the whole of Lower Italy in the power of Hannibal, but it was not followed by such important results as might have been expected. Capua and most of the cities of Campania espoused his cause, but the majority of the Italian states continued firm to Rome. The defensive system was now strictly adopted by the Ro mans, and Hannibal was unable to make any active exertions for the farther conquest of Italy till he received a reinforcement of troops. He was in hopes of obtaining support from Philip of Macedon and from the Syracusans, with both of whom he formed an alliance; but the Romans found means to keep Philip employed in Greece, and Syracuse was besieged and taken by Marcellus, B.C. 214-12. In addition to this, Capua was taken by the Romans, B.C. 211. Hannibal was therefore obliged to depend upon the Carthaginians for help, and Hasdrubal was accordingly

battle which ensued the Romans were defeated, and Scipio, with the remainder of the army, retreating along the left bank of the Po, crossed the river before Hannibal could overtake him, and encamped near Placentia. He afterward retreated more to the south, and intrenched himself strongly on the right bank of the Trebia, where he waited for the arrival of the army under the other consul T. Sempronius. Sempronius had already crossed over into Sicily with the intention of sailing to Africa, when he was recalled to join his colleague. After the union of the two armies, Sempronius determined, against the advice of Scipio, to risk another battle. The skill and fortune of Hannibal again prevailed; the Romans were entirely defeated, and the troops which survived took refuge in the fortified cities. In consequence of these victories, the whole of Cisalpine Gaul fell into the hands of Hannibal; and the Gauls, who, on his first arrival, were pre-ordered to march from Spain to his assistance. Cnæus vented from joining him by the presence of Scipio's Scipio, as already observed, was left in Spain_to_oparmy in their country, now eagerly assisted him with pose Hannibal. He was afterward joined by P. Cormen and supplies. In the following year, B.C. 217, nelius Scipio, and the war was carried on with various the Romans made great preparations to oppose their success for many years, till at length the Roman formidable enemy. Two new armies were levied; army was entirely defeated by Hasdrubal, B.C. 212. one was posted at Arretium, under the command of Both the Scipios fell in the battle. Hasdrubal was the consul Flaminius, and the other at Ariminum, now preparing to join his brother, but was prevented under the consul Servilius. Hannibal determined to by the arrival of young P. Cornelius Scipio in Spain, attack Flaminius first. In his march southward through B.C. 210, who quickly recovered what the Romans the swamps of the basin of the Arnus, his army suf- had lost. In B.C. 210 he took New Carthage; and fered greatly, and he himself lost the sight of one eye. it was not till B.C. 207, when the Carthaginians had After resting his troops for a short time in the neigh- lost almost all their dominions in Spain, that Hasdrubal bourhood of Fæsulæ, he marched past Arretium, rava- set out to join his brother in Italy. He crossed the ging the country as he went, with the view of drawing Alps without meeting with any opposition from the out Flaminius to a battle. Flaminius, who appears to Gauls, and arrived at Placentia before the Romans have been a rash, headstrong man, hastily followed were aware that he had entered Italy. After besiegHannibal; and, being attacked in the basin of the Lake ing this town without success, he continued his march Trasimenus, was completely defeated by the Cartha- southward; but, before he could effect a junction with ginians, who were posted on the mountains which Hannibal, he was attacked by the consuls C. Claudius encircled the valley. Three or four days after Hanni- Nero and M. Livius, on the banks