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the seacoast, and embarked. Contrary winds, how- yet meanly panegyrizing the government of a usurper.

ever, drove him back to the shore. At the request of his slaves he embarked a second time, but soon returned again to await his fate at his country-seat near Formiae. “I will die,” said he, “in that country which I have so often saved.” Here, then, he was disposed to remain, and to meet his death; but his slaves, who were warmly attached to him, could not bear to see him thus sacrificed; and when the party of soldiers sent to murder him was advancing towards the villa, they almost forced him to put himself into his litter, and to allow them to carry him once more on board of the vessel, which was still lying at Caieta. But, as they were bearing the litter towards the sea, they were overtaken in the walks of his own grounds

by the soldiers who were in search of him, and

who were headed by one Herennius, a centurion, and by C. Popilius Laenas. Popilius was a native of Picenum, and had, on a former occasion, been successfully defended by Cicero, when brought to trial for some offence before the courts at Rome. As the assistance of advocates was given gratuitously, the connexion between them and their clients was esteemed very differently from what it is among us ; and it was therefore an instance of peculiar atrocity, that Popilius offered his services to Antony to murder his patron, from no other motive than the hope of gaining his favour, by showing such readiness to destroy his greatest enemy. The slaves of Cicero, undismayed at the appearance of the soldiers, prepared to defend their master; but he refused to allow any blood to be shed on his account, and commanded them to set down the litter and await the issue in silence. He was obeyed; and when the soldiers came up, he stretched out his head with perfect calmness, and submitted his neck to the sword of Popilius. He died in his sixtyfourth year, B.C. 43. When the murder was accomplished, the soldiers cut off his two hands also, as the instruments with which he had written his Philippic Orations; and the head and hands were carried to Rome, and exposed together at the Rostra. Men crowded to see the mournful sight, and testified by their tears the compassion and affection which his unworthy death, and his pure and amiable character, had so justly deserved. On the whole, antiquity may be challenged to poduce an individual so virtuous, so perfectly amiable as Cicero. None interest more in their lives, none excite more painful emotions in their deaths. Others, it is true, may be found of loftier and more heroic character, who awe and subdue the mind by the grandeur of their views or the intensity of their exertions. But Cicero engages our affections by the integrity of his public conduct, the purity of his private life, the generosity, placability, and kindness of his heart, the playfulness of his temper, the warmth of his domestic attachments. In this respect his letters are invaluable. Here we see the man without disguise or affectation, especially in his letters to Atticus, to whom he unbosomed every thought, and talked with the same frankness as to himself. It must, however, be confessed, that the publication of this same correspondence has laid open the defects of his political character. Everything seemed to point out Cicero as the fittest person of the day to be a mediator beween contending factions. And yet, after the eventful period of his consulship, we see him resigning the high station in the republic which he himself might have filled, to the younger Cato, who, with only half his abilities, little foresight, and no address, possessed that first requisite for a statesman, firmness. Cicero, on the contrary, was irresolute, timid, and inconsistent. (Montesquieu, Grand. des Rom., c. 12.) He talked, indeed, largely of preserving a middle course (Ep. ad Att., 1, 19), but he was continually vacillating from one to the other extreme; always too confident or too dejected; incorrigibly vain of success,

