former masters, the inhabitants met with prompt and | signal chastisement. (Liv., 24, 38, seqq.) From this period the city gradually declined. The site of the ancient place is at present occupied by the modern Castro Giovanni, but nearly all traces of the blooming meads in its neighbourhood have disappeared. (For some account of the modern place and its vicinity, consult Hoare's Classical Tour, vol. 2, p. 247, seqq.)

tion from circumstances which are usually regarded as, of all others, the most dispiriting and oppressive. (De Senect., c. 5.) The honours due to his character and talents were, as is frequently the case, reserved till after his death, when a bust of him was erected in the family tomb of the Scipios. (Cic., pro Arch., c. 9.Val. Max., 8, 15, 1.) In the days of Livy the bust still remained near that sepulchre, beyond the Porta Capena, along with the statues of Africanus and Scipio Asiaticus (Liv. 38, 56). The tomb was discovered in 1780, on a farm situated between the Via Appia and Via Latina. The slabs, which have been removed to the Vatican, contained several inscriptions, commem

ENNEA HODOI, a spot in Thrace, near which the city of Amphipolis was founded. It appears to have derived its name, which means "the Nine Ways," from the number of roads which met here from different parts of Thrace and Macedon. This supposition is confirmed by travellers who have explored the adja-orating different persons of the Scipian family. There cent country, and who report, that all the principal communications between the coast and plains must have led through this pass. It was here, according to Herodotus (7, 114), that Xerxes and his army crossed the Strymon on bridges, after having offered a sacrifice of white horses to that river, and buried alive nine youths and maidens. (Walpole's Collection, p. 510. -Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 292.)

