raised them both to the rank of gods! (Biogr. Univ., vol. 7, p. 137, seq.-Crevier, Hist. Emp. Rom., vol. 6, p. 150, seqq.)

CARMANIA, a country of Asia, between Persia and Gedrosia, now Kerman. Its capital was Carmania or Kerman, southeast of Persepolis. (Plin., 6, 22, seq.

themselves over the shores of the Egean and the isl-eral engagements took place, in which success seemands of that sea, the Carians therefore must have be-ed balanced. At last a decisive battle was fought longed to the same great family, since they are con- near Margum, and Carinus was on the point of gainfounded by the best authorities with the Leleges. It ing a complete victory, when he was slain by a tribune is difficult to say what nation inhabited Caria before of his own army, who had received an outrage at his Minos had removed thither the people from whom it hands. This event took place A.D. 285, so that the took its name; but it is not improbable that the Pho- reign of Carinus, computing it from his father's death, nicians occupied a portion of it. For we know that was a little more than one year. (Vopisc., Car., 7. they had colonized Rhodes and other islands off the ―Id., Numer., 11.—Id., Carin., 16, seq.—Suid., s. v. coast, and Athenæus remarks (4, p. 174) that certain Kapivoç.—Eutrop., &c.) If historians have decried poets had applied the name Phoenice to Caria. The Carinus for his vices, there have not been wanting Carians appear to have offered but little resistance to poets to sing his praises. Nemesianus and Calpurthe Greek settlers who successively established them- nius have followed the example of Virgil; and, as the selves on their coast, and to have been gradually con- latter has placed, on the lips of shepherds, eulogiums on fined to the southern coast chiefly, and to the valleys Augustus, so these two bards have sung in their ecof those streams which are tributary to the Mæan-logues the praises of Carinus and Numerian, and have der, towards the borders of Phrygia and Pisidia. We find them also yielding to the superior ascendency of the Lydians, under the dominion of Alyattes and Croesus. (Nic., Damasc., p. 243.-Herod., 1, 28.) On the overthrow of the Lydian empire they passed under the Persian sway. The policy of the sovereigns of Persia was, to establish in each subject or tributary-Solin., c. 104.-Arrian, Exp. Al., 6, 28.) state a government apparently independent of them, but whose despotic authority at home afforded the best guarantee that the people would everywhere be brought under the control of the court of Susa. It was to this system that the dynasty of Carian princes, who fixed their residence at Halicarnassus, owed its origin. A sketch of their history will be given in the account of that city. From the Persian Caria passed to the Macedonian sway. At a later period, it appears to have been, for a time, annexed to the kingdom of Egypt. (Polyb., 3, 2.) It next fell under the dominion of Antiochus; but, on his defeat by Scipio, the Roman senate bestowed this part of the conquered monarch's territory upon the Rhodians. It was afterward 'overrun, and occupied for a short time, by Mithradates, but was finally annexed by the Romans to the proconsular province of Asia. (Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 2, p. 163, seqq.)

CARINE, a street of Rome, where Cicero, Pompey, and others of the principal Romans dwelt. From the epithet laute, which Virgil applies to the Carine, we may infer, that the houses which stood in this quarter of ancient Rome were distinguished by an air of superior elegance and grandeur. (En., 8, 361, seqq.) The name Carinæ is derived, as Nardini not improbably supposes, from the street's being placed in a hollow between the Coelian, Esquiline, and Palatine hills. (Cramer's Ancient Italy, vol. 1, p. 375.)

CARMELUS, a god of the Syrians, who was worshipped on Mount Carmel. He had an altar, but no temple. According to Tacitus, a priest of this deity predicted to Vespasian that he would be emperor. (Compare the remarks of Brotier, ad Tacit., Hist., 2, 78.)

