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themselves over the shores of the AEgean and the islands of that sea, the Carians therefore must have belonged to the same great family, since they are confounded by the best authorities with the Leleges. It is difficult to say what nation inhabited Caria before Minos had removed thither the people from whom it took its name; but it is not improbable that the Phoenicians occupied a portion of it. For we know that they had colonized Rhodes and other islands off the coast, and Athenaeus remarks (4, p. 174) that certain poets had applied the name Phoenice to Caria. The Carians appear to have offered but little resistance to the Greek settlers who successively established themselves on their coast, and to have been gradually confined to the southern coast chiefly, and to the valleys of those streams which are tributary to the Maeander, towards the borders of Phrygia and Pisidia. We find them also yielding to the superior ascendency of the Lydians, under the dominion of Alyattes and Croesus. (Nuc., Damasc., p. 243.-Herod., 1, 28.) On the overthrow of the Lydian empire they passed under the Persian sway. The policy of the sovereigns of Persia was, to establish in each subject or tributary state a government apparently independent of them, but whose despotic authority at home afforded the best guarantee that the people would everywhere be brought under the control of the court of Susa. It was to this system that the dynasty of Carian princes, who fixed their residence at Halicarnassus, owed its origin. A sketch of their history will be given in the account of that city. From the Persian Caria passed to the Macedonian sway. At a later period, it appears to have been, for a time, annexed to the kingdom of Egypt. (Polyb, 3, 2.) It next fell under the dominion of Antiochus; but, on his defeat by Scipio, the Roman senate bestowed this part of the conquered monarch's territory upon the Rhodians. It was afterward 'overrun, and occupied for a short time, by Mithradates, but was finally annexed by the Romans to the proconsular province of Asia. (Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 2, p. 163, seqq.) CARINAE, a street of Rome, where Cicero, Pompey, and others of the principal Romans dwelt. From the epithet tauta, which Virgil applies to the Carinae, we may inser, that the houses which stood in this quarter of ancient Rome were distinguished by an air of suerior elegance and grandeur. (AEn., 8, 361, seqq.) The name Carinae is derived, as Nardini not improbably supposes, from the street's being placed in a hollow between the Coelian, Esquiline, and Palatine hills. (Cramer's Ancient Italy, vol. 1, p. 375.) CARINUs (M. Aurelius), eldest son of the Emperor Carus, who gave him the title of Caesar, and rank of Augustus, together with the government of Italy, Illyricum, Africa, and the West, when he himself was setting out with his second son Numerianus, to make war against the Persians. Carus, knowing the evil qualities of Carinus, gave him this charge with great reluctance, but he had no alternative, as Numerianus, though superior in every respect to his elder brother, was too young to hold so important a command. As soon as Carinus entered Gaul, which his father had particularly charged him to defend against the barbarians, who menaced an irruption, he gave himself up to the most degrading excesses, discharged the most virtuous men from public employment, and substituted the vile companions of his debaucheries. On hearing of the death of his father he indulged in new excesses and new crimes. Still, however, his courage and his victories merit praise. He defeated the barbarians who had begun to attack the empire, among others the Sarmatie, and he afterward overthrew Sabinus Julianus, who had assumed the purple in Venetia. He then marched against Dioclesian, who had proclaimed himself emperor after the death of Numerian. The two armies met in Moesia, and sev
eral engagements took place, in which success seemed balanced. At last a decisive battle was fought near Margum, and Carinus was on the point of gaining a complete victory, when he was slain by a tribune of his own army, who had received an outrage at his hands. This event took place A.D. 285, so that the reign of Carinus, computing it from his father's death, was a little more than one year. (Vopisc., Car, 7. —Id., Numer, 11.-Id., Carin., 16, seq.-Suid, s. v. Kapivot.—Eutrop., &c.) If historians have decried Carinus for his vices, there have not been wanting poets to sing his praises. Nemesianus and Calpurnius have followed the example of Virgil; and, as the latter has placed, on the lips of shepherds, eulogiums on Augustus, so these two bards have sung in their eclogues the praises of Carinus and Numerian, and have raised them both to the rank of gods ! (Biogr. Univ., vol. 7, p. 137, seq.-Crepier, Hist. Emp. Rom, vol. 6, p. 150, seqq.) CARMANIA, a country of Asia, between Persia and Gedrosia, now Kerman. Its capital was Carmania or Kerman, southeast of Persepolis. (Plin., 6, 22, seq. —Solin., c. 104.—Arrian, Erp. Al., 6, 28.) CARMELUs, a god of the Syrians, who was worshipped on Mount Carmel. He had an altar, but no temple. According to Tacitus, a priest of this deity predicted to Vespasian that he would be emperor. (Compare the remarks of Brotier, ad Tacit., Hist, 2, 78.) CARMENTA and CARMENtis, according to the old Italian legend, a prophetess of Arcadia, mother of Evander, with whom she was said to have come to Italy. Her first name is said to have been Themis, and the appellation Carmenta, or Carmentis, to have been given her from her delivering oracles in verse (Carmina.