were neither statues nor any memorials remaining of Africanus himself or Asiaticus (Bankes, Civil History of Rome, vol. 1, p. 357.—Hobhouse, Illustrations of Childe Harold, p. 167); but a laurelled bust of Pepperino stone, which was found here, and which now stands on the sarcophagus of Scipio Barbatus in the Vatican, is supposed to be that of Ennius. (Rome in the 19th Century, Letter 36, vol. 2, p. 401, Am. ed.) ENNIUS, Quintus, a poet, who has generally received There is also still extant an epitaph, reported to have the distinguished appellation of the Father of Roman been written for himself (Cic., Tusc. Disp., 1, 15), Song. He was born at Rudiæ, a town of Calabria, strongly characteristic of that overweening conceit, and lived from BC. 239 to B.C. 169. (Cic., Brutus, and high estimation of his own talents, which are said c. 18. Id., de Senect., c. 5.) In his early youth he to have formed a principal defect in his character: went to Sardinia; and, if Silius Italicus (12, 393) may be believed, he served in the Calabrian levies, which, "Adspicite, O cives, senis Enni imaginis formam. Hic vestrum panxit maxima facta patrum. in the year 216 B.C., followed Titus Manlius to the war which he waged in that island against the favourNemo me lacrymis decoret, nec funera fletu ers of the Carthaginian cause. After the termination Faxit-cur? volito vivus per ora virúm." of the campaign, he continued to live for twelve years To judge by the fragments of his works which remain, in Sardinia. Aurelius Victor says he taught Cato Ennius greatly surpassed his predecessors, not only in Greek in Sardinia (" In prætura Sardiniam subegit, poetical genius, but in the art of versification. By ubi ab Ennio Græcis literis institutus"); but this is his time, indeed, the best models of Greek composiinconsistent with what is delivered by Cicero, that Ca- tion had begun to be studied at Rome. Ennius parto did not acquire Greek till his old age. (De Senect., ticularly professed to have imitated Homer, and tried c. 8.) Ennius was at last brought to Rome by Cato to persuade his countrymen that the soul and genius the Censor, who, in 204 B.C., visited Sardinia, on re- of that great poet had revived in him, through the meturning as quæstor from Africa. (Corn. Nep., Vit. dium of a peacock, according to the process of PythaCat.) At Rome he fixed his residence on the Aven- gorean transmigration. From a passage in Lucretius tine Hill, where he lived in a very frugal manner, hav-(1, 118, seqq.), it would appear, that Ennius somewhere ing only a single maid as an attendant. (Hieron., in his works had described a descent into hell, through Chron. Euseb., p. 37.) He instructed, however, the which he feigned that the shade of Homer had conpatrician youth in Greek, and acquired the friendship ducted him in the same manner as Dante afterward of many of the most illustrious men in the state. Be- chose Virgil for his mystagogue. Accordingly, we ing distinguished in arms as well as letters, he followed find in the works of Ennius innumerable imitations of M. Fulvius Nobilior during his expedition to Etolia the Iliad and Odyssey. It is, however, the Greek (Cic., pro Archia, c. 10-Id, Tusc. Disp, 1, 2); tragic writers whom he has chiefly imitated; and inand, in 185 B.C., he obtained the freedom of the city, deed it appears, from the fragments that remain, that through the favour of Quintus Fulvius Nobilior, the all his plays were rather translations from the dramas son of his former patron, Marcus. (Cic., Brutus, c. of Sophocles and Euripides, on the same subjects 20.) He was also protected by the elder Scipio Afri- which he has chosen, than original tragedies. They canus, whom he is said to have accompanied in most are founded on the old topics of Priam and Paris, Hecof his campaigns. (Claudian, de Laud. Stilic., lib. 3, tor and Hecuba. Nor, although Ennius was the first præf) It is not easy, however, to see in what expe- writer who introduced satiric composition into Rome, ditions he could have attended this renowned general. are his pretensions, in this respect, to originality, very Scipio's Spanish and African wars were concluded be- distinguished. He adapted the ancient satires of the fore Ennius was brought from Sardinia to Rome; and Tuscan and Oscan stage to the closet, by refining the campaign against Antiochus was commenced and their grossness, softening their asperity, and introduterminated while he was serving under Fulvius Nobilior cing railleries, borrowed from the Greek poets, with in Ætolia. In his old age he obtained the friendship whom he was familiar. His satires thus appear to of Scipio Nasica; and the degree of intimacy subsist- have been a species of cento, made up from passages ing between them has been characterized by the well- of various poems, which, by slight alterations, were known anecdote of their successively feigning to be humorously or satirically applied, and chiefly to the from home. (Cic., de Orat., 2, 68.) He is said to delineation of character. The fragments which remain have been intemperate in drinking (Horat., Epist., 1, of those satires are too short and broken to allow us 19, 7), which brought on the disease called Morbus even to divine their subject. Quintilian mentions, that Articularis, a disorder resembling the gout, of which one of the satires contained a dialogue between Life he died at the age of seventy, just after he had exhib- and Death, contending with each other, a mode of ited his tragedy of Thyestes. (Ser. Sammonicus, de composition suggested perhaps by the allegory of ProMedicina, c. 37.) The evils, however, of old age and dicus. We are farther informed by Aulus Gellius indigence were supported by him, as we learn from (2, 29), that he introduced into another satire, with Cicero, with such patience, and even cheerfulness, that great skill and beauty, Esop's fable of the Larks, now one would almost have imagined he derived satisfac-well known through the imitation of Fontaine (liv. 4,

471

cution of this contest, arrives at Ilium, which he thus apostrophizes:

"O patria! O dirûm domus Ilium, et incluta bello Pergama!"

Different Latin writers extol the elegant lines of Ennius immediately following, in which the Roman soldiers, alluding to its magnificent revival in Rome, exclaim with enthusiasm, that Ilium could not be destroyed:

Quai neque Dardaneeis campeis potuere perire, Nec quom capta capei, nec quom combusta cremarı," a passage which has been closely imitated in the sev enth book of Virgil (v. 294, seqq.). The fifteenth book relates the expedition of Fulvius Nobilior to Ætolia, which Ennius hunself is said to have accomIstrian war. The concluding, or eighteenth book, seems to have been in a great measure personal to the poet himself. Connected with his annals there is a poem of Ennius devoted to the celebration of the exploits of Scipio, in which occurs a much-admired description of the calm of evening, where the flow of the versification is finely modulated to the still and solemn imagery. Horace, in one of his odes (4, 8), strongly expresses the glory and honour which the Calabrian muse of Ennius had conferred on Scipio by this poem devoted to his praise.-The historical poems of Ennius appear to have been written without the introduction of much machinery or decorative fiction; and whether founded on ancient ballads or framed conformably to historical truth, they are obviously deficient in those embellishments of imagination which form the distinction between a poem and a metrical chronicle. In the subject which he had chosen, Ennius wanted the poet