CARMENTA and CARMENTIS, according to the old Italian legend, a prophetess of Arcadia, mother of Evander, with whom she was said to have come to Italy. Her first name is said to have been Themis, and the appellation Carmenta, or Carmentis, to have been given her from her delivering oracles in verse (Carmina.-Compare Kruse, Hellas, vol. 1, p. 444, in notis). Carmenta seems, in fact, to have been a deity similar to the Camena or Muses. That she was an ancient Italian deity is clear, for she had a flamen and a festival. (Cic., Brut., 14.) The Carmentalia were on the 11th and 15th of January. Car-. menta was worshipped by the Roman matrons. They prayed, on this occasion, to two deities, named Porrima and Prosa, or Antivorta and Postvorta, for a safe delivery in childbirth. (Keightley's Mythol., p. 532.)

CARMENTALIA, a festival at Rome in honour of Carmenta, celebrated the 11th and 15th of January. (Vid. Carmenta.-Ovid, Fast., 1, 461.)

CARMENTĀLIS PORTA, one of the gates of Rome in the neighbourhood of the Capitol. It was afterward called Scelerata, because the Fabii passed through it in going to that fatal expedition where they perished.

CARINUS (M. AURELIUS), eldest son of the Em-(Virg., En., 8, 338.) peror Carus, who gave him the title of Cæsar, and CARNEADES, a philosopher of Cyrene in Africa, rank of Augustus, together with the government of founder of a sect called the third or New Academy. Italy, Illyricum, Africa, and the West, when he him- The Athenians sent him with Diogenes the Stoic, and self was setting out with his second son Numerianus, Critolaus the peripatetic, as ambassador to Rome, to make war against the Persians. Carus, knowing B.C. 155. Carneades excelled in the vehement and the evil qualities of Carinus, gave him this charge rapid, Critolaus in the correct and elegant and Diowith great reluctance, but he had no alternative, as genes in the simple and modest, kind of eloquence. Numerianus, though superior in every respect to his Carneades, in particular, attracted the attention of elder brother, was too young to hold so important a his new auditory by the subtlety of his reasoning and command. As soon as Carinus entered Gaul, which the fluency of his language. Before Galba and Cato his father had particularly charged him to defend against the Censor, he harangued with great variety of thought the barbarians, who menaced an irruption, he gave and copiousness of diction in praise of justice. The himself up to the most degrading excesses, discharged next day, to establish his doctrine of the uncertainty the most virtuous men from public employment, and of human knowledge, he undertook to refute all his substituted the vile companions of his debaucheries. former arguments. Many were captivated by his eloOn hearing of the death of his father he indulged in quence; but Cato, apprehensive lest the Roman new excesses and new crimes. Still, however, his youth should lose their military character in the purcourage and his victories merit praise. He defeated suit of Grecian learning, persuaded the senate to send the barbarians who had begun to attack the empire, back these philosophers, without delay, to their own among others the Sarmate, and he afterward over- schools. Carneades obtained such high reputation at threw Sabinus Julianus, who had assumed the purple home, that other philosophers, when they had disin Venetia. He then marched against Dioclesian, who missed their scholars, frequently came to hear him. had proclaimed himself emperor after the death of It was the doctrine of the New Academy, that the Numerian. The two armies met in Moesia, and sev-senses, the understanding, and the imagination fre

forces, the Carthaginian settlements, which were strictly colonies in the modern acceptation of the word, must have yielded to the superior energies of the Greeks. It is said (Herodot., 7, 165) that it was a concerted plan between Xerxes and the Carthaginians, that Greece and Sicily should be crushed at the same time; one by the united myriads of the east, the other by the barbarians of the west, who formed the armies of Carthage. But Hamilcar, the Carthaginian general, saw his forces vanquished by the Sicilian Greeks, and he himself lost his life.-As to Spain, it is difficult to distinguish between the Phoenicians and their descendants, the Carthaginians, owing to the imperfect records we possess of Carthaginian history; nor can we with certainty assign the era when the colonists succeeded to the foreign possessions of the mother-country. The southwestern part of Spain, the modern Andalusia, was their favourite region: the town of Gades (Cadiz) became a flourishing place, and the emporium of Southern Spain. (Heeren, Ideen, vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 27, seqq.-Long's Anc. Geogr., p. 91, seqq.)