-Compare Kruse, Hellas, vol. 1, p. 444, in notis). Carmenta scems, in fact, to have been a deity similar to the Camenae or Muses. That she was an ancient Italian deity is clear, for she had a flamen and a festival. (Cic, Brut., 14.) The Car-. mentalia were on the 11th and 15th of January. Car-. menta was worshipped by the Roman matrons. They prayed, on this occasion, to two deities, named Porrima and Prosa, or Antivorta and Postvorta, for a safe delivery in childbirth. (Keightley's Mythol, p. 532.) CARMENTALIA, a festival at Rome in honour of Carmenta, celebrated the 11th and 15th of January. (Wid. Carmenta.-Ovid, Fast, 1, 461.) CARMENtilis Porta, one of the gates of Rome in the neighbourhood of the Capitol. It was afterward called Scelerata, because the Fabii passed through it in going to that fatal expedition where they perished. (Virg., AEn, 8, 338.) CARNEXdes, a philosopher of Cyrene in Africa, founder of a sect called the third or New Academy. The Athenians sent him with Diogenes the Stoic, and Critolaus the peripatetic, as ambassador to Rome, B.C. 155. Carneades excelled in the vehement and rapid, Critolaus in the correct and elegant, and Diogenes in the simple and modest, kind of eloquence. Carneades, in particular, attracted the attention of his new auditory by the subtlety of his reasoning and the fluency of his language. Before Galba and Cato the Censor, he harangued with great variety of thought and copiousness of diction in praise of justice. The next day, to establish his doctrine of the uncertainty of human knowledge, he undertook to refute all his former arguments. Many were captivated by his eloquence; , but Cato, apprehensive lest the Roman youth should lose their military character in the pursuit of Grecian learning, persuaded the senate to send back these philosophers, without delay, to their own schools. Carneades obtained such high reputation at home, that other philosophers, when they had dismissed their scholars, frequently came to hear him. It was the doctrine of the New Academy, that the senses, the understanding, and the * fre
quently deceive us, and therefore cannot be infallible judges of truth; but that, from the impression which we perceive to be produced on the mind by means of the senses, we infer appearances of truth or probabilities. He maintained, that they do not always correspond to the real nature of things, and that there is no infallible method of determining when they are true or false, and consequently that they afford no certain criterion of truth. Nevertheless, with respect to the conduct of life, Carneades held that probable appearances are a sufficient guide, because it is unreasonable that some degree of credit should not be allowed to those witnesses who commonly give a true report. He maintained, that all the knowledge the human mind is capable of attaining is not science, but opinion. (Enfield's Hist. Phil., vol., 1, p. 254, seq.Cic. ad Att., 12, 23, de Orat., 1 et 2.-Lactant, 5, 14 — Val. Mar., 8, 8.) CARNEA, a festival observed in many of the Grecian cities, but more particularly at Sparta, where it was first instituted, in honour of Apollo Carnéus, (Wid. Carneus.) It commenced at Sparta on the seventh day of the month named aster it Carneus (Kapwetos), which corresponded to the Athenian Metageitnion, or a part of our August and September. The celebration lasted nine days, and, according to some, was an imitation of the manner of living, and the discipline used, in camps; for nine akistées (tents) were erected; in every one of which nine men, of three different tribes, three being chosen out of a tribe, lived for the space of nine days, during which time they were obedient to a public crier or herald, and did nothing without express directions from him. Hesychius tells us, that the priest, whose office it was to attend at this solemnity, was named lymric, and he adds, in another place, that out of every tribe five other ministers were elected, and called Kappearai, who were obliged to continue in their function four years, during which time they led a life of celibacy. At this festival, the musical numbers called Kápwetot väuot were sung by musicians, who contended for victory. The first prize was won by Terpander. (Athenaeus, 14, p. 635, e.— Compare Corsini, Fast. Attic., 3, p. 41.—Sturz, ad Hellanic, fragm., p. 83–Manso, Sparta, vol. 1, pt. 2, p. 215, seqq.) CARNEus, an epithet applied to Apollo. According to the common account, the name was derived from Carnus, an Acarnanian, who was instructed by the god in the art of divination, but was afterward slain by Hippotes, a descendant of Hercules. Apollo, in revenge, sent a plague upon the Dorians, to avert which they instituted the festival of the Carnea. Various other accounts, equally unworthy of reliance, are given. The epithet Carneus evidently refers to the prophetic powers of the god, and the certain fulfilling of his predictions; and hence it is clearly related to the Greek verb Kpatro, “to accomplish.” (Compare Schol. ad Theocrit., 5, 83.-Manso, Sparta, vol. 1, pt. 2, p. 218. CARNütes, a powerful nation of Gallia Celtica, known even before the time of Caesar, and mentioned by Livy (5, 34) among the tribes that crossed the Alps in the time of Tarquinius Priscus. And yet they are numbered by Caesar (B. G., 6, 4) among the cients or dependants of the Remi. Their country was the principal seat of the Druids, and lay to the southwest of the Parisii. It answered to the modern
departments d'Eure-et-Loire and du Loiret. Autricum, now Chartres, was their chief city. (Lemaire,
Ind. Geogr. ad Caos., s. v.)