of the Metaurus in bal cut off a detachment of Roman cavalry, amounting Umbria; his army was cut to pieces, and he himself to 4000 men, which had been sent by Servilius to as- fell in the battle. This misfortune obliged Hannibal sist his colleague. Hannibal appears to have enter- to act on the defensive; and from this time till his detained hopes of overthrowing the Roman dominion, parture from Italy, B.C. 203, he was confined to Bruand to have expected that the other states of Italy tium; but, by his superior military skill, he maintained would take up arms against Rome, in order to recover his army in a hostile country without any assistance their independence. To conciliate the affections of from his government at home. After effecting the the Italians, he dismissed without ransom all the conquest of Spain, Scipio passed over into Africa to prisoners whom he took in battle; and, to give them carry the war into the enemy's country, B.C. 204. an opportunity of joining his army, he marched slowly With the assistance of Masinissa, a Numidian prince, along the eastern side of the peninsula, through Uni- he gained two victories over the Carthaginians, who bria and Picenum, into Apulia; but he did not meet hastily recalled their great commander from Italy to with that co-operation which he appears to have ex- defend his native state. Hannibal landed at Septis, pected. After the defeat of Flaminius, Q. Fabius and advanced near Zama, five days' journey from CarMaximus was appointed dictator, and a defensive sys- thage towards the west. Here he was entirely detem of warfare was adopted by the Romans till the feated by Scipio, B.C. 202; 20,000 Carthaginians fell end of the year. In the following year, B.C. 216, the in the battle, and an equal number were taken prisRomans resolved upon another battle. An army of oners. The Carthaginians were obliged to sue for 80,000 foot and 6000 horse was raised, which was peace, and thus ended the second Punic war, B.C. commanded by the consuls L. Æmilius Paulus and 201. After the conclusion of the war, Hannibal vigC. Terentius Varro. The Carthaginian army now orously applied himself to correct the abuses which amounted to 40,000 foot and 10,000 horse. The ar- existed in the Carthaginian government. He reduced mies were encamped in the neighbourhood of Canna the power of the perpetual judges (as Livy, 23, 46, in Apulia. In the battle which was fought near this calls them), and provided for the proper collection of place, the Romans were defeated with dreadful car- the public revenue, which had been embezzled. He nage, and with a loss which, as stated by Polybius, is was supported by the people in these reforms; but he quite incredible; the whole of the infantry engaged in incurred the enmity of many powerful men, who repbattle, amounting to 70,000, was destroyed, with the resented to the Romans that he was endeavouring to exception of 3000 men, who escaped to the neigh persuade his countrymen to join Antiochus, king of bouring cities, and also all the cavalry, with the ex- Syria, in a war against them. A Roman embassy ception of 300 belonging to the allies, and 70 that es- was consequently sent to Carthage, to demand the puncaped with Varro. A detachment of 10,000 foot, ishment of Hannibal as a disturber of the public peace; which had been sent to surprise the Carthaginian but Hannibal, aware that he should not be able to recamp, was obliged to surrender as prisoners. The sist his enemies supported by the Roman power, esconsul L. Æmilius, and the two consuls of the for- caped from the city and sailed to Tyre. From Tyre mer year, Servilius and Attilius, were also among the he went to Ephesus to join Antiochus, B.C. 196, and slain. Hannibal lost only 4000 Gauls, 1500 Africans contributed to fix him in his determination to make and Spaniards, and 200 horse. This victory placed | war against the Romans. If Hannibal's advice as to