1. The Carthaginian Polity.

50 years before the fall of Troy. (Appian, Bell. |sions of the mother-country, Phoenicia. They were Pun. init.-Hieron. in Euseb. ad Num., 805, p. 91, never able, however, to make themselves masters of ed. Scalig.) By the computation of Eusebius, how the whole island: had they succeeded in their design, ever, it took place 37 years before Troy was destroyed. their subsequent history might have been different. The second founding of Carthage occured 173 years They probably never had secure possession of more subsequent to the former one (Chron. Euseb., Hieron. than one third of the island. Sicily was the point ad Num., 971), or, if we follow Syncellus (p. 181, A), where the interests of the Greeks and Carthaginians 133 years after the taking of Troy. With this epoch conflicted. The Greek cities were free states, whose the mention of Dido comes in for the first time. Her wealth increased with as much rapidity, according to true era, however, appears to be that of the third found-extant documents, as any countries whose history is ing of the city, 190 years later, according to Josephus known, except some of the free states of America (in Apion., 1, 18, p. 1042)-The Greeks called Car-Had these little commonwealths always united their thage Kapxndov, and the Carthaginians, Kapyndóvior. The name of the place in Punic was Carthada, i. e., "The New City," in contradistinction to the old or parent city of Tyre. (Compare Gesenius, Gesch. Hebr. Spr., p. 229.-Id, Phon. Mon., p. 421.)-Carthage was situated on a peninsula, in the recess of a spacious bay, formed by the promontory Hermæum (Cape Bon) on the east, and that of Apollo (Cape Zibib) on the west. The Bagradas flows into the bay between Utica and the peninsula, and, being an inundating river, has doubtless caused many changes in this bay. The adventurers who founded Carthage bought a small piece of land, for which they paid a yearly tax; with the increasing wealth and power of the city, the respective conditions of the Carthaginians and the natives were changed, and the merchants assumed and maintained a dominion over the Libyans who dwelt around them. The Carthaginians upheld their control over the native tribes by sending out colonies, as the Romans did into the Italic states; a mixed population would thus soon arise. A regular colonizing system was part of the Carthaginian policy. (Aristot., Polit., 6, 3.) To provide for the poor by grants of land, and to avoid popular commotion, which is naturally produced by poverty, was the object of their colonial establishments. This kind of relief cannot be permanent, and we consequently read of more colonies of this description in the later periods of Carthage. Their settlements in Africa were principally on the coast between Carthage and the Syrtis Minor: they appear to have been under the immediate control of the parent city. But there is no reason for supposing, that the genuine Phoenician colonies, those established by Tyre, or other cities of the parent country, were in this kind of dependance on Carthage. It was the policy of Carthage to encourage the agriculture of the productive region of Byzacium: their city was thus supplied with the prime necessaries of life.—The boundaries of the Carthaginian territories in Africa were these: on the east the tower of Euphranta was the barrier between them and the Cyrenæans. From this place, which was on the eastern shore of the Syrtis Major, or from Charan, which was near to it, the Carthaginians carried on a contraband trade to procure the silphium. (Strabo, 836.) The southern boundary was determined by natural limits the sandy desert and its wandering inhabitants owned no master. It is more difficult to assign a western boundary: they had posts, or trading positions, along the northern coast as far as the Straits of Gibraltar, but this will not prove that they had any territorial possession. The Nomades would give themselves little concern about a small island opposite to the coast, or a barren rock upon it, and the Carthaginians might gradually attain some small tract besides the spot which was a depôt for commodities. The Carthaginian possessions which were undisputed probably did not extend west of the 26th degree of east longitude, and spread some distance into the inThe lake Tritonis may be considered as the southern and western limit of the cultivated region. Among the foreign possessions of Carthage may be enumerated their dependances in Sicily and Spain, as well as Sardinia, Corsica, the Baleares, and Malta. In Sicily the Carthaginians succeeded to the posses

terior.

