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sudden elevation, and the general profligacy of the times. He surrounded himself with gladiators, actors, and other base favourites, who made an unworthy use of their influence. He married several wives, among others a Westal. The imperial palace became a scene of debauch and open prostitution. Heliogabalus, being attached to the superstitions of the East, raised a temple on the Palatine Hill to the Syrian god whose name he bore, and plundered the temples of the Roman gods to enrich his own. He put to death many senators; he established a senate of women, under the presidency of his mother Soaemis, which body decided all questions relative to female dresses, visits, precedences, amusements, &c. He wore his pontifical vest as high-priest of the Sun, with a rich tiara on his head. His grandmother Maesa, seeing his folly, thought of conciliating the Romans by associating with him, as Caesar, his younger cousin, Alexander Severus, who soon became a favourite with the people. Heliogabalus, who had consented to the association, became afterward jealous of his cousin, and wished to deprive him of his honours, but he could not obtain the consent of the senate. His next measure was to spread the report of Alexander's death, which produced an insurrection among the praetorians. And Heliogabalus, having repaired to the camp to quell the mutiny, was murdered, together with his mother and savourites, and his body was thrown into the Tiber, A.D. 222. He was succeeded by Alexander Severus. Heliogabalus was eighteen years of age at the time of his death, and had reigned three years, nine months, and four days. (Lamprid., Wit. Heliogab.—Herodian, 5, 3, seqq.—Dio Cass., 78, 30, seqq.—Id., 79, l, seqq.) Heliópolis, a famous city of Egypt, situate a little to the east of the apex of the Delta, not far from modern Cairo. (Strab., 805.) In Hebrew it is styled On or Aun. (Well's Sacred Geography, s. v.–Excurs., 560.—Compare the remarks of Cellarius, Geog. Antiq., vol. 1, p. 802.) In the Septuagint it is called Heliopolis ('Håtåtožtc), or the city of the Sun. (Schleusner, Lez. Vet. Test., vol. 2, p. 20, ed. Glasg. —In Jeremiah, xliii., 13, “Beth Shemim,” i.e., Domus Solis.) Herodotus also mentions it by this name, and speaks of its inhabitants as being the wisest and most ingenious of all the Egyptians (2, 3.-Compare Nic. Damascenus, in Euseb., Prap. Evang., 9, 16). According to Berosus, this was the city of Moses. It was, in fact, a place of resort for all the Greeks who visited Egypt for instruction. Hither came Herodotus, Plato, Eudoxus, and others, and imbibed much of the learning which they afterward disseminated among their own countrymen. Plato, in particular, resided here three years. The city, was built, according to Strabo (l.c.), on a long, artificial mound of earth, so as to be out of the reach of the inundations of the Nile. It had an oracle of Apollo, and a famous temple of the Sun. In this temple was fed and adored the sacred ox Mnevis, as Apis was at Memphis. This city was laid waste with fire and sword by Cambyses, and its college of priests all slaughtered. Strabo saw it in a deserted state, and shorn of all its splendour. Heliopolis was famed also for its sountain of excellent water, which still remains, and gave rise to the subsequent Arabic name of the place, Ain Shems, or the sountain of the sun. The modern name is Matarea, or cool water. For some valuable remarks on the site of the ancient Heliopolis, in opposition to Larcher and Bryant, consult Clarke's Travels, vol. 5, praf., xv., seqq., and p. 140, in notis. Larcher erroneously pretends, that Heliopolis was situate within the Delta, and that Matarea stands on the site of an insignificant town of the same name, which has been confounded with the more ancient city. A solitary obelisk is all that remains at the present day of this once celebrated place. Other monuments, however, exist no doubt around this pillar, concealed only by a thin superficies