the conduct of the war had been followed, the result | naturally appear the most authentic, on account of its of the contest might have been different; but he was early date, as well as of the internal evidence which only employed in a subordinate command, and had no it bears of the truth. Unfortunately, Polybius was opportunity for the exertion of his great military tal- writing to Greeks, and was therefore, as he himself ents. At the conclusion of this war Hannibal was tells them, not anxious to introduce into his narrative obliged to seek refuge at the court of Prusias, king of names of places and of countries in which they were Bithynia, where he remained about five years, and on little interested, and which, if inserted, would rather one occasion obtained a victory over Eumenes, king of have injured than assisted the unity of his story. In Pergamus. But the Romans appear to have been un-consequence of this, although he has been remarkably easy as long as their once formidable enemy was alive. careful in giving us the distances performed by the An embassy was sent to demand him of Prusias, who, Carthaginian army in their march from the Pyrenees being afraid of offending the Romans, agreed to give to the plains of Italy, as well as the time in which they him up. To avoid falling into the hands of his ungen- were completed, he has been generally sparing of his erous enemies, Hannibal destroyed himself by poison proper names, and he has not positively stated in terms at Nicomedia in Bithynia, B.C. 183, in the sixty-fifth the name of that passage of the Alps through which year of his age. The personal character of Hannibal Hannibal marched. Now, though the distances (which is only known to us from the events of his public life, are positive), and the general description of the counand even these have not been commemorated by any try, and the names of the nations (when these latter historian of his own country; but we cannot read the are mentioned) which the army passed through, afford history of these campaigns, of which we have here sufficient data to prove beyond all doubt that Hannibal presented a mere outline, even in the narrative of his passed by the Alpis Graia, or Little St. Bernard; yet, enemies, without admiring his great abilities and cour- as this is not expressly stated, Livy, who, without acage. Polybius remarks (lib. xi.), How wonderful knowledgment, has borrowed the greater part of his is it, that in a course of sixteen years, during which own narrative from Polybius, has asserted that he went he maintained the war in Italy, he should never once over the Alpis Cottia, or Mont Genevre; and as Livy dismiss his army from the field, and yet be able, like a is much more read than Polybius, his account has obgood governor, to keep in subjection so great a multi-tained much more credit than it deserves, and has been tude, and to confine them within the bounds of their considered as almost decisive of the question. It has duty, so that they never mutinied against him nor been particularly adopted by almost all the French quarrelled among themsevles. Though his army was writers upon the subject, and though they differ from composed of people of various countries, of Africans, each other as to the road which the army took to arSpaniards, Gauls, Carthaginians, Italians, and Greeks rive at that passage, and, farther, though the account -men who had different laws, different customs, and itself is absolutely inconsistent in many parts, yet the different language, and, in a word, nothing among authority of so great a name has almost set criticism them that was common-yet, so dexterous was his at defiance, and his commentators have endeavoured management, that, notwithstanding this great diversity, to reconcile his contradictions as well as they were he forced all of them to acknowledge one authority, able. It was evident, however, to those who were in and to yield obedience to one command. And this, too, the habit of looking a little deeper than the surface, he effected in the midst of very various fortune. How that Livy's account, which, even when taken by itself, high as well as just an opinion must these things con- was far from satisfactory, was, when compared with vey to us of his ability in war. It may be affirmed that of Polybius, with which it had been generally supwith confidence, that if he had first tried his strength posed to agree, very different in its conclusion; and in the other parts of the world, and had come last to at- this variation between them was so decided, that it tack the Romans, he could scarcely have failed in any was quite impossible that both could be right. Gibpart of his design." (Polyb., 3.--Ib., 7, 8, 9.-1b., bon was so much struck with this variation, as well 14, 16.-Livy, 21-39.-Nepos, Vit. Hannib.-En- as with the respective characters of the two authors as cycl. Us. Knowl., vol. 12, p. 40, seq.) historians, that he would have given up Livy at once, had he not been unable, from his ignorance of the passage alluded to by Polybius, to decide the question in favour of the latter. The opinion of Gibbon appears also to have been very much influenced by that of D'Anville, an authority to be respected above all others for wonderful accuracy and depth of research in matters relating to ancient topography. D'Anville, however, is guided in his opinion by the idea that the guides of Hannibal were Taurini, a mistake which is the more extraordinary as Livy himself (21, 29) states them to be Boii. Mr. Holdsworth, who had devoted much of his time and attention to subjects of this nature (Spence's Anecdotes of Men and Books), appears to have detected Livy's inconsistencies as well as Gibbon, and to have been of opinion that the army crossed the Alps to the north of the Mont Genevre; but as he was, as well as Gibbon, unacquainted with the passage of the Little St. Bernard, he was unable to fix upon the exact spot. It is to General Melville that the literary world has been indebted, in later times, for the suggestion of this latter pass; and it is by this suggestion that a question so long doubtful has received a most satisfactory explanation. This gentleman, on his return from the West Indies, where he had held a high military command, turned his whole attention to the investigation of the military antiquities of the Romans, and for this purpose spent some years in travelling over France, Italy, and Germany, and examined with great attention the countries which had been the