Our information on this important and interesting subject is not so complete as the investigator of aucient history desires. Aristotle's small extant treatise, entitled "Politica," is our best guide in this obscure matter. The city was a commercial town, possessing, as we have seen, numerous foreign colonies, besides dependent towns in the fertile region of Byzacium. Agriculture was encouraged in the African colonies, or subject cities, by the demands for the necessaries of life which a great capital would create: from the fragments of Mago's book on husbandry, and the testimony of historians, we infer that the cultivation of grain, of the olive, and the vine, and the raising of cattle, were well understood. Carthage, like most of the towns in the Greek states, was the ruling city of the district in which it was situated: the citizens of the metropolis possessed the sovereign power, but the mode in which it was distributed among those of Carthage requires some explanation. There was in Carthage, undoubtedly, a body of rich citizens, who are sometimes considered as a kind of aristocracy, but there is no proof that this was an hereditary dignity, or that it was anything more than the influence which a rich individual possesses and transmits to his children by joining it to a large estate. An aristocracy may be formed in this way: that of Carthage, as far as we know, possessed no hereditary privileges, and no political power but from election. But posts of honour and dignity brought with them no emolument, and, consequently, were the exclusive property of the rich, who alone could afford to sustain the expense which such situations necessarily require. Bribery is a consequence of such an institution, and a small body, whatever name it may have, will thus govern a community. (Aristot., Polit., 2, 8.-Heeren's Ideen, vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 108, seqq.) The Spartan polity was that which Aristotle and Polybius consider the most nearly related to the Carthaginian. The power of the people was very limited, and was exercised only in their public

Baal and Baalath; Melech and Maleath; Don for Adon. (Plaut., Pœnul., 5, 1, 15.-Compare Bellermann, vol. 1, p. 45, and vol. 2, p. 15.) These appellations, given to the deities of Carthage as well as to those of Phoenicia, expressed in both countries the majesty of those all-powerful beings, and the dominion which they exercised over men. It was to the sun, however, as the first principle of nature, as the gener

of the nations of Canaan, offered peculiar adoration. They styled him Baal or Moloch, "the lord," "the king," and also Belsamen, "the lord of heaven." This supreme deity they worshipped with a reverence so profound as scarcely ever to dare to pronounce his true name: they contented themselves in general with designating him as the "Ancient One," the Eternal." (Augustin, De Consensu Evang., 1, 36.-Vol. 3, p. 11, ed. Maur.-Compare the expression, "Ancient of Days," in Daniel, 7, 9, 13.) The Greek writers translated Baal by Kpóvoç, and the Romans by Saturnus, no doubt on account of the common reference which those divinities had to the idea of time. The images, as well as the titles of the SunGod, were the same, to all appearances, both among the Phoenicians or Canaanites, and the Carthaginians. The description which Diodorus has left us of the statue of Cronus (Saturn) at Carthage, coincides in general with the account given by the Jewish Rabbins of that of Moloch in Canaan. (Diod. Sic., 20, 14.Selden, de Dus Syris, 1, 6.) Both were made of metal; both had the arms extended, with a kind of furnace, or inner cavity, below, into which children were thrown to be destroyed by fire, as an offering to this horrid idol. In process of time, when the Carthaginians had become more closely connected with the Greeks, it is probable that Baal was made in some respects to resemble the Apollo of the latter; his worship, as well as his figure, would begin to modify themselves, and hence the Apollo of Carthage, whose colossal statue, entirely gilt, was transported to Rome by Scipio. (Polyb., 7, 9. — Appian, Bell. Pun., 79.