of snil. For a description of this obelisk, consult the work of the learned traveller just mentioned, vol. 5, p. 143.—II. A celebrated city of Syria, southwest of Emesa, on the opposite side of the Orontes. Its Grecian name, Heliopolis (HAtočirożuc), “City of the Sun,” is merely a translation of the native term Baalbeck, which appellation the ruins at the present day retain. Heliopolis was famed for its temple of the Sun, erected by Antoninus Pius (Malala, Chron., 11, p. 119), and the ruins of this celebrated pile still attest its former magnificence. Venus was also revered in this city, and its maidens were therefore said to be the fairest in the land. (Expositio Mundi, &c., Genev., p. 14.) Helium, a name given to the mouth of the Maese in Germany. (Plin., 4, 15.) Helius ("Häuos), the Greek name of the Sun or Apollo. HELLANícus, a Greek historian, a native of Mytilene, who flourished about 460 B.C. He wrote an account of various countries, both Grecian and Barbarian, in which he availed himself of the labours of Hecataeus and Hippys. Various productions of his are referred to by the ancient writers, under the titles of Alyvirtuaká, Aložuká, 'Apyožuká, &c. In order to arrange his narratives in chronological order, he made use of the catalogue of the priestesses of Juno at Argos, deposited in the temple at Sicyon. This is the first attempt that we find of the employment of chronology in history.—According to the ordinary derivation of this name, from ‘EA24¢, “Greece,” and vixm, “victory,” the penult ought to be long. As, however, Hellanicus was of Æolic origin, it is more than probable, as Sturz remarks, that his name is the AEolic form merely of ‘E22mukós, and hence has the penult short. Lobeck (ad Phryn., p. 670) opposes this, however, and derives the name from 'EAAá; and vism, as above, citing at the same time Tzetzes (Posthom., 778), with whom it occurs as a fourth Epitrite (–– And hence Passow (Lez. Gr.) considers the penult doubtful. The opinion of Sturz, however, seems more deserving of being followed.—The fragments which remain of the writings of Hellanicus were published by Sturz in 1787, Lips., 8vo; and a second edition in 1826. They are given also in the Museum Criticum, vol. 2, p. 90, seqq., Cambr., 1826. Hellas, a term first applied to a city and region of Thessaly, in the district of Phthiotis, but afterward extended to all Thessaly, and finally made a general appellation for the whole of Greece. “It is universally acknowledged,” observes Cramer, “that the name of Hellas, which afterward served to designate the whole of what we now call Greece, was originally applied to a particular district of Thessaly. . At that early period, as we are assured by Thucydides, the common denomination of Hellenes had not yet been received in that wide acceptation which was afterward attached to it, but each separate district enjoyed its distinctive appellation, derived mostly from the clan by which it was held, or from the chieftain who was regarded as the parent of the race. In proof of this assertior, the historian appeals to Homer, who, though much later than the siege of Troy, never applies a common term to the Greeks in general, but calls them Danai, Argivi, and Achaei. #. opinion thus advanced by Thucydides finds support in Apollodorus, who states, that when Homer mentions the Hellenes, we must understand him as referring to a people who occupied a particular district in Thessaly. The same writer observes, that it is only from the time of Hesiod and Archilochus that we hear of the Panhellenes. (Apollod, ap. Strab., 370.) It is true that the word occurs in our present copies of Homer, as in Il., 2, 530, but Aristarchus and other critics rejected it as spurious. (Schol. ad Il., l.c.) From Strabo, however, we learn that this was a disputed point; and he himself seems

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inclined to imagine that Homer did not assign to the word “E2%as so limited a signification as Thucydides supposed. But, whatever may be thought of the testimony of Homer in regard to this question, we can have no doubt as to the extension which the terms "E22ao and "EWA mec acquired in the time of Herodotus, Scylax, and Thucydides. Scylax, whose age is disputed, but of whom we may safely affirm that he wrote about the time of the Peloponnesian war, includes under Hellas all the country situated south of the Ambracian gulf and the Peneus. (Peripl., p. 12, et 25.) Herodotus extends its limits still farther north, by taking in Thesprotia (2,56), or, at least, that part of it which is south of the river Acheron (8,47). But it is more usual to exclude Epirus from Græcia Propria, and to place its northwestern extremity at Ambracia, on the Ionian Sea, while Mount Homole, near the mouth of the Peneus, was looked upon as forming its boundary on the opposite side. This coincides with the statement of Scylax, and also with that of Dicaearchus in his descriptions of Greece (v. 31, seqq.) The name Graecia, whence that of Greece has descended unto us, was given to this country by the Romans. It comes from the Graeci, one of the ancient tribes of Epirus (Aristot., Meteor., 1, 14), who never became of any historical importance, but whose name must at some period have been extensively spread on the western coast, since the inhabitants of Italy appear to have known the country at first under this name.