The passage of the Alps by Hannibal has already been alluded to in the course of the present article. Before concluding the biography of the Carthaginian general, it may not be amiss to direct the student's attention more particularly to this point. "This wonderful undertaking," observes a recent writer, "would naturally have attracted great notice, if considered only with reference to its general consequences, and to its particular effects on the great contest carried on between Rome and Carthage; for this march, which carried the war from a distant province to the very gates of the former, totally changed the character of the struggle, and compelled the Romans to fight for existence instead of territory. These events, however, are not the only causes which have thrown so much interest on the passage of the Alps by Hannibal; for the doubt and uncertainty which have existed, even from very remote times, as to the road by which the passage was effected; the numerous and distinguished writers who have declared themselves on different sides of the question; the variation between the two great historians of the transactions of those times, Polybius and Livy; all these things united have involved the subject in difficulties which have increased its importance, and which have long exercised many able writers in vain attempts to elucidate them. The relation of Polybius, who lived very soon after the transactions which he describes, and who had himself examined the country for the purpose of writing his history, would

Review for November, 1825. This theory, however, has been attacked in a recent publication (Hannibal's Passage of the Alps, by a Member of the University of Cambridge), the author of which contends for the passage over Monte Viso, where the Maritime Alpe terminate. His arguments are far from conclusive. The passage by Mont Cenis has also found many advocates, the most distinguished of whom is Mannert. This learned scholar, in the introductory chapter to his Geography of Ancient Italy, in which he gives an aecount of the Alps and the various passes by which they were formerly traversed, expresses his belief that Hannibal crossed the great chain by the route of Mont Cenis. In forming his opinion, he appears to have been solely guided, and no doubt most judiciously, by the narrative of Polybius; and he professes to have found the distances, as given in the best modern maps, accurately agreeing with the statement of the Greek historian. This fact is open to dispute; for, although the route of the Mont Cenis deviates at first very little from that on which the theory respecting the Little St. Bernard is founded, yet the immediate descent upon Turin shortens the total distance very considerably, and it will be impossible to make up 150 miles from the first ascent of the Alps to the descent at Su

scenes of the most celebrated battles and events re- | corded in Roman history. From his thorough knowledge of Polybius, he was early struck with the great authority that his narrative carried with it, and he determined, if possible, to set at rest the much agitated question of the passage of the Alps by Hannibal. As he perceived that no perusal of the historian, however close and attentive, no critical sagacity and discernment, could alone enable him to arrive at the truth, unless he verified the observations of his author on the same ground, and compared his descriptions with the same scenes as those which that author had himself visited and examined, the general surveyed attentively all the known passages of the Alps, and more particularly those which were best known to the ancients. The result of all these observations was a firm conviction that the passage of the Little St. Bernard was that by which Hannibal had crossed over into Italy, both as being most probable in itself, and also as agreeing beyond all comparison more closely than any other with the description given by Polybius. The general must be looked upon as the first who has solved the problem in history. It is not, indeed, meant that he was absolutely the first who made the Carthaginian army penetrate by that pass into Italy, since the oldest authority on this point, that of Cœlius Antipater, rep-sa, without very much overrating the actual distances. resents it as having taken that route; but it is affirmed Morcover, it cannot be conceded to the learned prothat he was the first to revive an opinion concerning fessor, that the plains of Italy can be seen from the that passage, which, although existing in full force in summit of Mont Cenis, and from thence only. It is the traditions of the country itself, appears to have most certain that he has been misinformed on this point, been long laid aside as forgotten, and to have rested though it has also been maintained by others. Even that opinion on arguments the most solid and plausi- De Saussure, who ascended the Roche Michel far ble. General Melville never published any account of above the Hospice of the Grande Croix, could not his observations, and they would most probably have perceive the plains from that elevated summit. The been lost to the world, had he not found in M. De Luc, Roche Melon is the only point in this vicinity from of Geneva, nephew of the late distinguished philoso- which it is possible to have a view of Piedmont; but pher of that name, a person eminently qualified to un-it is not accessible from the Grande Croix, or any dertake the task which he himself declined, and even point in the road of Mont Cenis. (Wickham and materially to improve upon his labours. The very able Cramer, p. 173, seqq., 2d ed.)-It remains to say a and learned work which that gentleman published at few words on the opinion of Napoleon on this subject, Geneva in 1818, entitled Histoire du Passage des as stated in his "Notes sur l'ouvrage intitulé ConsidAlpes par Annibal, contains a very full and clear re-erations sur l'Art de la Guerre," in the second volport of the observations of General Melville, supported by arguments and by evidence entirely original, and which must be admitted by every candid and judicious inquirer to be clear and conclusive. A second edition of this work was published in 1825, considerably augmented." (Dissertation on the Passage of Hannibal over the Alps, by Wickham and Cramer, pref., p. xi., seqq.) In the work here quoted, the route which Hannibal is conceived to have taken is stated as follows: after crossing the Pyrenees at Bellegarde, he went to Nismes, through Perpignan, Narbonne, Beziers, and Montpellier, as nearly as possible in the exact track of the great Roman road. From Nismes he marched to the Rhone, which he crossed at Roquemaure, and then went up the river to Vienne, or possibly a little higher. From thence, marching across the flat country of Dauphiny in order to avoid the angle which the river makes at Lyons, he rejoined it at St. Genis d'Aouste. He then crossed the Mont du Chat to Chambery, joined the Isere at Montureillan, ascended it as far as Scez, crossed the Little St. Bernard, and descended upon Aosta and Ivrea by the banks of the Doria Baltea. After halting for some time at Ivrea, he marched upon Turin, which he took, and then prepared himself for ulterior operations against the Romans (pref., p. xxii., seq.). The Alpis Graia, or Little St. Bernard, forms, it should be remembered, the communication between the valley of the Isere and that of Aosta. It is situated a little to the south of Mont Blanc, and is the most northerly of the passages of that division of the Alps which runs from north to south. In corroboration of the theory which assigns the Little St. Bernard as the route of Hannibal, may be cited a very able article on the subject, which appeared in the Edinburgh