meetings. The kings or suffetes, and the generals of | we have Elim, Alonim, and, in the feminine, Alonoth; the republic, were elected by the people in their public assemblies; but bribery was so usual that Aristotle considered those high distinctions as saleable at the time when he wrote. When the suffetes and the senate could not agree about any proposed enactment, the people had the right of deciding between them. The senate possessed the chief power, both legislative and executive; but we are entirely ignorant of the constitution of this body. It is only from the comparative power, that the Carthaginians, after the example ison made by Aristotle and Polybius between the constitutions of Carthage and Sparta, and the additional resemblance between that of Carthage and Rome in the time of Polybius, that we can attain to any probabilities. We suppose, then, that the senators might hold their offices for life; that their number was considerable, and that they possessed the principal legislative and executive power. The presiding officers of the senate and the chief civil magistrates were the suffetes: the Greek writers call them kings, and the Roman historian, Livy, compares them with the consuls. They were elected from the richest and noblest families (Aristot., Polit., 2, 81); we suppose the number was two, like that of the kings of Sparta and con suls of Rome: any farther conjectures about them may be ingenious, but they will also be useless. The generals of the state were elected also from the most distinguished families. The civil and the military power in Carthage were distinct. We may find instances in which the kings seem to have had something like military command, as in the case of King Hanno, who conducted the colonial expedition; but, in general, we can have no doubt that the generals of the republic were officers chosen by the people to command the armies in foreign expeditions or in domestic dissension. The judicature of Carthage resembled that of Sparta: the judges of the several courts had the full and complete cognizance of all civil and criminal cases, without the aid of jurymen. (Aristot., Polit., 3, 1.) The court of the one hundred was the supreme tribunal of Carthage, and the account of its origin, given by Justin (18, 7), is rendered more probable by Aristotle's comparing this body with that of the Spartan Ephori. Such a tribunal as this could be converted by favourable circumstances and a few hold leaders into a real court of inquisition: it actually became so in the later ages of the commonwealth; and, if we believe Livy (33, 46), the lives and property of the citizens were disposed of according to its caprice. Any injury, real or imaginary, done to one of the body, was an offence against the dignity of the whole college. Hannibal overturned the throne of the inquisitors, and destroyed this tyrannical and dangerous tribunal. This body was not chosen by the people, but by courts called Pentarchies we know nothing more of these latter courts, except that they had cognizance of very important cases, and enjoyed the privilege of supplying the vacancies that happened in their own body. The members of the court of one hundred retained their place for a long time, though originally not for life. (Aristot., Polit., 2, 8.) Our materials will hardly admit any farther development of the constitution of Carthage. In the decline of the state, we know from Aristotle that the influence of a few rich families in obtaining possession of places of importance, and the union of several distinct offices in one person, contributed materially to hasten the end of the political system. (Heeren's Ideen, vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 118, seqq. -Long's Anc. Geogr., p. 97.)

:

2. Religion of the Carthaginians. The religious faith and ceremonies of the Carthaginians appear to have been at bottom the same with those of the mother country, Phoenicia. Hence the general denominations for their divinities betray a strong resemblance between the two nations. Thus