His foresight, sagacity, practical good sense, and singular tact in directing men's measures, were lost for want of that strength of mind which points them steadily to one object. He was never decided, never (as has sometimes been observed) took an important step without afterward repenting of it. Nor can we account for the firmness and resolution of his consulate, unless we discriminate between the ease of resisting a party and that of balancing contending interests. Boldness in opposition differs widely from steadiness in mediation; the latter implying a coolness of Judgment, which a direct attack is so far from requiring, that it ever inspires minds naturally timid with unusual excitement.—Let us now pass to Cicero as a public speaker and writer. The orations he is known to have composed amount in all to about eighty, of which fifty-nine, either entire or in part, are preserved. All those pronounced by him during the five years intervening between his election to the quaestorship and a dileship have perished, except that for M. Tullius, the erordium and narratio of which were brought to light by the discoveries of Maio, in the Ambrosian library at Milan. From the same quarter have been obtained many other reliques of the eloquence of Cicero, among the most important of which are, a large fragment of the oration for Scaurus, and detached portions of that delivered against Clodius for his profanation of the mysteries of the Bona Dea. Of all the lost orations, the two most regretted are, that in defence of Cornelius, and the speech delivered by him in the temple of Bellona, in quelling the disturbance excited by the law of Otho. This last is said to have been one of the most signal victories of eloquence over the turbulence of human passions, while to the former Cicero himself frequently alludes as among the most finished of his compositions. The oration for Marcellus is maintained by many to be a spurious performance. It would seem, however, after weighing all the arguments adduced by modern critics, that a part is actually genuine, but that much has been subsequently interpolated by some rhetorician or declaimer. Of the rhetorical works of Cicero, the most admired and finished is the dialogue De Oratore, of which Cicero himself highly approved, and which his friends were accustomed to regard as one of the happiest of his productions. In the Oratoria Partitiones, the subject is the art of arranging and distributing the parts of an oration so as to adapt them in the best manner, to their proper end, that of moving and persuading an audience. In the dialogue on famous orators, entitled Brutus, he gives a short character of all who had ever flourished in Greece or Rome, with any considerable reputation for eloquence, down to his own time. It was intended as a fourth and supplemental book to the treatise De Oratore. The Orator, addressed to Brutus, and written at his solicitation, was intended to complete the two works just mentioned. It enlarges on the favourite topic of Cicero, which had already been partially discussed in the treatise De Oratore, the character of the perfect orator, and seeks to confirm his favourite proposition, that perfection in oratory requires an extensive acquaintance with every art. It is on the merits of this work in particular that Cicero, in a letter to a friend, asserts his perfect willingness that his reputation should be staked. The Topica are a compend of the Topica of Aristotle. The treatise De optimo genere Oratorum was originally intended as a preface to a translation of the celebrated orations of Demosthenes and Æschines De Corona. The work De Inventione was a youthful performance, and that addressed to Herennius, according to the best authorities, never proceeded from his pen. In all Cicero's rhetorical works, except, perhaps, the Orator, he professes to

have digested the principles of the Aristotelic and Iso

t

crateam schools into one finished system, selecting what was best in each, and, as occasion might offer, adding remarks and precepts of his own. The subject is considered in three distinct lights, with reference to the case, the speaker, and the speech. The case, as respects its nature, is definite or indefinite; with ref. erence to the hearer, it is judicial, deliberative, or descriptive; as regards the opponent, the division is fourfold; according as the fact, its nature, its quality, or its propriety is called in question. The art of the speaker is directed to five points; the discovery of persuasives (whether ethical, pathetic, or argumentative), arrangement, diction, memory, delivery. And the speech itself consists of six parts; introduction (or exordium), statement of the case, division of the subject, proof, refutation, and conclusion or peroration. Cicero's laudatory orations are among his happiest efforts. Nothing can exceed the taste and beauty of those for the Manilian Law, for Marcellus, for Ligarius, for Archias, and the ninth Philippic, which is principally in praise of Servius Sulpicius. But it is in judicial eloquence, particularly on subjects of a lively cast, as in his speeches for Caelius and Muraena, and against Caecilius, that his talents are displayed to the best advantage. To both kinds his amiable and pleasant turn of mind imparts inexpressible grace and delicacy; historical allusions, philosophical sentiments, descriptions full of life and nature, and polite raillery, succeed each other in the most agreeable manner, without appearance of artifice or effort. Of this nature are his pictures of the confusion of the Catilinarian conspirators on detection (Or. in Cat., 3, 3); of the death of Metellus (Or. pro Cal., 10); of Sulpicius undertaking the embassy to Antony (Philipp., 9, 3); the character he draws of Catiline (Or. pro Cael, 6); and his fine sketch of old Appius frowning on his degenerate descendant Clodia (ib., 6). But, by the invention of a style which adapts itself with singular felicity to every class of subjects, whether lofty or familiar. philosophical or forensic, Cicero answers more exactly to his own definition of a perfect orator (Orat., 29), than by his plausibility, pathos, and vivacity. Among many excellences possessed by Cicero's oratorical diction, the greatest is its suitableness to the genius of the Latin tongue; though the diffuseness thence necessarily resulting has exposed it both in his own days, and since his time, to the criticisms of those, who have affected to condemn its Asiatic character, in comparison with the simplicity of Attic writers, and the strength of Demosthenes. Greek, however, is celebrated for copiousness in its vocabulary and perspicuity in its phrases, and the consequent facility of expressing the most novel or abstruse ideas with precision and elegance. Hence the Attic style of eloquence was plain and simple, because simplicity and plainness were not incompatible with clearness, energy, and harmony. But it was a singular want of judgment, an ignorance of the very principles of com: position, which induced Brutus, Calvus, Sallust, and others, to imitate this terse and severe beauty in their own defective language, and even to pronounce the opposite kind of diction deficient in taste and purity. In Greek, indeed, the words fall, as it were, naturally into a distinct and harmonious order; and, from the exuberant richness of the materials, less is left to the ingenuity of the artist. But the Latin language is comparatively weak, scanty, and unmusical, and requires considerable skill and management to render it expressive and graceful. . . Simplicity in Latin is scarcely separable from baldness; and justly as Terence is celebrated for chaste and unadorned diction, yet even he, compared with Attic writers, is flat and eavy. (Quintil, 10, 1.). Again, the perfection of strength is clearness united to brevity, but to this combination Latin is utterly unequal. From the vagueness and uncertainty of meaning which characterize