ch. 22.- "L'Alouette et ses petits avec le maitre d'un champ"). It is certainly much to be regretted that we possess such scanty fragments of these productions, which would have been curious as the first attempts at a species of composition, which was carried to such perfection by succeeding Latin poets, and which has been regarded as almost peculiar to the Romans. The great work, however, of Ennius, and of which we have still considerable remains, was his Annals, or Metrical Chronicles, devoted to the celebration of Roman exploits, from the earliest periods to the conclusion of the Istrian war. These annals were written by our poet in his old age; at least Aulus Gellius informs us, on the authority of Varro, that the twelfth book was finished by him in his sixty-seventh year (17, 21). The annals of Ennius were partly founded on those ancient traditions and old heroic ballads, which Cicero, on the authority of Cato's Ori-panied. In the two following books he prosecutes the gines, mentions as having been sung at feasts by the guests, many centuries before the age of Cato, in praise of the heroes of Rome. Niebuhr has attempted to show, that all the memorable events of Roman history had been versified in ballads or metrical chronicles, in the Saturnian measure, before the time of Ennius; who, according to him, merely expressed in the Greek hexameter what his predecessors had delivered in a ruder strain, and then maliciously depreciated these ancient compositions, in order that he himself might be considered as the founder of Roman poetry. The chief work, according to Niebuhr, from which Ennius borrowed, was a romantic epopée, or chronicle, made up from these heroic ballads, about the end of the fourth century of Rome, commencing with the accession of Tarquinius, and ending with the battle of Regillus.-Ennius begins his Annals with an invocation of the nine Muses, and the account of a vision in which Homer had appeared to him, and re-ic advantages of distance in place or time. But though lated the story of the metamorphosis already mention- not master of a shell round which the passions would ed. He afterward invokes a great number of the throng, or at the sound of which a whole people would gods, and then proceeds to the history of the Al- fall prostrate, as at the first breath of Jubal's lyre, still ban kings, the dream of the Vestal virgin Ilia, which the Annals of Ennius, as a national work, were highly announced her pregnancy by Mars and the foundation gratifying to a proud, ambitious people, and, in conseof Rome. The reigns of the kings, and the contests quence, continued long popular at Rome. They were of the republic with the neighbouring states previous highly relished in the days of Horace and Virgil; and to the Punic war, occupy the metrical annals to the as far down as the reign of Marcus Aurelius, they end of the sixth book. It should be observed, in pass- were recited in theatres and other public places for the ing, that the Annals were not separated by Ennius amusement of the people. (Aulus Gellius, 18, 5.) himself into books; but were so divided, long after his The Romans, indeed, were so formed on his style, that death, by the grammarian Q. Vargunteius. (Sueton., Seneca called them populus Ennianus, an Ennian race, de Illustr. Gramm., c. 2.) Cicero, in his Brutus (c. and said that both Cicero and Virgil were obliged, 19), says that Ennius did not treat of the first Punic contrary to their own judgment, to employ antiquated war, as Nævius had previously written on the same terms, in compliance with the reigning prejudice. subject. P. Merula, however, who edited the frag-|(Aul. Gell., 12, 2.) From his example, too, added to ments of Ennius, is of opinion that this passage of Ci- the national character, the historical epic became in cero can only mean that he had not entered into much future times the great poetical resource of the Rodetail of its events, as he finds several lines in the mans, who versified almost every important event in seventh book which, he thinks, evidently apply to the their history. Besides the Pharsalia of Lucan, and the first Carthaginian war, particularly the description of Punica of Silius Italicus, which still survive, there naval operations, and the building of the first fleet with were many works of this description which are now which the Carthaginians were attacked by the Ro- lost. Varro Attacinus chose as his subject Cæsar's mans. In some of the editions of Ennius, the charac-war with the Sequani; Varius, the deeds of Augustus ter of the friend and military adviser of Servilius, gen- and Agrippa; Valgius Rufus, the battle of Actium; erally supposed to be intended as a portrait of the poet Albinovanus, the exploits of Germanicus; Cicero, himself, is ranged under the seventh book. The those of Marius, and the events of his own consulship. eighth and ninth books of these Annals, which are -The poem of Ennius, entitled Phagetica, is curious; much mutilated, detail the events of the second Car- since one would hardly suppose that, in this early age, thaginian war in Italy and Africa. This was by much luxury had made such progress, that the culinary art the most interesting part of the copious subject which should have been systematically or poetically treated. Ennius had chosen, and a portion of it on which he All that we know, however, of the manner in which it would probably exert all the force of his genius, in order was prepared or served up, is from the Apologia of the more to honour his friend and patron Scipio Afri- Apuleius. It was, as its name imports, a didactic The tenth, eleventh, and twelfth books of the poem on eatables, particularly fish. It is well known, Annals of Ennius contain the war with Philip of Mace- that previous to the time of Ennius, this subject had don. In the commencement of the thirteenth, Han- been discussed, both in prose and verse, by various nibal excites Antiochus to a war against the Romans. Greek authors, and was particularly detailed in the In the fourteenth book, the consul Scipio, in th prose-poem of Archestratus the Epicurean. It appears from

canus.