1. History of Greece from the earliest times to the Trojan War.

The people whom we call Greeks (the Hellenes) were not the earliest inhabitants of the country. Among the names of the many tribes which are said to have occupied the land previous to the Hellenes, the most celebrated is that of the Pelasgi, who appear to have been settled in most parts of Greece, and from whom a considerable part of the Greek population was probably descended. The Caucones, Leleges, and other barbarous tribes, who also inhabited Greece, are all regarded by a modern writer (Thirlwall, History of Greece, vol. 1, p. 32–61) as parts of the Pelasgic nation. He remarks, “that the name Pelasgians was a general one, like that of Saxons, Franks, or Alemanni, and that each of the Pelasgian tribes had also one peculiar to itself.” All these tribes, however, were obliged to submit to the power of the Hellenes, who eventually spread over the greater part of Greece. Their original seat was, according to Aristotle (Meteor., 1, 14), near Dodona, in Epirus, but they first appeared in the south of Thessaly about B.C. 1384, according to the received chronology. In accordance with the common method of the Greeks, of inventing names to account for the origin of nations, the Hellenes are represented as descended from Hellen, who had three sons, Dorus, Xuthus, and AEolus. Achaeus and Ion are represented as the sons of Xuthus; and from these sour, Dorus, AEolus, Achaeus, and Ion, the Dorians, AEolians, Achaeans, and Ionians were descended, who formed the four tribes into which the Hellenic nation was for many centuries divided, and who were distinguished from each other by many peculiarities in language and institutions. At the same time that the Hellenic race was spreading itself over the whole land, numerous colonies from the East are said to have settled in Greece, and to their influence many writers have attributed the civilization of the inhabitants. Thus we read of Egyptian colonies in Argos and Attica, of a Phoenician colony at Thebes in Baeotia, and of a Mysian colony led by Pelops, from whom the southern part of Greece derived its name of Peloponnesus. The very existence of these colonies has been doubted by some writers; but, though the evidence of each one individually is perhaps not sufficient to satis

fy a critical inquirer, yet the uniform tradition of the reeks authorizes us in the belief, that Greece did in early times receive colonies from the East; a supposition which is not in itself improbable, considering the proximity of the Asiatic coast. The time which elapsed from the appearance of the Hellenes in Thessaly to the siege of Troy is usually known by the name of the Heroic Age. Whatever opinion we may form of the Homeric poems, it can hardly be doubted that they present a correct picture of the manners and customs of the age in which the poet lived, which, in all probability, differed little from the manners and customs of the Heroic Age. The state of societ described by Homer very much resembled that . existed in Europe during the feudal ages. No great power had yet arisen in Greece; it was divided into a number of small states, governed by hereditary chiefs, whose power was limited by a martial aristocracy. Piracy was an honourable occupation, and war the deiight of noble souls. Thucydides informs us (1, 4), that the commencement of Grecian civilization is to be dated from the reign of Minos of Crete, who acquired a naval power and cleared the Ægean Sea of pirates. Among the most celebrated heroes of this period were Bellerophon and Perseus, whose adventures were laid in the East; Theseus, the king of Athens, and Hercules. Tradition also preserved the account of expeditions undertaken by several chiefs united together, such as that of the Argonauts, of the Seven against Thebes, and of the Siege of Troy, B.C. 1184.