its separate words, to be perspicuous it must be full. What Livy, and much more Tacitus, have gained in energy, they have lost in perspicuity and elegance. Latin, in short, is not a philosophical language; not a language in which a deep thinker is likely to express himself with purity or neatness. Now Cicero rather made a language than a style, yet not so much by the invention as by the combination of words. Some terms, indeed, his philosophical subjects compelled him to coin ; but his great art lies in the application of existing materials, in converting the very disadvantages of the language into beauties, in enriching it with circumlocutions and metaphors, in pruning it of harsh and uncouth expressions, in systematizing the structure of a sentence. . This is that copia dicendi which gained Cicero the high testimony of Caesar to his inventive powers (De Clar., Or., 72), and which, we may add, constitutes him the greatest master of composition the world has ever seen. If the comparison be not thought fanciful, he may be assimilated to a skilful landscape-gardener, who gives depth and richness to narrow and confined premises, by taste and variety in the disposition of his trees and walks.—We come next to Cicero's philosophical writings, after a brief enumeration of which we will offer a few remarks on the character of his philosophy itself. The treatise De Legibus has reached us in an imperfect state, only three books remaining, and these disfigured by numerous chasms that cannot be supplied. It traces the philosophic principles of jurisprudence to their remotest sources, sets forth a body of laws conformable to Cicero's idea of a well-regulated state, and is supposed to have treated in the books that are lost of the executive power of the magistrates and the rights of Roman citizens. The treatise De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum is written after the manner of Aristotle, and discusses the chief good and ill of man; in it Cicero explains the several opinions entertained on this subject by the sages of antiquity. The Academica Quastiones relate to the Aéademic Philosophy, whose tenets Cicero himself had embraced. It is an account and defence of the doctrines of the Academy. In the Tusculanae Disputationes, five books are devoted to as many different questions of philosophy, bearing the most strongly on the practice of life, and involving topics the most essential to human happiness. The Paradora contain a defence of six paradoxes of the Stoics. The work De Natura Deorum embraces a full examination of the various theories of heathen antiquity on the nature of the gods, to which the treatise De Dirinatione may be regarded as a supplement. The essay De Officiis, on moral duties, has not unaptly been styled the heathen Whole Duty of Man; nor have the dialogues De Senectute and De Amcitia been incorrectly regarded as among the most highly finished and pleasing performances of which any lan. guage can boast. We have to lament the loss of the treatises De Consolatione (that which we have under this title being a patched-up imposture of Sigonius), De Gloria, and the one entitled Hortensius, in which last Cicero undertook the defence of learning and philosophy, and left to his illustrious competitor the task of arraigning them. It was this book which first led St. Augustin to the study of Christian philosophy and the doctrines of Christianity. The treatise De Republica has been in part rescued from the destroying hand of time by the labours of Maio. Except the works on Invention and De Oratore, this was the earliest of Cicero's literary productions. It was given to the world A.U.C. 700, just before its author set out for his proconsular government in Cilicia. He was then in his fifty-third year. The object and spirit of the work were highly patriotic. He wished to bring the constitution back to its first principles by an impression expositive of its theory; to inflame his contemporaries with the love of virtue, by portraying§ character