The transia
Some frag-

the Fragmenta Veterum Poetarum Latinorum, by Robert and Henry Stephens, Paris, 1564; in the Fragmenta Veter. Tragic. Latin., by Scriverius, L. Bat., 1620; in the Opera et Fragmenta Veter. Poet. Lat., by Maittaire, Lond., 1713 (vol. 2, p. 1456, seqq.); in the Poeta Scenici Latinorum of Bothe, Halberst, 1823 (vol. 5, pt. 1, Fragment. Tragic.; pt. 2, Fragm. Com.); in the Fragmenta Ennii of Columna, Neap., 1590, improved by Hesselius, Amst., 1707, 4to, &c. (Dunlop, Rom. Lit., vol. 1, p. 84, seqq.-Schöll, Hist. Lit. Rom., vol. 1, p. 114.-Id. ib., p. 142.- Bähr, Gesch. Rom. Lit., p. 78, seqq.)

a passage of Apuleius, that the work of Ennius was a | Euhemerus, entitled 'Iɛpà 'Avaypaon. digest of all the previous books on this subject. The tion, as well as the original work, is lost. eleven lines which remain, and which have been pre- ments, however, have been saved by St. Augustine served by Apuleius, mention the places where differ- and Lactantius. It is clear, notwithstanding their obent sorts of fish are found in greatest perfection and servance of prodigies and religious ceremonies, that abundance. Another poem of Ennius, entitled Epi- there prevailed a considerable spirit of free thinking charmus, was so called because it was translated from among the Romans in the days of Ennius. This is exthe Greek work of Epicharmus, the Pythagorean, on emplified, not merely by his translation of Euhemerus, the Nature of Things, in the same manner as Plato and the definition of the nature of Jupiter in his Epigave the name of Timæus to the book which he trans- charmus, but by various passages in dramas adapted lated from Timæus the Locrian. The fragments of for public representation, and which deride the superthis work of Ennius are so broken and corrupted, that stitions of augurs and soothsayers, as well as the false it is impossible to follow the plan of his poem, or the ideas entertained of the worshipped divinities. Polybsystem of philosophy which it inculcated. It appears, ius, too, who flourished shortly after Ennius, speaks however, to have contained many speculations con- of the fear of the gods and the inventions of augury cerning the elements of which the world was primarily merely as an excellent political engine, at the same composed, and which, according to him, were water, time that he reprehends the rashness and absurdity of earth, air, and fire (Varro, R. R., 1, 4); as also with those who were endeavouring to extirpate such useful regard to the preservative powers of nature. Jupiter opinions.-The fragments of Ennius will be found in seems merely to have been considered by him as the air, the clouds, and the storm-Ennius, however, whose compositions thus appear to have been formed entirely on Greek originals, has not availed himself so successfully of these writings as Virgil has done of the works of Ennius himself. The prince of Latin poets has often condescended to imitate long passages, and sometimes to copy whole lines, from the Father of Roman Song. This has been shown, in a close comparison, by Macrobius, in his Saturnalia (6, 1, seqq.). Lucretius and Ovid have also frequently availed themselves of the works of Ennius. His description of the cutting of a forest, in order to fit out a fleet against the Car- ENTELLA, a city of Sicily, in the western quarter of thaginians, in the seventh book, has been imitated by the island, near the river Hypsa and northeast of SeliStatius in the tenth book of the Thebais. The pas-nus. It was one of the three cities said to have been sage in his sixth Satire, in which he has painted the founded by Ægestes, a fable which clearly indicates happy situation of a parasite, compared with that of the great antiquity at least of the place, and marks it the master of a feast, is copied in Terence's Phormio as of Sicanian origin. We find it at one time under (2, 2).