2. From the Siege of Troy to the Commencement of the Persian wars, B.C. 500.

We learn from Thucydides (1, 12), that the popula tion of Greece was in a very unsettled state for some time after the Trojan war. Of the various migrations which appear to have taken place, the most important in their consequences were those of the Boeotians from Thessaly into the country afterward called Boeotia, and of the Dorians into Peloponnesus, the former in the sixtieth and the latter in the eightieth year aster the Trojan war. About the same period the western coast of Asia Minor was colonized by the Greeks. The ancient inhabitants of Boeotia, who had been driven out of their homes by the invasion of the Boeotians, together with some Æolians, whence it has acquired the name of the AEolian migration, left Boeotia B.C. 1124, and settled in Lesbos and the northwestern corner of Asia Minor. They were followed by the Ionians in B.C. 1040, who, having been driven from their abode on the Corinthian Gulf, had taken refuge in Attica, whence they emigrated to Asia Minor and settled on the Lydian coast. The southwestern part of the coast of Asia Minor was also colonized about the same period by Dorians. The number of Greek colonies, considering the extent of the mother country, was very great; and the readiness with which the Greeks left their homes to settle in foreign parts forms a characteristic feature in their national character. In the seventh century before Christ the Greek colonies took another direction: Cyrene, in Africa, was founded by the inhabitants of Thera, and the coasts of Sicily and the southern part of Italy became studded with so many Greek cities, that it acquired the surname of the Great, or Greater, Greece.—The two states of Greece which attained the greatest historical celebrity were Sparta and Athens. The power of Athens was of later growth; but Sparta had, from the time of the Dorian conquest, taken the lead among the Peloponnesian states, a position which she maintained by the conquest of the fertile country of Messenia, B.C. 688. Her superiority was probably owing to the nature ot her political institutions, which are said to have been fixed on a firm basis,by her celebrated lawgiver Lycurgus, B.C. 884. At the head of the polity were two hereditary chiefs, but their power ":sgo limited by a jealous aristocracy. Her territories were also increased by the conquest of Tegea in Arcadia. Athens only rose to importance in the century preceding the Persian wars; but even in this period her power was not more than a match for the little states of Megaris and Ægina. The city was long harassed by intestine commotions till the time of Solon, B.C. 594, who was chosen by his fellow-citizens to frame a new constitution and a new code of laws, to which mu:h of the future greatness of Athens must be ascribed. We have already seen that the kingly form of government was prevalent in the Heroic Age. But, during the period that elapsed between the Trojan war and the Persian invasion, hereditary political power was abolished in almost all the Greek states, with the exception of Sparta, and a republican form of government established in its stead. . In studying the history of the Greeks, we must bear in mind that almost every city formed an independent state, and that, with the exception of Athens and Sparta, which exacted obedience from the other towns of Attica and Laconia respectively, there was hardly any state which possessed more than a few miles of territory. Frequent wars between each other were the almost unavoidable consequence of the existence of so many small states nearly equal in power. The evils which arose from this state of things were partly remedied by the influence of the Amphictyonic council, and by the religious games and festivals which were held at stated periods in different parts of Greece, and during the celebration of which no wars were carried on. In the sixth century before the Christian era Greece rapidly advanced in knowledge and civilization. Literature and the fine arts were already cultivated in Athens under the auspices of Pisistratus and his sons; and the products of remote countries were introduced into Greece by the merchants of Corinth and AEgina.

3. From the Commencement of the Persian Wars to the Death of Philip of Macedon, B.C. 336.

This was the most splendid period of Grecian history. The Greeks, in their resistance to the Persians, and the part they took in the burning of Sardis, B.C. 499, drew upon them the vengeance of Darius. After the reduction of the Asiatic Greeks, a Persian army was sent into Attica, but was entirely defeated at Marathon, B.C. 490, by the Athenians under Miltiades. Ten years afterward the whole power of the Persian empire was directed against Greece; an immense army, led in person by Xerxes, advanced as far as Attica, and received the submission of almost all the Grecian states, with the exception of Athens and Sparta. But this expedition also failed; the Persian fleet was destroyed in the battles of Artemisium and Salamis; and the land sorces were entirely defeated in the following year, B.C. 479, at Plataea in Boeotia. Sparta had, previous to the Persian invasion, been regarded by the other Greeks as the first power in Greece, and accordingly she obtained the supreme command of the army and fleet in the Persian war. But, during the course of this war, the Athenians had made #. sacrifices and had shown a greater de#. of courage and patriotism. After the battle of

lataea a confederacy was formed by the Grecian states for carrying on the war against the Persians. Sparta was at first placed at the head of it; but the allies, disgusted with the tyranny of Pausanias, the Spartan commander, gave the supremacy to Athens. The allies, who consisted of the inhabitants of the islands and coasts of the AEgean Sea, were to furnish contributions in money and ships, and the delicate task of assessing the amount which each state was to pay was assigned to Aristides. . The yearly contribution was settled at 460 talents, about $485,500, and Delos was shosen as the common treasury. The Athenians, un