Plut., Vit. Flamin., c. 1.- Creuzer's Symbolik, vol. 2, p. 269.-But consult Guigniaut's note, vol. 2, p. 231, of the French work.) In the Roman Carthage, which retained the worship of its ancient deities, while it changed, at the same time, their forms and names, the Latin Saturn appeared to take the place of the Phoenician Baal; but the human sacrifices, still continually renewed, notwithstanding the repeated orders to the contrary on the part of the Romans, attest the permanency of ancient ideas and rites. Baal-Saturn maintained his honours even to the extremities of the west, even to Gades, where, under the Roman dominion, there still existed a temple of this god. (Compare Münter, Religion der Karthager, p. 17, seqq.Id., über Sardische Idole, p. 8, seqq.) Various animals were consecrated to Baal, as to all the great divinities of paganism. Oxen were sacrificed to him, and he himself bore the attributes of a bull. A Phoenician medal, which has come down to us, displays the image of a god, like the Jupiter of the Greeks, seated on a throne, and having the head of an ox. The inscription is Baal-Thurz. Payne Knight (Inquiry into the Symb. Lang., &c., § 31.-Class. Journ., vol. 23, p. 226) compares the name Thor, given to the bull among the Phoenicians, according to Plutarch (Vit. Syll., 17), with the god Thor of Scandinavian mythology, the head of whose image was that of a bull. were also dedicated to the Sun, and their blood shed at his festivals. (Münter, Religion der Karthager, p. 14, n. 44, who deduces this from a passage in the 2d (4th) Book of Kings, 23, 11.) It is also very probable that the elephant, an animal so renowned among the ancients for the species of worship which it was said to offer to the sun and moon (Ælian