of their ancestors in its primeval purity and beauty; ody and fulness of his style, unite to throw a charm and while he was raising a monument to all future around these productions which has been felt in every ages of what Rome had been, to inculcate upon his

own times what it ought still to be. have been his original purpose to make it a very voluminous work; for he expressly tells his brother (Ep. ad Q. Frat, 3, 5) that it was to be extended to nine books. Ernesti thinks that they were all given to the world (Ep. ad Att., 6, 1, in notis), although Cicero, in a letter to Atticus, on which that learned and accurate scholar makes this very remark, speaks of them as his sir pledges or sureties for his good behaviour. —Cicero, as a philosopher, belongs, upon the whole, to the New Academy. It has been disputed whether he was really attached to this system, or had merely resorted to it as being the best adapted for furnishing him with oratorical arguments suited to all occasions. At first its adoption was subsidiary to his other plans. But, towards the conclusion of his life, when he no longer maintained the place he was wont to hold in the Senate or the Forum, and when philosophy formed the occupation “with which,” to quote his own words, “life was just tolerable, and without which it would have been intolerable,” he doubtless became convinced that the principles of the New Academy, illustrated as they had been by Carneades and Philo, formed the soundest system which had descended to mankind from the schools of Athens. The attachment, however, of Cicero to the Academic philosophy was free from the exclusive spirit of sectarianism, and hence it did not prevent his extracting from other systems what he found in them conformable to virtue and reason. His ethical principles, in particular, appear eclectic, having been in a great measure formed from the opinions of the Stoics. Of most of the Greek sects he speaks with respect and esteem. For the Epicureans alone he seems (notwithstanding his friendship for Atticus) to have entertained a decided aversion and contempt. The general purpose of Cicero's philosophical works was rather to give a history of the ancient hilosophy, than dogmatically to inculcate opinions of i. own. It was his great aim to explain to his fellow-citizens, in their own language, whatever the sages of Greece had taught on the most important subjects, in order to enlarge their minds and reform their morals. In theoretic investigation, in the development of abstract ideas, in the analysis of qualities and perceptions, Cicero cannot be regarded as an inventor or profound original thinker, and cannot be ranked with Plato and Aristotle. His peculiar merit, as a philosophical writer, lay in his luminous and popular exposition of the leading principles and disputes of the ancient schools; and no works transmitted from antiquity present so concise and comprehensive a view of the opinions of the Greek philosophers. The most obvious peculiarity of Cicero's philosophical writings is their form of dialogue. The idea was borrowed from Plato and Xenophon; but the nature of Cicero's dialogue is as different from that of the two Athenians, as was his object in writing. With them, the Socratic mode of argument could hardly be displayed in any other shape; whereas Cicero's aim was to excite interest, and he availed himself of this mode of composition for the life and variety, the ease, perspicuity, and vigour which it gave to his discussions. Nor does Cicero discover less skill in the execution of these dialogues, than address in their design. In the dignity of his speakers, their high tone of mutual courtesy, the harmony of his groups, and the delicate relief of his contrasts, he is inimitable. The majesty and splendour of his introductions, the eloquence with which both sides of a question are successively displayed, the clearness and terseness of his statements on abstract points, his exquisite allusions to the scene or time of the supposed conversation, his digressions in praise of philosophy, and, lastly, the mel