perior, on the Danube, opposite the mouth of the Ma
rus. It became a place of importance in the war
with the Marcomanni, and here the emperor Marcus
Aurelius took up his residence for some years, and
made it a central point from which to direct his op
erations against the Marcomanni and Quadi. It was plundered and destroyed by the barbarians in the fourth century (Ammian. Marcell, 30, 5), but was afterward rebuilt, though it never attained to its previous flourishing condition. The ruins of this place are to be found at the present day between Petronel and Altenburg, on the Danube. (Well. Paterc., 2, 109–Poin, 4, 12–Eutrop, 8, 6–Spartian. Ser., 5.—Mannert, Geogr., vol. 3, p. 657.) Carpates, a long chain of mountains in the northern parts of Dacia, called also Alpes Bastarnica, now the range of Mount Krupack. (Ptol., 3, 7.) CAR pathcs, an island in the Mediterranean, between Rhodes and Crete. The adjacent sea received from it the name of Mare Carpathium. Its first inhabitants were transplanted here by Minos from Crete; and an Argive colony was afterward added to them. (Diod. Sic., 5, 54.) Carpathus was two hundred stadia in circumference, and, according to Strabo, had four towns. In this he is wrong; since Pliny and Scylax speak merely of three; and even thi is a large number for so small an island. The chief place was Nisyrus. The Turks call the island of Carpathus at the present day Scarpanto, but the modern Greeks Carpatho. (Plin , 4, 12.-Scylar, p. 38.) CARRAE and Carrh F, a town of Mesopotamia, near which Crassus was killed. It lay to the southeast of Edessa, and was a very ancient city. It is supposed to be the Charran of Scripture, whence Abraham departed for the Land of Canaan. (Compare Well's Sacred Geogr., s. v. Charran-Calmet's Dict., vol. 5, p. 323.) According to Kinneir, a modern traveller in that quarter, Charran, or, as it is now called, Harran, is peopled by a few families of wandering Arabs, who have been led thither by a plentiful supply of good water from several small streams. It is situated in 36° 52' north latitude, and 39° 5' east longitude, in, a flat sandy plain. (Lucan, 1, 104.—Plin., 5, 24– Europ., 6, is —Amm. Marcell., 23, 4–Jornand, de regn. Success., p. 22.—Zosim., 3, 12.-Joseph., Ant. Jud., 1, 7, 19.) Carse.jli, a town of the AEqui, on the Via Valeria. It became a Roman colony after the AEqui had been finally reduced. (Lir, 10, 3.) It was sometimes selected by the senate as a residence for illustrious state captives and hostages. Ovid (Fast., 4,683) describes the adjacent country as cold, and unfit for raising olives, but good for grain. The ruins of the place still retain the name of Carsoli. (Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p. 324.) Cartei, a city of Hispania Batica, the position of which has given rise to much dispute. It does not apear, however, to have been the same with Calpe. 'Anville places it at the extremity of a gulf which the mountain of Calpe covers on the east; but Mannert, more correctly, at the very extremity of the strait below Algesiras. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 1, p. 305– Compare Ukert, Geogr., vol. 2, p. 345.) CARTHAEA, a town in the island of Ceos, whence the epithet of Cartheius. (Orid, Met, 7,368.) It was situate on the southeastern side of the island, and is now called Poles. (Compare the French Strabo, vol. 4, p. 164, not.) CarthagiNIENses, the inhabitants of Carthage. (Vid. Carthago.) CARTHRGo, a celebrated city of Africa, the rival, for a long period, of the Roman power. It was founded by a colony from Tyre, according to the common account, B.C. 878. Some suppose, however, that the city was more than once founded, and in this way they seek to remove the difficulty presented by the various accounts respecting the building of Carthage, by referring them to different epochs. (Heyne, Excurs, 1, ad AEm., 4.—Vol. 2, p. 543, ed. Lips.) According to this view of the subject, Carthage was originally settled by Tzorus and Carchedon, 50 years before the fall of Troy. (Appian, Bell. Pun. init—Hieron. in Euseb ad Num, 805, p. 91, ed. Scalig.) By the computation of Eusebius, however, it took place 37 years before Troy was destroyed. The second founding of Carthage occured 173 years subsequent to the former one (Chron. Euseb., Hieron. ad Num, 971), or, if we follow Syncellus (p. 181, A), 133 years after the taking of Troy. With this epoch the mention of Dido comes in for the first time. Her true era, however, appears to be that of the third founding of the city, 190 years later, according to Josephus (in Apion., 1, 18, p. 1042)—The Greeks called Car. thage Kapımóðv, and the Carthaginians, Kapısı)0óvuot. The name of the place in Punic was Carthada, i.e., “The New City,” in contradistinction to the old or parent city of Tyre. (Compare Gesenius, Gesch. Hebr. Spr., p. 229.