ume of his Melanges Historiques. In these notes he gives a very concise account of the road which he conceives Hannibal to have taken, and which is as follows: he crossed the Rhone a little below Orange, and in four days reached either the confluence of the Rhone and Isere, or that of the Drac and Isere, settled the affairs of the two brothers, and then, after six days' march, arrived, on the former supposition, at Montureillan, and from thence, in nine days, at Susa, by the passage of Mont Cenis; or, in the latter case, if he arrived at Grenoble at the end of the four days, he would reach St. Jean de Maurienne in six days, and Susa in nine days more; from Susa he marched upon Turin, and, after the capture of the city, he advanced to Milan. The reasoning by which Napoleon supports his hypothesis, is principally founded on what the French call "la raison de la guerre," that is, Hannibal did this because, as a military man, he ought to have done it; and, if we were discussing prospective operations. there is no doubt that the opinion of so great a general as Napoleon would be almost conclusive; but, in reasoning upon the past, the elements of the discussion are as open to civil as to military writers, and the former are quite as capable of conducting an argument logically as the latter. Napoleon has been guilty of several inaccuracies in his statement, and his argument is conducted in that decided manner which bears down all opposition, and which supposes that whatever he says must be right. He asserts that both Polybius and Livy state the army to have arrived, in the first instance, at Turin, and he loses sight altogether of the detailed narration of Polybius.* The author upon whose work he is commenting adopts the passage of the Little St. Bernard, which Napeleon