We know it to

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age.—Cicero's Epistles, about 1000 in all, are comprised in thirty-six books, sixteen of which are addressed to Atticus, three to his brother Quintus, one to Brutus, and sixteen to his different friends; and they form a history of his life from his scrtieth year. Among those addressed to his friends, some occur from Brutus, Metellus, Plancus, Caelius, and others. For the preservation of this most valuable department of Cicero's writings, we are indebted to Tyro, the author's freedman, though we possess at the present day only a part of those originally published. The most interesting by far are the letters to Atticus, for they not only throw great light on the history of the times, but also give as a full insight into the private character of Cicero himself, who was accustomed at all times to unbosom his thoughts most freely to this friend of his. The authenticity of the correspondence with Brutus has been much disputed by modern scholars, and the general opinion is adverse to these letters being genuine— His poetical and historical works have suffered a heavy fate. The latter class, consisting of his commentary on his consulship, and his history of his own times, are altogether lost. Of the former, which comprised the heroic poems Alcyones, Limon, Marius, his own consulate, the elegy of Tamelastis, translations of Homer and Aratus, Epigrams, &c., but little remains except some fragments of the Phaenomena and Diosemeia of Aratus. It may, however, be questioned, whether literature has suffered much by these losses. We are far, indeed, from speaking contemptuously of the poetic powers of one who possessed so much fancy, so much taste, and so fine an ear. But his poems were principally composed in his youth; and afterward, when his powers were more mature, his occupations did not allow even his active mind the time necessary for polishing a language still more rugged in metre than it was in prose. His contemporary history, on the other hand, can hardly have conveyed more explicit, and certainly would have contained less faithful, information than his private correspondence; while, with all the penetration he assuredly possessed, it may be doubted, if his diffuse and graceful style of thought and composition was adapted for the depth of reflection and condensation of meaning, which are the chief excellences of historical composition.—The editions of the separate works of Cicero are too numerous to be mentioned here. The best editions of the entire works are: that of Ernesti, Hal., 1774, 8 vols. 8vo; that of Olivet, Paris, 1740, 9 vols. 4to; that of Schütz, Lips., 1814–20, 19 vols. (in 27) 12mo; and that of Nobbe, Lips., 1827, 1 vol. 4to, or 10 vols. 12mo. (Plut., in Vit.—Enc. Metropol, div. 3, vol. 2, p. 279, seqq.— Biog. Univ., vol. 8, p. 530, seqq.—Encyclop. Am., vol. 3, p. 190, seqq.—Dunlop, Rom. Lit., vol. 2, p. 275, seqq.—Bähr, Gesch. Röm. Lit., vol. 1, p. 487, seqq.)—II. Marcus, only son of the orator, and to whom the latter addressed his work De Officiis. He took part in the civil contest at an early age, and served under both Pompey and Brutus. After the battle of Philippi he retired to Sicily and joined the younger Pompey. Subsequently, however, he took advantage of the act of amnesty that was passed, and returned to Italy, where he lived some time in a private situation. Augustus, on attaining to sovereign power, made him his colleague in the consulship, and it was to Marcus Cicero, in his quality of consul, that he wrote an account of the victory at Actium and the conquest of Egypt. Marcus had the satisfaction of executing the decree which ordered all the statues and monuments that had been erected to Antony to be thrown down. After his consulship he was appointed governor of Syria, from which period history is silent respecting him. He died at an advanced age, and was notorious for dissipated and intemperate habits He. appears to have inherited little, if anything, of his father's virtue, patriotism, and talent. (Cuc., Ep. ad Att., 1, 2–Id, Ep. ad Fam., 13, 11.-Plut., Wit. Cic. extr.—Id., Vit. Brut., &c.)—III. Quintus, brother of the orator, and brother-in-law of Atticus. After having been prietor A.U.C. 692, he obtained the government of Asia. He was subsequently a lieutenant of Caesar's in Britain, and only left that commander to accompany his brother Marcus Tullius, as lieutenant, into Cilicia. After the battle of Pharsalia, in which he took part on the side of Pompey, he was proscribed by the triumvirate, and put to death by the emissaries of Antony. He had a marked talent for poetry, and had planned a poem on the invasion of Britain by Caesar. He also composed several tragedies, imitated or else translated from the Greek, but which have not reached us. Eighteen lines of his are preserved in the Corpus Poètarum of Maittaire. He was the author of the piece entitled “de Petitione Consulatus,” usually printed along with Cicero's letters to him. It is addressed by Quintus to his brother when the latter was a candidate for the consulship, and gives advice with regard to the measures he should pursue to attain his object, particularly inculcating the best means to gain private friends and acquire general popularity. (Corrad. Quast., p. 278, ed. Lips.—Biogr. Univ., vol. 8, p. 550.-Dunlop, Roman Literature, vol. 2, p. 495.) CicéNEs, a people on the coast of Thrace, near the spot where Maronea stood in a later age. Homer has placed here the scene of Ulysses' first disaster. Ismarus was the name of their city, which the poet supposes that chieftain to have taken and plundered; but the natives coming down from the interior in great force, he was driven off with severe loss of both men and ships. (Od., 1,40, seqq.) Ismarus is known to later writers only as a mountain celebrated for its wine, which indeed Homer himself alludes to in another passage. (Od., 1, 197.) Cilicia, a country of Asia Minor, on the seacoast, south of Cappadocia and Lycaonia, and to the east of Pisidia and Pamphilia. Herodotus says (7,91), that the people of this country were anciently called Hypachael, and that the appellation of Cilicians was subsequently derived from Cilix, son of Agenor, a Phoenician. This passage seems to point to a Phoenician or Syrian origin for the race, a supposition strengthened by the fact of the early commercial habits of the people of Cilicia. This country, though tributary to the Persian king, was nominally under the government of its native princes, with whom Syennesis appears to have been a common name. (Consult Herod., 1, 74.—Id, 5, 118–Xen., Anah, 1, 2.) Cilicia, more especially that part which consisted of plains, was a wealthy country; since we are informed by Herodotus (3, 90) that it yielded to Darius a revenue of 500 talents, equal to that of Mysia and Lydia together, besides 360 white horses. Xenophon also (Anah, 1, 2) describes it as a broad and beautiful plain, well watered, and abounding in wine and all kinds of trees, and yielding barley, millet, and other grain. In a military point of view, the importance of Cilicia was also very great, since it was surrounded by lofty mountains, presenting only one or two passes, and these easily secured by a small force against the largest armies. Had the Persians known how to defend these, the younger Cyrus would never have reached the Euphrates, nor would Alexander have been able to penetrate to the plains of Issus, which witnessed the overthrow of Darius. (Arrian, Erp. Al., 2, 4.) At a later period we learn from Cicero, during his command there, what importance the Romans attached to the province of Cilicia, when it became necessary to cover Asia against the growing power of the Parthians. (Ep. ad Att., 5, 20.) As a maritime country, too, Cilicia makes a considerable figure in history, since it furnished