der the command of Cimon, carried on the war wigorously, defeated the Persian fleets, and plundered the maritime provinces of the Persian empire. During this period the power of Athens rapidly increased; she possessed a succession of distinguished statesmen, Themistocles, Aristides, Cimon, and Pericles, who all contributed to the advancement of her power, though differing in their political views. Her maritime greatness was founded by Themistocles, her revenues were increased by Pericles, and her general prosperity, in connexion with other causes, tended to produce a greater degree of refinement than existed in any other part of Greece. Literature was cultivated, and the arts of architecture and sculpture, which were employed to ornament the city,were carried to a degree of excellence that has never since been surpassed. While Athens was advancing in power, Sparta had to maintain a war against the Messenians, who again revolted, and were joined by a great number of the Spartan slaves (B.C. 464–455). But, though Sparta made no efforts during this period to restrain the Athenian power, it was not because she wanted the will, but the means. These, however, were soon furnished by the Athenians themselves, who began to treat the allied states with great tyranny, and to regard them as subjects, not as independent states in alliance. The tribute was raised from 460 to 600 talents, the treasury was removed from Delos to Athens, and the decision of all important suits was referred to the Athenian courts. hen any state withdrew from the alliance, its citizens were considered by the Athenians as rebels, and immediately reduced to subjection. The dependant states, anxious to throw off the Athenian dominion, entreated the assistance of Sparta, and thus, in conjunction with other causes, arose the war between Sparta and Athens, which lasted for twentyseven years (B. C. 431–404), and is usually known as the Peloponnesian war. It terminated by again placing Sparta at the head of the Grecian states. Soon after the conclusion of this war, Sparta engaged in a contest with the Persian empire, which lasted from B.C. 400 to 394. The splendid successes which Agesilaus, the Spartan king, obtained over the Persian troops in Asia Minor, and the manifest weakness of the Persian empire, which had been already shown by the retreat of the ten thousand Greeks from the heart of the Persian empire, appear to have induced Agesilaus to entertain the design of overthrowing the Persian monarchy; but he was obliged to return to his native country to defend it against a powerful confederacy, which had been formed by the Corinthians, Thebans, Argives, Athenians, and Thessalians, for the purpose of throwing off the Spartan dominion. The confederates were not, however, successful in their attempt; and the Spartan supremacy was again secured for a brief period by a general peace, made B.C. 387, usually known by the name of the peace of Antalcidas. Ten years afterward the rupture between Thebes and Sparta began, which led to a general war in Greece, and for a short time placed Thebes at the head of the Grecian states. The greatness of Thebes was principally owing to the wisdom and valour of two of her citizens, Pelopidas and Epaminondas. After the death of Epaminondas at the battle of Mantinea, B.C. 362, Thebes again sunk to its former obscurity. The Spartan supremacy was however destroyed by this war, and her power still more humbled by the restoration of Messenia to independence, B.C. 369. From the conclusion of this war to the reign of Philip of Macedon Greece remained without any ruling power. It is only necessary here to mention the part which Philip took in the sacred war, which last: ed ten years (B.C. 356–346), in which he *. as the defender of the Amphictyonic council, and which terminated by the conquest of the Phocians The Athenians, urged on by Demosthenes, made an al liance with the Thebans for the purpose of resisting Philip ; but their defeat at Chaeronea, B.C. 388, secured for the Macedonian king the supremacy of Greece. In the same year a congress of Grecian states was held at Corinth, in which Philip was chosen generalissino of the Greeks in a projected war against the Persian empire; but his assassination in B.C. 336 caused this enterprise to devolve on his son Alexander.