—It appears, then, that Ennius occasionally the power of Carthage, though with a free constitution. produced verses of considerable harmony and beauty, At a subsequent period it received a body of Campaand that his conceptions were frequently expressed nian troops, which had been disbanded by Dionysius with energy and spirit. It must be recollected, how- the elder, and it met with the same fate that all those ever, that the lines imitated by Virgil, and the other cities encountered which had received the Campani passages which are usually selected with reference to within their walls; the male inhabitants were slaughthe imitation of the early bard by other poets, are very tered, and the city became the property of these merfavourable specimens of his taste and genius. Many cenaries. This change of masters, however, made no of his verses are harsh and defective in their mechani- alteration in the affairs of Entella as far as its standing cal construction; others are frigidly prosaic; and not with Carthage was concerned: the Campani sided a few are deformed with the most absurd conceits, not with the last-mentioned power as the former inhabiso much in the idea, as in a jingle of words and ex- tants had done, and were, in consequence, besieged travagant alliteration.-On the whole, the works of by Dionysius, who finally captured the city. (Diod. Ennius are rather pleasing and interesting, as the early Sic., 14, 9.-Id., 15, 73.-Id., 16, 67.) We hear blossoms of that poetry which afterward opened to little of the place in later times. The ruins of the such perfection, than estimable from their intrinsic ancient city are still called Entella, and are situate to beauty. But, whatever may have been the merit of the east of Poggio Reale, near the modern river Balithe works of Ennius, of which we are now but incom-ci. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 9, pt. 2, p. 444.) petent judges, they were at least sufficiently various. ENTELLUS, a Sicilian, who, though advanced in Epic, dramatic, satiric, and didactic poetry were all years, entered the lists against the Trojan Dares, and successively attempted by him; and we also learn that conquered him in a pugilistic encounter. He had he exercised himself in the lighter species of verse, as been, in earlier years, the friend and companion in the epigram and acrostic. (Cic., de Div., 2, 54.) For arms of Eryx. (Virg., Æn., 5, 387, seqq.) this novelty and exuberance it is not difficult to ac- ENYALIUS ('Evvátor), a surname frequently given count. The fountains of Greek literature, as yet un- to Mars in the Iliad, and corresponding with the name tasted in Latium, were open for his imitation. He Enyo ('Evvó) given to Bellona. (Hom., Il., 8, 264. stood in very different circumstances from those Greek-Id. ib., 13, 519.-Id. ib., 17, 259, &c.) bards who drew solely from the resources of their ENYO ('Evvá), the daughter of Phorcys and Ceto, own genius; or from his successors in Latin poetry, who wrote after the best productions of Greece had become familiar to the Romans. He was thus placed in a situation in which he could enjoy all the popularity and applause due to originality, without undergoing the labour of invention, and might rapidly run with success through every mode of the lyre, without possessing any incredible diversity of genius.-Thus far we have spoken of the poetical productions of Ennius: but the most curious point connected with his literary history is his prose translation of the celebrated work of

according to Hesiod (Theog., 273). She was a wargoddess, and one of the companions of Mars, and answers to the Bellona of the Romans. Some mytholo gists make her the sister, others the wife, of Mars. (Vid. Bellona.)

Eos ('Hoc), the name of Aurora among the Greeks, whence the epithet Eous is applied to all the eastern parts of the world. (Ovid, Fast., 3, 406; A. A., 3, 537; 6, 478.-Virg., G., 1, 288; 2, 115.)

EPAMINONDAS, a Theban statesman and soldier, in whose praise, for both talents and virtue, there is a

EPAMINONDAS.

seqq.--Herod., 2, 153.-Ovid, Met., 1, 699, seqq.) Libya bore to Neptune Agenor, the father of Cadmus and Europa, and also Belus, who had by another daughter of the Nile, named Auchinoë, two sons, Danaus and Ægyptus. (Apollod., 2, 1, 4.) For some remarks on the name Epaphus, and on the whole legend, vid. Io.