Horses

H. A., 7, 4.—Plin., 8, 1), was held sacred to Baal. | most gloomy and appalling images. When we vie One thing at least is certain, that in Africa these pious the abstinences, the voluntary tortures, and, above all, animals were in some degree connected with the wor- the horrid sacrifices which it imposed as a duty on the ship of Ammon; and the coins of Juba, king of Mau- living, we are not astonished that the dead should ap ritania, display on one side the head of Jupiter Am- pear in some degree actual objects of envy. I mon, and on the other an elephant. (Eckhel, Doctr. silenced the most sacred sentiments of human nature; Num. Vet., vol. 4, p. 154.)-To the Sun-God, as it degraded the minds of its votaries by superstitions in monarch of the skies and supreme generator, was turn atrocious and dissolute; and we are naturally led joined a female divinity, as the great goddess Kar' to the inquiry, what moral influence such a religion ¿sexy, as the queen of heaven, and the principle of could have exercised over the people who professed it. fecundated nature. This divinity makes her appear- The portrait which antiquity has left us of the Cartha ance under various forms and different names in almost ginian character is hence far from being a flattering one all the religions of Asia. (Compare Nouveau Journal By turns imperious and servile, melancholy and cruel, Asiatique, vol. 1 (1828), p. 11, seqq.-Creuzer's inexorable and faithless, egotistical and covetous, it Symbolik, per Guigniaut, vol. 2, p. 232.) At Car- would seem as if the spirit of their religion had conthage, as in Syria and Phoenicia, she appears to have spired with the jealous aristocracy that weighed so borne the name of Astarte or Astaroth, which corre- heavily upon them, and with their purely commercial sponds to the idea of sovereign of the heavens and the and industrious habits, to close their hearts to every stars. Thus the Greeks called her, in their language, generous emotion and every elevated thought. Their Urania, and the Romans the "Celestial Goddess." system of belief may have contained some noble ideas, This deity was worshipped in numerous temples at but their practice of that system served effectually to Carthage, along the coast of Africa, at Malta, and in obscure these. A goddess presided over their public the other isles of the Mediterranean, as also in Spain, councils (Appian, Bell. Pun., p. 81, ed. Tolli); but near Gades; and her rites were no less voluptuous in these councils or assemblies were held during the their character than those of Mylitta at Babylon, of night, and history informs us respecting some of the Anaïtis in Armenia, and of Venus-Urania in Cyprus. terrible measures that were agitated therein. The god Munter, Rel. der Karthager p. 80, seqq.)-Immedi- of the solar fire was the patron deity of both Carthage ately after Baal and Astarte, was placed, among the and Tyre, and gave an example of great enterprises national divinities of Carthage, Melkarth, the king and hardy labours; yet his brightness was often stained of the city," the tutelary deity of the parent city of with blood, and every year human victims were immoTyre. (Münter, ibid., p. 36, seqq.) Wherever the lated at his altars as at those of Baal. Wherever the Phoenicians penetrated, the altars that were raised in Phoenicians, or the Carthaginians after them, carried honour of this god, and the various traces of his wor- their commerce and their arms, not only at particular ship, testify the high veneration which this people en- periods, but in all critical conjunctures, their high-toned tertained for him. The Tyrian colonies regarded him fanaticism renewed these sanguinary sacrifices. In as their common protector; they adored him as a kind vain did Gelon of Syracuse, with the authority which of divine mediator; as a sort of sacred bond, uniting victory gave him; in vain did the Greeks established them one with another and with their common coun- at Carthage, endeavour, by mild and pacific influence, try. The symbol of the victorious course of the sun, to put an end to these inhuman rites (Timæus, Tauand identical, in this respect, with the Grecian Hercu- romen. ap. Schol. in Pind, Pyth., 2, 3-Münter, les, he naturally became, for these hardy navigators, Rel. der Karth., p. 25); the ancient barbarity conthe celestial guide of their distant expeditions, and, stantly reappeared, and maintained itself even in Roconsequently, the god of commerce. (Creuzer's Sym-man Carthage. At the commencement even of the bolik, par Guigniaut, vol. 2, p. 172, n. 4.) In this way he was in some measure assimilated to another deity, Sumes, whose Phoenician name recalls the Som of Egypt. (Compare Bellermann, über Phanic. Münz., 1, p. 25) A similar alliance existed at Rome between Hercules and Mercury, both deities being considered as the gods of riches and abundance. Melkarth was, in effect, like the Grecian Hercules, the same with the sun. The Tyrians raised, in his temple at Gades, an altar to the year (Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg., p. 453), and it is in a point of view directly analogous, that Nonnus calls Hercules the conductor of the twelve months. (Dionys., 40, 338.) Every year they kindled at Carthage, as at Tyre, and probably in all the Phoenician colonies, a large pyre in honour of Melkarth, whence an eagle was let loose, as a symbol, like the Egyptian phoenix, of the sun, and of time renewing itself from its own ashes. This scene was transferred by the Greeks to Mount Eta, where Hercules, in consuming himself on the funeral pile, cele- The first period of the history of Carthage extends brates his apotheosis after the accomplishment of his to the beginning of the war with Syracuse, from B.C. twelve labours. (Dio. Chrysostom, Orat., 33-Vol. 878 to 480. Carthage extended its conquests in Af2, p. 23, ed. Reiske.) The worship of a Hercules, rica and Sardinia, carried on a commercial war with distinct from the one of Thebes, was continued, even the people of Marseille (Massilia) and the Etrurians, to the last periods of paganism, in Carthage and in all and concluded a commercial peace with Rome, B.C. the Phoenician cities.-Omitting the mention of other 509. The Carthaginians then directed their chief atand less important divinities of the Carthaginians, we tention to the conquest of Sicily, with which comwill conclude the present head with some general re-mences their second and most splendid period, extendmarks on the religion of this people. The character ing to the beginning of their war with the Romans, of the Carthaginian religion, like that of the nation B.C. 265. When Xerxes undertook his campaign which professed it, was melancholy even to cruelty.into Greece, the Carthaginians made a league with Terror was the animating principle of this religion; a him, and the object of this arrangement was to crush religion thirsting after blood, and environed with the at once both Sicily and Greece. The Carthaginians

third century of our era, traces of this frightful mode of worship were still found to be practised in secret. (Tertull., Apol., 9.) From the year of Rome 655, all human sacritices had been prohibited; but the emperors more than once found themselves under the ne cessity of making this prohibition a more binding one. Still, however, the evil was not completely eradicated; and we see, even at Rome, the worthless Elagabalus immolating children in the course of his magic ceremonies. (Dio Cass., 79, 12.-Creuzer's Symbolik, par Guigniaut, vol. 2, p. 252.)

3. Carthaginian Language and Literature. An account of the language and literature of Carthage will come in more naturally when treating of the Phoenicians. To this latter head, therefore, we refer the reader.

4. History of Carthage.