numerous fleets to the Persian monarchs, as well as to the Syrian and Egyptian successors of Alexander But it was more especially from the formidable character of her piratical navy that Cilicia has obtained a name in the seafaring annals of antiquity. Some idea of the alarm inspired by these daring rovers can be formed from the language of Cicero, however exaggerated we may suppose it to be for a political purpose. (Or, pro Leg. Manil., 11.) The selection, too, which the Roman people made of Pompey, and the unusual powers confided to him, prove the importance of the contest. In less than 50 days, however, Pompey reduced the whole province either by force or the terror of his arms. More than 20,000 pirates are said to have fallen into his hands: these he settled in the interior, or removed to some distant countries, and thus entirely purged the shores of Asia of these nests of robbers. In the course of this war the Romans are said to have captured 378 ships, and burned 1300, conquered 120 towns and castles, and to have slain 10,000 of the enemy.—Cilicia was divided into Campestris and Trachéa. The former was the larger and more easterly portion, and derived its name from its champaign character. Trachéa, on the other hand, was so called from its rugged aspect (Tpartia, “rough”). It was nearly all occupied by the broad ridge of Taurus, which leaves scarcely any room for level land towards the sea. (Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 2, p. 315, seqq.) Cilix, a son of Agenor, who gave his name to Cilicia, according to Herodotus. (Consult remarks under the article Cilicia.-Herodot., 7, 91.) Cilla, a town of Troas, in the immediate vicinity of Adramyttium. (Hom., Il., 1, 37.-Strab., 6.12.) Cimber, L. Tillius, one of the conspirators against Caesar. He was a man notorious for his drunkenness and low violence (Seneca, Ep. 83—ld, de Ira, 3, 30), and he had been throughout the civil war a violent partisan of Caesar's, who appointed him a short time before his assassination to the province of Bithynia. (Appian, Bell. Cup., 3, 2–Cic, Ep. ad Fam., 12, 13.) Cimber was the one who gave the signal agreed upon with his associates for commencing the attack, by taking hold of Caesar's robe, and pulling it down from his shoulders. (Plut., Wit. Caes.) CIMBR1, a people of Germany, who invaded the Roman empire with a large army, and were conquered by Marius and Catulus. (For an account of the war, consult the article Teutones.) The Cimbri are generally thought to have had for their original seat the Cimbric Chersonese, or modern Jutland. It would seem, however, that there is some curious connexion between their name and that of the ancient Cimmerii, a point which may have some bearing on the question respecting the origin of the Germanic race. (Consult remarks under the article Cimmerii, and compare Mannert, Geschichte der alten Deutschen, p. 11, and Pfister, Gesch. der Teutschen, vol. 1, p. 40.) Ade. lung, however, opposes this idea. (Mithradates, vol 2, p. 143.) CIMINUs, I. a range of hills in Etruria, lying to the south of Salpinum.—II. A lake at the foot of Mont Ciminus, now Lago di Vico, or Roncigliome. (Strabo, 225.) The Ciminian forest, whose almost impene. trable shades served for a time as a barrier to Etruria against the attacks of Rome, is described as covering the adjacent country to a considerable extent. (Liv., 9, 36.-Front. Strat., 1, 2.—Plin., 2, 96.) CIMMErii, a nomadic race of Upper Asia, who appear to have originally inhabited a part of what is now called Tartary. According to Herodotus (1, 15), they were driven from their primitive seats by the Scythians, and moved down, in consequence, upon Asia Minor. which they invaded and ravaged during the reign of Ardys, king of Lydia, the successor of Gyges. Strabo, however, places the incursion of the Cimmerians in the time of Homer, or a little before ".birth of the poet. (Strab., 20.) Wesseling thinks the authority of Strabo inferior to that of Herodotus; but Larcher inclines to the opinion that two different incursions are spoken of, an earlier and a later one. He makes the former of these anterior even to the time assigned by Strabo, and thinks it preceded by a short period the siege of Troy. He supposes this, moreover, to be the one alluded to by Euripides. (Iph. in Taur., 1115, seqq.