remarkable concurrence of ancient writers. Nepos | The disposition of his troops on this occasion was an observes that, before Epaminondas was born, and after improvement on that by which he had gained the bathis death, Thebes was always in subjection to some tle of Leuctra, and would have had the same decisive other power on the contrary, while he directed her success, but that, in the critical moment, when the His public Lacedæmonian line was just broken, he received a councils, she was at the head of Greece. life extends from the restoration of democracy by Pe- mortal wound. The Theban army was paralyzed by lopidas and the other exiles, B.C. 379, to the battle this misfortune; nothing was done to improve a vicof Mantinea, B.C. 362. In the conspiracy by which tory which might have been made certain; and this Each party," says Xenthat revolution was effected he took no part, refu- battle, on which the expectation of all Greece waited, sing to stain his hands with the blood of his country- led to no important result. men; but thenceforward he became the prime mover ophon, "claimed the victory, and neither gained any adof the Theban state. His policy was first directed to vantage: indecision, trouble, and confusion, more than assert the right, and to secure the power to Thebes ever before that battle, pervaded Greece."-Whether of controlling the other cities of Boeotia, several of Epaminondas could much longer have upheld Thebes which claimed to be independent. In this cause he in the rank to which he had raised her, is very doubtventured to engage his country, single handed, in war ful: without him she fell at once to her former obscuwith the Spartans, who marched into Boeotia, B.C. rity. His character is certainly one of the fairest re371, with a force superior to any which could be corded in Greek history. His private life was moral brought against them. The Theban generals were di- and refined; his public conduct uninfluenced by pervided in opinion whether a battle should be risked; sonal ambition or by personal hatred. He was a sinfor to encounter the Lacedæmonians with inferior cere lover of his country; and if, in his schemes for her numbers was universally esteemed hopeless. Epami- advancement, he was indifferent to the injury done to nondas prevailed with his colleagues to venture it; and other members of the Grecian family, this is a fault devised on this occasion a new method of attack. In- from which, perhaps, no Greek statesman except Arisstead of joining battle along the whole line, he concen- tides was free. (Xen., Hist. Gr.-Plut., Vit. Pelop. trated an overwhelming force on one point, directing-Encycl. Us. Knowl., vol. 9, p. 466.) EPAPHUS, a son of Jupiter and Io. This mytholothe weaker part of his line to keep back. The Spartan right being broken and their king slain, the rest of the gical personage is the instrument by which Grecian army found it necessary to abandon the field. This vanity derived the rulers of more ancient countries memorable battle was fought at Leuctra. The moral from its own gods and princes. Epaphus, according effect of it was much more important than the mere to the legend, was born in Egypt, and married Memloss inflicted upon Sparta, for it overthrew the pre- phis, the daughter of the Nile, by whom he had a scriptive superiority in arms claimed by that state ever daughter named Libya. The same fable made him the since its reformation by Lycurgus. This brilliant suc-founder of Memphis. (Esch., Prom. Vinct., 850, cess led Epaminondas to the second object of his policy, the overthrow of the supremacy of Sparta, and the substitution of Thebes as the leader of Greece in the democratic interest. In this hope a Theban army, under his command, marched into the Peloponnesus early in the winter, B.C. 369, and, in conjunction with the Eleans, Arcadians, and Argives, invaded and laid waste a large part of Laconia. Numbers of the Helots took that opportunity to shake off a most oppressive slavery; and Epaminondas struck a deadly blow at the power of Sparta, by establishing these descendants of the old Messenians on Mount Ithome in Messenia, as an independent state, and inviting their countrymen, scattered through Italy and Sicily, to return to their ancient patrimony. Numbers obeyed the call. This memorable event is known in history as the return of the Messenians, and two hundred years had elapsed since their expulsion. In 368 B.C., Epaminondas again led an army into the Peloponnesus; but, not fulfilling the expectations of the people, he was disgraced, and, according to Diodorus (15, 71), was ordered to serve in the ranks. In that capacity he is said to have saved the army in Thessaly, when entangled in dangers which threatened it with destruction; being required by the general voice to assume the command. He is not again heard of in a public capacity till B.C. 366, when he was sent to support the democratic interest in Achaia, and by his moderation and judgment brought that whole confederation over to the Theban alliance, without bloodshed or banishment. It soon became plain, however, that a mere change of masters, Thebes instead of Sparta, would be of no serAchaia first, then Elis, then vice to the Grecian states. Mantinea and great part of Arcadia, returned to the Lacedæmonian alliance. To check this defection, Epaminondas led an army into the Peloponnesus for the fourth time, B.C. 362. Joined by the Argives, Messenians, and part of the Arcadians, he entered Laco-quently with a body of Ionian colonists. (Pausan., nia, and endeavoured to take Sparta by surprise; but the vigilance of Agesilaus just frustrated his scheme. Epaminondas then marched against Mantinea, near which was fought the celebrated battle in which he fell.