4. From the Accession of Alexander the Great to the Roman Conquest, B.C. 146.

• The conquests of Alexander extended the Grecian influence over the greater part of Asia west of the Indus. After his death the dominion of the East was contested by his generals, and two powerful empires were permanently established; that of the Ptolemies in Egypt and the Seleucidae in Syria. The dominions of the early Syrian kings embraced the greater part of western Asia; but their empire was soon divided into various independent kingdoms, such as that of Bactria, Pergamus, &c., in all of which the Greek language was spoken, not merely at court, but to a considerable extent in the cities. From the death of Alexander to the Roman conquest, Macedon remained the ruling power in Greece. The AEtolian and Achaean leagues were formed, the former B.C. 284, the latter B.C. 281, for the purpose of resisting the Macedonian kings. Macedonia was conquered by the Romans B.C. 197, and the Greek states declared independent. This, however, was merely nominal; they only exchanged the rule of the Macedonian kings for that of the Roman people; and in B.C. 146, Greece was reduced to the form of a Roman province, called Achaia, though certain cities, such as Athens, Delphi, &c., were allowed to have the rank of free towns. The history of Greece, from this period, forms part of the Roman empire. It was overrun by the Goths in A.D. 267, and again in A.D. 398, under Alaric; and, after being occupied by the Crusaders and Venetians, at last fell into the hands of the Turks, on the conquest of Constantinople; from whom, with the exception of Macedonia, Thessaly, and Epirus, it is now again liberated. (Encycl. Us. Knowl., vol. 12, p. 426, seqq.) #or. a daughter of Athamas and Nephele, sister to Phrixus. She and her brother Phrixus, in order to avoid the cruel persecution of their stepmother Ino, fled from Thessaly on the back of a golden fleeced ram, which transported them through the air. They proceeded safely till they came to the sea between the romontory of Sigaeum and the Chersonese, into which !. fell, and it was named from her Hellespontus (Helle's Sea). Phrixus proceeded on his way to Col. chis. (Vid. Athamas, Argonauta, Phrixus.) The tomb of Helle was placed, according to Herodotus, on the shores of the Chersonese, near Cardia. (Herod., 7, 58.) HelleN, the fabled son of Deucalion and Pyrrha, and progenitor of the Hellenic race. (Wid. Hellas, Š 1, History of Greece, from the earliest times to the Trojan war.) HELLENEs (‘E22 mec), the general name of the Grecian race. It was first borne by the tribes that came in from the north, at an early period, and eventually spread themselves over the whole of Greece. Their original seat was, according to Aristotle (Meteor., 1, 14), near Dodona, in Epirus; but they first appeared in the south of Thessaly, about B.C. 1384, according to the common chronology. (Wid. Hellas, $ 1, History of Greece, from the earliest times to the Trojan war.) Hellespontus, now the Dardanelles, a narrow strait between Asia and Europe, near the Propontis, which received its name, it is said, from Helle, who was drowned there in her voyage to Colchis. (Vid. Helle.) Its modern name of Dardanelles is supposed to come from

the ancient Dardania in its vicinity. Homer's epithet of Tâario, “broad,” applied to so narrow a strait (Il., 7, 86.-Compare Il., 17, 432.-0d., 24, 82.-AEschyl., Pers., 880), has given rise to much discussion, and is one of those points which have a bearing on the long-agitated question respecting the site of Troy. Hobhouse undertakes to explain the seeming inconsistency of Homer's term, by showing that the Heslespont should be considered as extending down to the promontory of Lectum, the northern boundary of AEolia, and that the whole line of coast to this point from Abydus, was considered by Strabo as being the shores of the Hellespont, not of the AEgean. (Journey, Let. 42.-Vol. 2, p. 206, seqq., Am. ed.) The same writer observes, with regard to the breadth of the Hellespont, that it nowhere seems to be less than a mile across; and yet the ancient measurements give only seven stadia, or eight hundred and seventy-five paces. Walpole, on the other hand, as cited by Clarke (Travels, vol. 3, p. 91, in notis, Eng. ed.), assigns to the epithet Tržaric the meaning of “salt,” or “brack1sh,” referring, in support of this conjecture, to Aristotle (Meteorol., 2, 3–0p., ed. Dural, vol. 1, p. 556, D. et E.), who uses it three times in this sense, and to Hesychius. (Compare Herod., 2, 108, and Schweigh., ad loc.) This, however, is at best a very forced explanation. Homer appears to consider the Hellespont rather as a mighty river than a winding arm of the sea; and hence thatüc, “broad,” becomes no inappropriate term, more especially if we take into the connexion the analogous epithets of dyáñoot (“rapidly flowing”), and direipov (“boundless”), which are elsewhere applied by him to the same Hellespont. (Il, 2, 845—Il., 24, 545.) Casaubon, in his commentary on Athenaeus, adduces the passage quoted above by Walpole, together with one or two others, likewise from Aristotle, in favour of Tâatic meaning “salt;” and a critic in the Edinburgh Review (vol. 21, p. 136), whom Blomfield quaintly designates as “censor quidam semidoctus,” seeks to advocate the same opinion. It has few if any advocates, however, at the present day. (Consult Blomf, Gloss. ad AEsch., Pers., 880.) —Some scholars suppose, that when Homer speaks of the “broad Hellespont,” he actually means the northern part of the AEgean. Thus, Heyne observes, “Homer always places the camp on the Hellespont, in the more extensive signification of that term, as meaning the northern part of the AEgean Sea (Il., 18, 150; 24, 346.-Od., 24, 82.-Il., 7, 86, &c.), and hence should be derived the explanation of the epithets träaríg and &Tsipov.” (Beschreib., der Eb. von Troja, p. 250.) —Whether the denomination Hellespont was derived from EAAsic, Greece at large (Pind., Pyth., 7, 7– Id, ibid., 10, 29), or from "E2%áç, the province or city (Strab.,431), or from Helle, according to the popular legend, cannot now be ascertained.—Stephanus of Byzantium (p. 232, ed. Berkel) says the earlier name of the Hellespont was the Borysthenes (Bopvatévnç). (Compare Ritter, Vorhalle, p. 174.) Perhaps a careful investigation of the subject would lead to the conclusion, that Homer gives the name of Hellespont to the whole Propontis. (Classical Journal, vol. 16, p. 64.)—The Hellespont is celebrated for the love and death of Leander. (Wid. Hero, and Leander, and the remarks under the latter article). It is famed also for the bridge of boats which Xerxes built over it when he invaded Greece. (Wid. remarks under the article Abydus, I.) Hellopia, a district of Euboea, in which Histiaea was situated. (Strab.,445.-Compare Herodot.,8,23.) HELöRus, I. a river of Sicily, near the southern extremity of the island, now the Abiso. It is mentioned by several of the ancient poets, on account of the remarkably fertile country through which it flows. (Virg., %. 3, 659.—Ovid, Fast., 4, 487, &c.) Sil