refuses to believe, because Hannibal must have been | whom the Lixite described as swifter in running than early acquainted with the retreat of the Romans to- horses. Having procured interpreters from them, we wards their fleet, and would not, in that case, have coasted along a desert country towards the south two marched to the north. The explanation of all this may days. Thence we proceeded towards the east the be found in Napoleon's own words: "La marche course of a day. Here we found, in a recess of a cerd'Annibal depuis Collioure jusqu'a Turin a été toute | tain bay, a small island, containing a circle of five stasimple; elle a été celle d'un voyageur; il a pris la dia, where we settled a colony, and called it Cerne. route la plus courte." Hardly so, since the road by We judged from our voyage that this place lay in a diMont Genevre was shorter than that by Mont Cenis, rect line with Carthage; for the length of our voyage as he himself allows, a few pages before. In a word, from Carthage to the Pillars was equal to that from if we had no historical details to guide us, Napoleon the Pillars to Cerne. We then came to a lake, which would probably be right; but as we profess to be we reached by sailing up a large river called Chretes. guided by those details, and as, from his omitting to This lake had three islands, larger than Cerne; from notice the greater part of them, he appears either to which, proceeding a day's sail, we came to the extremhave been ignorant of them, or to have been unable ity of the lake, that was overhung by large mountto make them agree with his hypothesis, we must ains, inhabited by savage men, clothed in skins of wild come to the conclusion, that what he says rests upon beasts, who drove us away by throwing stones, and no proof, and is to be merely considered as the opinion hindered us from landing. Sailing thence, we came to of a great general upon an hypothetical case. (Wick- another river, that was large and broad, and full of ham and Cramer, p. 188, seqq.) crocodiles and river horses; whence returning back we HANNO (meaning in Punic "merciful" or "mild"), came again to Cerne. Thence we sailed towards the I. a commander sent by the Carthaginians on a voyage south twelve days, coasting the shore, the whole of of colonization and discovery along the Atlantic coast which is inhabited by Ethiopians, who would not wait of Africa. This expedition is generally supposed to our approach, but fled from us. Their language was have taken place about 570 B.C. Gail, however, not intelligible even to the Lixite who were with us. places it between 633 and 530 B.C._ (Geogr. Gr. Towards the last day we approached some large mountMin., vol. 1, p. 82.) On his return to Carthage, Han- ains covered with trees, the wood of which was sweetno deposited an account of his voyage in the temple of scented and variegated. Having sailed by these mountSaturn. A translation of this account from the Punic ains for two days, we came to an immense opening of into the Greek tongue, has come down to us; and its the sea; on each side of which, towards the continent, authenticity, attacked by Dodwell, has been defended was a plain; from which we saw by night fire arising by Bougainville (Mem. Acad. des Inscr., &c., vol. 26, at intervals in all directions, either more or less. Hav26), Falconer, and others. Gail also declares in its ing taken in water there, we sailed forward five days favour, though he admits that the narrative may, and near the land, until we came to a large bay, which our probably does, contain many wilful deviations from the interpreters informed us was called the Western Horn. truth, in accordance with the jealous policy of the Car- In this was a large island, and in the island a salt-water thaginians in misleading other nations by erroneous lake, and in this another island, where, when we had statements. The title of the Greek work is as follows: landed, we could discover nothing in the daytime ex*Αννωνος, Καρχηδονίων βασιλέως, Περίπλους τῶν cept trees; but in the night we saw many fires burnὑπὲρ τὰς Ἡρακλέους στήλας Λιβυκῶν τῆς γῆς μερῶν, ing, and heard the sound of pipes, cymbals, drums, and ὃν καὶ ἀνέθηκεν ἐν τῷ τοῦ Κρόνου τεμένει. "The confused shouts. We were then afraid, and our diVoyage of Hanno, commander of the Carthaginians, viners ordered us to abandon the island. Sailing round the parts of Libya beyond the Pillars of Her- quickly away thence, we passed a country burning with cules, which he deposited in the temple of Saturn." fires and perfumes, and streams of fire supplied from With regard to the extent of coast actually explored it fell into the sea. The country was impassable on by this expedition, some remarks have been offered in account of the heat. We sailed quickly thence, being another article (vid. Africa, col. 2, p. 80); it remains much terrified; and passing on for four days, we disbut to give an English version of the Periplus itself. covered at night a country full of fire. In the middle was "It was decreed by the Carthaginians," begins the a lofty fire, larger than the rest, which seemed to touch narrative," that Hanno should undertake a voyage be- the stars. When day came, we discovered it to be yond the Pillars of Hercules, and found Libyphoenician a large hill called the Chariot of the Gods. On the cities. He sailed accordingly with sixty ships of fifty third day after our departure thence, having sailed by oars each, and a body of men and women to the num- those streams of fire, we arrived at a bay called the ber of thirty thousand, and provisions and other neces- Southern Horn; at the bottom of which lay an island saries. When we had passed the Pillars on our voy- like the former, having a lake, and in this lake another age, and had sailed beyond them for two days, we island, full of savage people, the greater part of whom founded the first city, which we named Thymiaterium. were women, whose bodies were hairy, and whom our Below it lay an extensive plain. Proceeding thence interpreters called Gorille. Though we pursued the towards the west, we came to Soloeis, a promontory men, we could not seize any of them; but all fled of Libya, a place thickly covered with trees, where we from us, escaping over the precipices, and defending erected a temple to Neptune; and again proceeded for themselves with stones. Three women were however the space of half a day towards the coast, until we ar- taken; but they attacked their conductors with their rived at a lake lying not far from the sea, and filled teeth and hands, and could not be prevailed upon to with abundance of large reeds. Here elephants, and accompany us. Having killed them, we flayed them, a great number of other wild beasts were feeding. and brought their skins with us to Carthage. We did Having passed the lake about a day's sail, we founded not sail farther on, our provisions having failed us.”cities near the sea, called Cariconticos, and Gytte, and The streams of fire alluded to by Hanno are conAcra, and Melitta, and Arambys. Thence we came jectured to have been nothing more than the burning to the great river Lixus, which flows from Libya. On of the dry herbage; a practice which takes place, its banks the Lixitæ, a shepherd tribe, were feeding more or less, in every country situated in the warm flocks, among whom we continued some time on climates, and where vegetation is also rank. Its tafriendly terms. Beyond the Lixitæ dwell the inhospi- king the appearance of a river of fire, running into the able Ethiopians, who pasture a wild country intersect- sea, is accounted for from the more abundant herbage ed by large mountains, from which they say the river of the valleys or ravines; which, as Bruce observes, Lixus flows. In the neighbourhood of the mountains are shaded by their depth, and remain green the longlived the Troglodyta, men of various appearances, est. Consequently, being the last burned, the fire