EPEI, a people of Elis. (Vid. Elis I.)

EPEUS, son of Panopeus, was the fabricator of the famous wooden horse which proved the ruin of Troy. (Virg., Æn., 2, 264.-Justin, 20, 2.-Pausan., 10, 26.)

66

EPHESUS, a celebrated city of Ionia, near the mouth of the river Cayster, called by Pliny (5, 29), “ Alterum lumen Asia." Mythology assigns, as its founders, Ephesus the son of the river Cayster, and Cresus (Kρñσos) a native of the soil. (Pausan., 7, 2.) __ Another account makes it to have been settled by Ephesus, one of the Amazons. (Steph. Byz., s. v.--Etymol. Mag., s. v.-Berkel, ad Steph. Byz., l. c.) According to a third tradition, the place owed its origin to the Amazons, who were permitted to settle here by Hercules their conqueror. Hence the name of the city, 'Epɛooç, from loɛois, permission. A fourth legend makes the Amazons, when pursued by Hercules and Theseus, to have fled for refuge to an altar of Diana, and supplicated the protection of the goddess, which she accordingly granted: (karaḍevyovoaç ini τινα βωμὸν 'Αρτέμιδος, δεῖσθαι σωτηρίας τυχεῖν, τὴν δὲ ἐφεῖναι αὐταῖς τὴν σωτηρίαν· ὅθεν Ἔφεσον κληθῆναι τὸ χωρίον, καὶ τὴν ̓Αρτεμιν Ἐφεσίαν. Εtym. Mag.) It is curious to observe how the name of the Amazons mingles in with some of these traditions. (Consult remarks under that article.) If we follow the graver authority of Strabo (640), we will find a settlement to have been first made in this quarter by the Carians and Leleges. Androclus, the son of Codrus, came subse

7, 2.) He protected the natives who had settled from devotion about the temple of Diana, and incorporated them with his followers; but expelled those who inhabited the town above, which the Carians and Lele

rus.

The Greek revolution, and the predatory excursions of the Samiotes, in great measure accounted for this desertion." In the records of our religion Ephesus is ennobled as the burying-place of Timothy, the companion of St. Paul, and the first bishop of Ephesus, whose body was afterward translated to Constantinople by the founder of that city, or by his son Constantius, and placed with Saint Luke and Saint Andrew in the church of the apostles. The story of St. John the Divine was deformed in an early age with gross fiction; but he also was interred at Ephesus, and, as appears from one narration, on Mount Prion-Ephesus was famed for its splendid temple of Diana. The statue of the goddess was regarded with peculiar veneration, and was believed by the vulgar to have fallen from the skies. It was never changed, though the temple. had been more than once restored. This rude object of primeval worship was a block of wood, said by some to be of beech or elm, by others cedar, ebony, or vine, and attesting its very great antiquity by the fashion in which it had been formed. It was carved into the similitude of Diana, not as the elegant huntress, but an Egyptian hieroglyphic, which we call the goddess of nature, with many breasts, and the lower parts formed into an Hermaan statue, grotesquely ornamented, and discovering the feet bebroidered with emblems and symbolical devices; and, to prevent its tottering, a bar of metal, it is likely of gold, was placed under each hand. A yeil or curtain, which was drawn up from the floor to the ceiling, hid it from view, except while service was performing in the temple. This image was preserved till the later ages in a shrine, on the embellishment of which mines of wealth were consumed. The priests of Diana suffered emasculation, and virgins were devoted to inviolable chastity. They were eligible only from the superior ranks, and enjoyed a great revenue, with privileges, the eventual abuse of which induced Augustus to restrain them. It may be imagined that many stories of her power and interposition were current and believed at Ephesus. A people convinced that the selfmanifestations of their deity were real, could not easily be turned to a religion which did not pretend to a sim ilar or equal intercourse with its divinity. And this is, perhaps, the true reason w in the early ages of Christianity, a belief of sup ural interposition by the Panagia, or Virgin Mary, and by saints appearing in daily or nightly visions, was encouraged and inculcated. It helped by its currency to procure and confirm the credulous votary, to prevent or refute the cavils of the heathen, to exalt the new religion, and to deprive the established of its ideal superiority.-The address of the town clerk to the Ephesians: "Ye men of Ephesus, what man is there who knoweth not that the city of the Ephesians is a worshipper of the great goddess Diana, and of the image that fell down from Jupiter ?" is curiously illustrated by an inscription found by Chandler near the aqueduct, commencing as follows: "Inasmuch as it is notorious that, not only among the Ephesians, but also everywhere among the Greek nations, temples are consecrated to her, and sacred portions," &c.-The reputation and the riches of their goddess had made the Ephesians desirous of providing for her a magnificent temple. The fortunate discovery of marble in Mount Prion gave them new vigour. The cities of Asia, so general was the esteem for the goddess, contributed largely; and Croesus was at the expense of many of the columns. The spot chosen for it was a marsh, as most likely to preserve the structure free from gaps, and uninjured by earthquakes. The foundation was made with charcoal rammed, and with fleeces. The souterrain consumed immense quantities of marble. The edifice was exalted on a basement with ten steps. The architects were Ctesiphon of Crete and his son Metagenes, 541

