averted by gloomy, and man nations in early times. Their extensive con- often cruel expiations. If morality may have gained quests, and bold and skilful navigation, are a sufficient something by the Etrurian religion's having furnished proof of the energy of their national character. But nothing answering to the sportive, but licentious mywhen commerce and conquests in Southern Italy had thology of the Greeks, poetry and art undoubtedly sufplaced in their reach the means of indulgence, they fered. The same want of lively and cheerful imaginaseized upon them with the avidity of a half-barbarous tion characterized their doctrine of the immortality of people and luxury, instead of being the handmaid of the soul: their subterranean world was a Tartarus refinement and elegance, ministered to vain splendour without an Elysium. Nowhere was superstition reand sensual voluptuousness. Diodorus (5, 40) de- duced so completely to system. The regions of the scribes, from Posidonius, their tables loaded twice a heavens were divided and subdivided according to the day (which, to abstemious Greeks, seemed the excess Etrurian discipline, that every portent might have its of gluttony), their embroidered draperies, their drink- accurate interpretation; the phenomena of the atmoing-vessels of gold and silver, and their hosts of slaves. sphere, especially thunder and lightning, were observed Athenæus gives much darker shades to his picture of and classed with a minuteness which might have furthe corruption of manners produced by wealth expend-nished the rudiments of a science, had the observers ed wholly in the gratification of the senses. That the been philosophers instead of priests; but which, in epithets of pinguis and obesus, which the Romans ap- fact, only augmented the subservience of the multitude plied to the Etruscans, were not wholly suggested by to those who claimed the exclusive knowledge of the national malice, is evident from the recumbent figures methods by which the gods might be propitiated. It on the covers of the sarcophagi. From the Etruscans is unnecessary to say that philosophy, in the Grecian the Romans borrowed their combats of gladiators. It sense of the word, free speculation on man, nature, and should seem, however, that the horrible practice of in- providence, combining its results into a system, was troducing them at banquets belonged chiefly to the unknown in Etruria. Some practical knowledge of Etrurians of Campania, and especially to Capua; the the laws of nature cannot be denied to a people who focus of all the vices which spring from luxury, neither executed such works in architecture and hydraulics softened by humanity nor refined by taste. Of the as the Etruscans; but we are not aware that the disEtrurian music we have spoken in mentioning the covery or demonstration of a single scientific truth can proofs of their Lydian origin. It was almost the only be claimed for them. The form of the Etrurian branch of art in which invention is attributed to them government, in which the same order were both arisby the ancients; and even here the invention related tocracy and priesthood, effectually prevented the mind only to the instrument; we read of no mood ascribed of the nation from expending itself in its natural to them. Their celebrity, both in this and the plastic growth. To the Lucumones, an hereditary nobility, art, was owing, in a great measure, to their being the Tages revealed the religious usages which the people neighbours of a people whose genius was so decidedly were to observe; and they kept to themselves the averse from both as that of the Romans; who, till they knowledge of this system, with the power of applying became acquainted with the Greeks, derived all the it as they thought best for perpetuating their own modecorative part of their system of public and private nopoly. In their civil capacity, the Lucumones formlife from the Etrurians. We have no historical means ed the ruling body in all the cities of Etruria. In earof determining whether the Etrurians borrowed from lier times we read of kings, not of the whole country, the Greeks their successive improvements in sculpture but of separate states, whose power, no doubt, was and statuary, or proceeded in an independent track: greatly narrowed by that of the aristocracy; but they the fact which we shall have to produce respecting disappear after a time altogether, as from the Grecian their alphabet, renders the former supposition more and Roman history; while no body corresponding to probable. If this communication existed, it was only the plebs arose to represent the popular element of to a certain point: the Tuscan style in art always bore the constitution. It is difficult to fix the exact relaa resemblance to that of Egypt, and their most perfect tion of the great body of the ruling caste. Müller inworks had that rigidity, and want of varied and living clines to the opinion, that the cultivators of the soil expression, which characterized Grecian sculpture be- were chiefly bondsmen to the land-owners, as the Pefore Phidias had fired his imagination with Homer's de- nesta in Thessaly, and the Helots in Sparta. That scription of Jupiter and Minerva, or Praxiteles had such a class existed in Etruria is certain; that it inimbodied in marble his vision of the Queen of Beauty. cludes so large a proportion of the people is not probIn all that department of art, or the contrary, in which able; and the only argument adduced in support of it mechanism without mind may attain perfection, the is the very doubtful assumption that the clients at Etrurians were little inferior to the Greeks themselves. Rome were bondsmen of the patricians. UnquestionAn Athenian poet (ap. Athen., 1, 28) celebrated their ably the Etrurian aristocracy kept the lower orders in works in metal as the best of their kind; alluding political subjection, and the nation was thus prevented probably to their drinking-vessels and lamps, candelabra from rising to that eminence to which it might have and tripods. The religion of the Greeks lent a pow- attained; but its general prosperity is a proof that the erful aid in perfecting the plastic art; that of the Etru- government was not tyrannically exercised. The rians, as far as it was peculiar to them, had nothing to spirit of democracy appears not even to have stirred, impregnate the native fancy of the artist, or to exalt so as to awaken the fears of the ruling caste, and lead his conceptions to sublimity. They appear to have them to severity. The insurrections of which we read held an opinion, which we find both in the Northern are especially attributed to the slaves. Etruria was and Hindu theology, that the gods themselves were fertile in corn, especially in spelt, the far or ador of like the system over which they presided, the effects the Romans; of which the meal furnished the puls,