—Larcher, ad Herod., 1, 6.) According to this view of the subject, Herodotus speaks merely of the latter of these two inroads. Volney maintains, in like manner, that there were two incursions of the Cimmerians, but he places the first of these in the reign of Ardys (699 B.C.), to which he thinks Herodotus alludes in the fifteenth chapter of his first book; and the second one in the time of Alyattes and Cyaxares, which he supposes to be the inroad alluded to by Herodotus in the one hundred and third chapter of the same book. (Volney, Suppl. a l'Herod., de Larcher, p. 75, seqq.) It appears much more reasonable, however, to refer all to but one invasion on the part of the Cimmerian race, commencing in the time of Ardys, and continued until the reign of Alyattes (616, B.C.), when these barbarians were expelled from the Asiatic peninsula. (Bühr, ad Herod., 1, 6.)—The account given by Herodotus is, that the Cimmerians, when they came into Asia Minor, took Sardis, with the exception of the citadel, and that they were finally expelled by Alyattes, the contemporary of Cyaxares. (Herod., 1, 15, seq.) The same historian makes the Cimmerians to have dwelt originally in the neighbourhood of the Palus Maeotis and Cimmerian Bosporus, and when driven out “from Europe,” as he expresses himself (êk Tijo EipóTmc), by the Scythians, to have fled along the upper shore of the Euxine to Colchis, and thence to have passed into Asia Minor. (Herod., 1, 103.) Niebuhr, with very good reason, insists that Herodotus has here fallen into an error, and that all the wandering races which have in succession occupied the regions of Scythia, have, when driven out by other tribes from the east, moved forth in a western direction towards the country around the Danube. The Cimmerians, therefore, must have come into Asia Minor from the east. As regards the name of the Cimmerian Bosporus, the same acute critic supposes it to have arisen from the circumstance of a part of the Cimmerian horde having been left in this quarter, and having continued to occupy the Tauric Chersonese as late as the settlement of the Greek colonies in these parts. (Niebuhr, Kleine Schriften, p. 365, seqq.)—The ancients differed in opinion as regarded the orthography of the name Cimmerii, some being in favour of Keptéptot, others of Xetuéptot. (Hesych., s. v.–Eustath., ad Od., 10, 14.—Schol, ad loc.—Aristoph., Ran., 189. Etymol. Mag., p. 513. — Voss, Weltk., p. 14.) Modern scholars are in like manner divided as to the derivation of the term “Cimmerian” itself. It is maintained by some of these that the Greeks obtained their first knowledge of this race from the Phoenicians, and that hence, in all probability, the stories told of the gloom which enshrouded the Cimmerian land, and of the other appalling circumstances connected with this people, were mere Phoenician inventions to deter the Grecian traders from visiting them. In accordance with this idea, Bochart derives the word “Cimmerian” from the Phoenician kamar, or kimmer, “tenebrosum.” (Geogr. Sacr., col. 591.-Compare Job, 3, 5.) Hence we read of Cimmerians, not only in Lower Asia, but also in the remotest west and north. “The Cimmerians,” says Eustathius, “are a people in the west, on the Oceanus: they dwell not far from Hades.” (Compare Tzetz, ad Lycophr., 695, and consult the article Avernus.) Another class of etymologists, however, deduce the word in question from the Celtic, and make the Cimmerii identical with the Kimri, whence the later Cimbri. (Volney, Suppl., &c., p. 75.) The Cim