the sea.

will, at that period, be confined to the hollow parts of the country only; and, when fired from above, will have the appearance of rivers of fire running towards The adventure of the hairy women presents much less difficulty than did the others; since it is well known that a species of ape or baboon, agreeing in description with those of Hanno, is found in the quarter referred to, which appears to have been near Sierra Leone. Nor did the interpreters call them women, but gorillæ : meaning no doubt to describe apes, and not human creatures possessing the gift of speech. (Rennell, Geogr. of Herodotus, p. 720, seqq.)-II. A Carthaginian commander, who aspired to the sover-up to him, for he was easy of access to all, and to eneignty in his native city. His design was discovered, and he thereupon retired to a fortress, with 20,000 armed slaves, but was taken and put to death, with his son and all his relations. (Justin, 21, 4.)—III. A commander of the Carthaginian forces in Sicily along with Bomilcar (B.C. 310). He was defeated by Agathocles, although he had 45,000 men under his orders, and his opponent only about 14,000. (Justin, 22, 6.) -IV. A Carthaginian commander, defeated by the Romans near the Ægades Insula (B. C. 242). On his return home he was put to death.-V. A leader of the faction at Carthage, opposed to the Barca family. He voted for surrendering Hannibal to the foe, after the ruin of Saguntum, and also for refusing succours to that commander after the battle of Cannæ. (Liv., 21, 3. Id., 23, 12.)-VI. A Carthaginian, who, wishing to pass for a god, trained up some birds, who were taught by him to repeat the words, "Hanno is a god." He only succeeded in rendering himself ridiculous. (Elian, Var. Hist., 15, 32.)

which, in time of peace, they could assemble under arins without exciting suspicion. It was agreed that Harmodius and Aristogiton should give the signal by stabbing Hippias, while their friends kept off his guards, and that they should trust to the general disposition in favour of liberty for the farther success of their undertaking. When the day came, the conspirators armed themselves with daggers, which they concealed in the myrtle-boughs that were carried on this occasion. But while Hippias, surrounded by his guards, was in the suburb called the Ceramicus, directing the order of the i procession, one of the conspirators was observed to go ter into familiar conversation with him. The two friends, on seeing this, concluded that they were be trayed, and that they had no hope left but of revenge. They instantly rushed into the city, and, meeting Hipparchus, killed him before his guards could come up to his assistance. They however arrived in time to avenge his death on Harmodius: Aristogiton escaped for the moment through the crowd, but was afterward taken. When the news was brought to Hippias, instead of proceeding to the scene of his brother's murder, he advanced with a composed countenance towards the armed procession, which was yet ignorant of the event, and, as if he had some grave discourse to address to them, desired them to lay aside their weapons, and meet him at an appointed place. He then ordered his guards to seize the arms, and to search every one for those which he might have concealed upon his person. All who were found with daggers were arrested, together with those whom, on any other grounds, he suspected of disaffection. The fate of Aristogiton may be easily imagined: he was put to death, according to some authors, after torture had been applied, to