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referring either to the noise of its waters in the numerous caverns found along its banks, or to the laments occasioned by its inundations of the neighbourhood. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 10, pt. 2, p. 340.)—II. A town of Sicily, near the mouth of the river Helorus. (Steph. Byz., s. v. "EAwpoc.) Pliny speaks of it, however, as a mere castle or fortified post, with a good fishery attached to it. But it was, in truth, a very ancient city, and very probably a place of some importance before the arrival of the Greeks. The adjacent country was very fertile and beautiful. Hence Ovid (l.c.) speaks of the “Helorian Tempe,” and Diodorus Siculus (13, 19) of the 'EW&ptov reëtov, “Helorian plain.” Compare also Virgil (l.c.), “Praepingue solum stagnantis Helori.” The remains of this city are called Muri Ucci. HELos, I. a town of Laconia, on the left bank of the Eurotas, and not far from the mouth of that river. It was said to have owed its origin to Helius, the son of Perseus. The inhabitants of this town, having revolted against the Dorians and Heraclidae, were reduced to slavery, and called Helots, which name was afterward extended to the various people who were held in bondage by the Spartans. (Pausan., 3, 20.) Ephorus, as cited by Strabo (364), makes Agis to have reduced the Helots to subjection; but Pausanias (3, 2) speaks of a much later reduction of the place. To reconcile the statements of these two writers, we must suppose, that, at the subjugation of Helos by Agis, about 200 years before, some of the inhabitants had been suffered to remain, and that, at the time mentioned by Pausanias, they were finally destroyed or removed. Helos itself remained to the time of Thucydides (4, 54) and of Xenophon (Hist. Gr., 6, 5, 32): perhaps a fortress on the coast. (Clinton, Fasti Hellenici, 2d ed., p. 405, note 2.) Polybius says (5, 19, 8; 20, 12), that the district of Helos was the most extensive and fertile part of Laconia; but the coast was marshy. In Strabo's time Helos was only a village, and some years later Pausanias informs us it was in ruins. In Lapie's map the vestiges of Helos are placed at Tsyli, about five miles from the Eurotas, and Sir W. Gell observes that the marsh of Helos is to the east of the mouth of that river. (Gell's Itin. of the Morea, p. 233.-Cramer's Ancient Greece, vol. 3, p. 193, seqq.) Helötze (Ełżārat), and Hei.ötes (E7%rec), the Helots or bondsmen of the Spartans. The common account, observes Müller (Dorians, vol. 2, p. 30, Eng. trans.—Vol. 2, p. 33, German work), of the origin of this class is, that the inhabitants of the maritime town of Helos were reduced by Sparta to this state of degradation, aster an insurrection against the Dorians already established in power. This explanation, howover, rests merely on an etymology, and that by no means probable, since such a Gentile name as Elżoc (which seems to be the more ancient form) cannot by any method of formation have been derived from "E202. The word Eižac is probably a derivative from "E20 in a passive sense, and consequently means “a prisoner.” This derivation was known in ancient times. (Compare Schol., Plat., Alcib., 1, p. 78, and Lennep, Etymol., p. 257.) Perhaps the word signifies those who were taken after having resisted to the uttermost. It appears to me, however, that they were an aboriginal race, which was subdued at a very early period, and which immediately passed over as slaves to the Doric conquerors. In speaking of the condition of the Helots, we will consider their political rights and their personal treatment under different heads, though in fact the two subjects are very nearly connected. The first were doubtless exactly defined by law and custom, though the expressions made use of by ancient authors are frequently vague and ambiguous. “They were,” says Ephorus (ap. Strab., 365), “in a certain point of view, public slaves. Their possessor could neither