merians, therefore, who overran Asia Minor, will be a Celtic race. There is something extremely plausible in this supposition, and in this way, too, we may, without having recourse to Bochart's derivation, account for the existence of Cimmerii, or Celts, in the remote west. (Ukert, Geogr., vol. 1, p. 26, not.) CIMMERiuM, a town in the interior of the Tauric Chersonese, northwest of Theodosia. It is how EskiKrum (Old Krim), on the river Tschuruck. (Mela, 1, 19.) CIMölus, one of the Cyclades, northeast of Melos. Its more ancient name was Echinusa, or Viper's Island, from the number of vipers which infested it before it was inhabited. It produced what was called the Cimolia terra, a species of earth resembling, in some of its properties, fuller's earth, though not the same with it. (Theophrast., de Lapid, 2, 107– Strabo, 484.) The ancients used it for cleaning their clothes. It was white, dense, of a loose texture, mixed with sand or small pebbles, insipid to the taste, and unctuous to the touch. The substance, according to Sir John Hill (ad Theophr., l. c.), which comes nearest to the Cimolian earth of antiquity, is the Steatite of the Soap-rock of Cornwall, which is the common matter of a great part of the cliff near the Lizard Point. Cimolus is now Kimoli, though more generally known by the name of Argentiera. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 3, p. 405.) Cimon, I. son of Miltiades, and of Hegesipyle the daughter of Olorus, a Thracian prince. His education, according to Plutarch, was very much neglected, and he himself indulged, at first, in every species of excess. At his father's death he seems to have succeeded to a very scanty fortune, and he would perhaps have found it difficult to raise the penalty of fifty talents, which had been imposed upon his parent, and which the son was bound to pay to the public treasury, had not Callias, one of the wealthiest men of Athens, struck by the charms of his half-sister Elpinice, undertaken to discharge the sum as the price of her hand. (Wid. Callias, Elpinice.) Cimon, however, had attracted notice, and gained reputation, by the spirit which he displayed on the occasion of leaving the city on the approach of the Persians, when he was the foremost to hang up a bridle in the Acropolis, as a sign that he placed all his hopes in the fleet; and also by the valour with which he fought at Salamis. Aristides, in particular, saw in him a fit coadjutor to himself and antagonist to Themistocles, and exerted himself in his favour; and the readiness with which the allied Greeks, when disgusted by the arrogance of Pausanias, united themselves with Athens, was owing in a great measure to Cimon's mild temper, and to his frank and gentle manners. The popularity of Themistocles was already declining, while Cimon, by a series of successful enterprises, was rapidly rising in public favour. He defeated the Persians in Thrace, on the banks of the Strymon, took Eion, and made himself master of the whole country. He conquered the island of Scyros, the inhabitants of which were addicted to piracy; and brought thence to Athens what were deemed the bones of the national hero Theseus. He next subdued all the cities on the coast of Asia Minor, and went against the Persian fleet which lay at the mouth of the Eurymedon. The Persians, although superior in number, did not dare to abide an engagement, but sailed up the river to place themselves under the protection of their land forces. Cimon, however, provoked them to a battle, and, having defeated and sunk or taken two hundred ships, landed his men, flushed with victory, and completely routed the Persian army. Returning to Athens after these two victories thus achieved in a single day, he employed the perquisites of his command, and the resources which he had acquired from his successes over the barbarians, in the embellishment of

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