said that he avenged himself by accusing the truest friends of Hippias, and that a girl of low condition, named Leana, whose only crime was to have been the object of his affection, underwent the like treatment. She was afterward celebrated for the constancy with which she endured the most cruel torments. (Herod., 5, 55.-Id., 7, 123.—Thucyd., 1, 20.—Schol., ad loc.

the fortunate tyrannicides received almost heroic honours. Statues were erected to them at the public expense. Their names never ceased to be repeated with affectionate admiration in the convivial songs of Athens, which assigned them a place in the islands of the Blessed, by the side of Achilles and Tydides (Athenaus, 15, p. 695); and when an orator wished to suggest the idea of the highest merit and of the noblest services to the cause of liberty, he never failed to remind his hearers of Harmodius and Aristogiton. No slave was ever called by their names. Plutarch has preserved a smart reply of Antipho, the orator, to Dionysius the elder, of Syracuse. The latter had put the question, which was the finest kind of brass?" That," replied Antipho, "of which the statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton were made." He lost his life in consequence. (Plut., Vit. X., Orat., p. 833.) It is prob able enough, that much of this enthusiasm was spurious and artificial, as well as misplaced. (Thirlwall's Greece, vol. 2, p. 67, seqq.)

HARMODIUS, an Athenian, who, together with Aristogiton, became the cause of the overthrow of the Pisistratida. The names of Harmodius and Aristo-wring from him the names of his accomplices. It is giton have been immortalized by the ignorant or prejudiced gratitude of the Athenians: in any other history they would perhaps have been consigned to oblivion, and would certainly never have become the themes of panegyric. Aristogiton was a citizen of the middle rank; Harmodius a youth distinguished by the comeliness of his person. They were both sprung from a house supposed to have been of Phoenician ori--Id., 6, 54, seqq.)—After the expulsion of Hippias, gin, were perhaps remotely allied to one another by blood, and were united by ties of the closest intimacy. The youth had received an outrage from Hipparchus, which, in a better state of society, would have been deemed the grossest that could have been offered him it roused, however, not so much the resentment as the fears of his friend, lest Hipparchus should abuse his power, to repeat and aggravate the insult. But Hipparchus, whose pride had been wounded by the conduct of Harmodius, contented himsen with a less direct mode of revenge; an affront aimed not at his person, but at the honour of his family. By his orders, the sister of Harmodius was invited to take part in a procession, as bearer of one of the sacred vessels. When, however, she presented herself in her festal dress, she was publicly rejected, and dismissed as unworthy of the honour. This insult stung Harmodius to the quick, and kindled the indignation of Aristogiton. They resolved not only to wash it out with the blood of the offender, but to engage in the desperate enterprise, which had already been suggested by different motives to the thoughts of Aristogiton, of overthrowing the ruling dynasty. They communicated their plan to a few friends, who promised their assist ance; but they hoped that, as soon as the first blow should be struck, they would be joined by numbers, who would joyfully seize the opportunity of recovering their freedom. The conspirators fixed on the festival of the Panathenæa as the most convenient season for effecting their purpose. This festival was celebrated with a procession, in which the citizens marched armed with spears and shields, and was the only occasion on

HARMONIA, a daughter of Mars and Venus, who married Cadmus. (Hesiod, Theog., 937.) The genealogy of Harmonia has evidently all the appearance of a physical myth; for, from Love and Strife (i. c., attraction and repulsion) arises the order or harmony of the universe. (Plut., de Is. et Os., 48.—Arist., Pol., 2, 6.- Welcker, Kret. Col., p. 40.)

HARPAGUS, a general of Cyrus. He revolted from Astyages, who had cruelly caused him, without his knowing it, to eat the flesh of his son, because he had disobeyed his orders in not putting to death the infant Cyrus. (Vid. remarks under the article Cyrus.)