ges nad built on Mount Prion. (Pausan., l. c.) It is recorded that Prion had, in former times, been called Lepre Akte (Aɛπρǹ úкτý); and a part behind Prion was still called the Back of Lepre when Strabo wrote. Pliny (5, 29) enumerates other names for the city, such as Ortygia, Smyrna, Trachea, &c.-Lysimachus, wishing to protect Ephesus from the inundations to which it was yearly exposed by the overflowings of the Cayster, built a city up on the mountain, and surrounded it with walls. The inhabitants were unwilling to remove into this, but a heavy rain falling, and Lysimachus stopping the drains and flooding their houses, they were glad to exchange. (Strabo, 640.) The port of Ephesus had originally a wide mouth, but foul with mud lodging in it from the Cayster. Attalus Philadelphus and his architect were of opinion that, if the entrance were contracted, it would become deeper, and in time be capable of receiving ships of burden. But the slime, which had before been moved by the flux and reflux of the tide, and carried off, being stopped, the whole basin, quite to the mouth, was rendered shallow. This port is a morass, which communicates with the Cayster, as might be expected, by a narrow mouth; and at the water's edge, near the ferry, as well as in other places, may be seen the wall intended to embank the stream, and give it force by confinement. The masonry is of that kind termed incer-neath. It was gorgeously apparelled; the vest emtum, in which the stones are of various shapes, but nicely joined. The situation was so advantageous as to overbalance the inconveniences attending the port. The town increased daily, and under the Romans was 'considered the chief emporium of Asia this side of TauIn the arrangement of the provinces under the Eastern emperors it became the capital of the province of Asia. (Hierocles, p. 658.) Towards the end of the eleventh century, Ephesus experienced the same fate as Smyrna. A Turkish pirate, named Tangripanes, settled here. But the Greek admiral, John Ducas, defeated him in a bloody battle, and pursued the flying Turks up the Mæander to Polybotum. In 1306 it was among the places which suffered from the exactions of the Grand Duke Roger; and, two years after, it surrendered to Sultan Saysan, who to prevent future insurrections, removed most of the inhabitants to Tyriæum, where they were massacred. In the conflicts which desolated Asia Minor at a subsequent period, Ephesus was again a sufferer, and the city became at length reduced to a heap of ruins. The modern name is Aiasaluk, or, more properly, this is the appellation of a small village inhabited by a few Turkish families, standing chiefly on the south side of the castle hill, among bushes and ruins. The name is supposed to be a corruption of Agios Theologos, from the circumstance of a famous church of St. John the Divine having once stood near the spot. When Smith wrote in 1677, Ephesus was already "reduced to an inconsiderable number of cottages, wholly inhabited by Turks." Rycaut confirms this observation. "This place, where once Christianity so flourished as to be a mother church and the see of a metropolitan bishop, cannot now show one family of Christians: so hath the secret providence of God disposed affairs, too deep and mysterious for us to search into." From Chishull we learn that, in 1699, "the miserable remains of the church of Ephesus resided, not on the spot, but at a village called Kirkingecui." Tournefort, however, says there were thirty or forty Greek families; but as he wrote about the same time as Chishull, this is probably a mistake. Pococke, who visited Ephesus about 1740, says that there was not at that time a single Christian within two leagues round Ephesus. "I was at Ephesus in January, 1824," says Mr. Arundell; "the desolation was then complete; a Turk, whose shed we occupied, his Arab servant, and a single Greek, composed the entire population, some Turcomans excepted, whose black tents were pitched among the ruins.