liberate them, nor sell them beyond the borders.” From this it is evident that they were considered as belonging properly to the state, which to a certain degree permitted them to be possessed by, and apportioned them out to, individuals, reserving to itself the power of enfranchising them. But to sell them out of the country was not in the power even of the state; and, to the best of our knowledge, such an event never occurred. It is, upon the whole, most probable, that individuals had no power to sell them at all, as they be. longed chiefly to the landed property, and this was unalienable. On these lands they had certain fixed dwellings of their own, and particular services and payments were prescribed to them. They paid as rent a fixed measure of corn; not, however, like the Periosci, to the state, but to their masters. As this quantity had been definitively settled at a very early period (to raise the amount being forbidden under heavy imprecations), the Helots were the persons who profited by a good, and lost by a bad, harvest, which must have been to them an encouragement to industry and good husbandry; a motive which would have been wanting if the profit and loss had merely affected the landlords. And by this means, as is proved by the accounts respecting the Spartan agriculture, a careful management of the cultivation of the soil was kept up. By ineans of the rich produce of the lands, and in part by plunder obtained in war, they collected a considerable property, to the attainment of which almost every access was closed to the Spartans. The cultivation of the land, however, was not the only duty of the Helots; they also attended upon their masters at the public meals, who, according to the Lacedæmonian principle of a community of property, mutually lent them to one another. (Xen., Rep. Lac., 6, 3–Aristot., Pol., 2, 2, 5.) A large number of them was also employed by the state in public works. In the field the Helots never served as Hoplitar, except in extraordinary cases; and then it was the general practice afterward to give them their liberty. (Compare Thucyd., 7, 19, and 4, 80.) On other occasions they attended the regular army as light-armed troops (othot); and that their numbers were very considerable may be seen from the battle of Plataea, in which 5000 Spartans were attended by 35,000 Helots. Although they did not share the honour of the heavy-armed soldiers, they were in turn exposed to a less degree of danger. For, while the former, in close rank, received the onset of the enemy with spear and shield, the Helots, armed only with their sling and javelin, were in a moment either before or behind the ranks, as Tyrtaeus accurately describes the relative duties of the light-armed soldier (yúuvno) and the Hoplite. Sparta, in her better days, is never recorded to have unnecessarily sacrificed the lives of her Helots. A certain number of them was allotted to each Spartan (Herodot., 9, 28.—Thucyd., 3, 8); at the battle of Plataea this number was seven. Those who were assigned to a single master were probably called duti-rapec. Of these, however, one in particular was the serrant (Jepárav) of his master, as in the story of the blind Spartan, who was conducted by his Helot into the thickest of the battle of Thermopylae, and, while the latter fled, fell with the other heroes. (Herod., 7, 229.) It appears that the other Helots were in the field placed more immediately under the command of the king than the rest of the army. (Herod., 6, 80 et 81.) In the fleet they composed the large mass of the sailors (Xcm., Hist. Gr., 7, 1, 12), in which service at Athens the inferior citizens and slaves were employed. It is a matter of much greater difficulty to form a clear notion of the treatment of the Helots, and of their manner of life ; for the rhetorical spirit with which later historians have embellished their philanthropic views, joined to our own ignorance, has been productive of much confusion and misconception. Myron of Priene, in his romance

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