—Id, Phoen. Mon., p. 421.)—Carthage was situated on a peninsula, in the recess of a spacious bay, formed by the promontory Hermarum (Cape Bon) on the east, and that of Apollo (Cape Zubih) on the west. The Bagradas flows into the bay between Utica and the peninsula, and, being an inundating river, has doubtless caused many changes in this bay. The adventurers who founded Carthage bought a small piece of land, for which they paid a yearly tax; with the increasing wealth and power of the city, the respective conditions of the Carthaginians and the natives were changed, and the merchants assumed and maintained a dominion over the Libyans who dwelt around them. The Carthaginians upheld their control over the native tribes by sending out colonies, as the Romans did into the Italic states; a mixed population would thus soon arise. A regular colonizing system was part of the Carthaginian policy. (Aristot., Polit., 6, 3.) To provide for the poor by grants of land, and to avoid popular commotion, which is naturally produced by poverty, was the object of their colonial establishments. This kind of relief cannot be permanent, and we consequently read of more colonies of this description in the later periods of Carthage. Their settlements in Africa were principally on the coast between Carthage and the Syrtis Minor: they appear to have been under the immediate control of the parent city. But there is no reason for supposing, that the genuine Phoenician colonies, those established by Tyre, or other cities of the parent country, were in this kind of dependance on Carthage.—It was the policy of Carthage to encourage the agriculture of the productive re. gion of Byzacium : their city was thus supplied with the prime necessaries of life.—The boundaries of the Carthaginian territories in Africa were these: on the east the tower of Euphranta was the barrier between them and the Cyrena ans. From this place, which was on the eastern shore of the Syrtis Major, or from Charan, which was near to it, the Carthaginians carried on a contraband trade to procure the silphium. (Strabo, S36.) The southern boundary was determined by natural lim. its : the sandy desert and its wandering inhabitants owned no master. It is more difficult to assign a western boundary : they had posts, or trading posi. tions, along the northern coast as far as the Straits of Gibraltar, but this will not prove that they had any territorial possession. The Nomades would give themselves little concern about a small island opposite to the coast, or a barren rock upon it, and the Carthaginians might gradually attain some small tract besides the spot which was a depôt for commoditics. The Carthaginian possessions which were undisputed probably did not extend west of the 26th degree of east longitude, and spread some distance into the interior. he lake Tritonis may be considered as the southern and western limit of the cultivated region. Among the foreign possessions of Carthage may be enumerated their dependances in Sicily and Spain, as well as Sardinia, Corsica, the Baleares, and Malta. In Sicily the Carthaginians succeeded to the posses.
sions of the mother-country, Phoenicia. They were
never able, however, to make themselves masters of the whole island: had they succeeded in their design, their subsequent history might have been different. They probably never had secure possession of more than one third of the island. Sicily was the point where the interests of the Greeks and Carthaginians conflicted. The Greek cities were free states, whose wealth inqeased with as much rapidity, according to extant documents, as any countries whose history is known, except some of the free states of America Had these little commonwealths always united their forces, the Carthaginian settlements, which were strictly colonies in the modern acceptation of the word, must have yielded to the superior energies of the Greeks. It is said (Herodot., 7, 165) that it was a concerted plan between Xerxes and the Carthaginians, that Greece and Sicily should be crushed at the same time; one by the united myriads of the east, the other by the barbarians of the west, who formed the armies of Carthage. But Hamilcar, the Carthaginian general, saw his forces vanquished by the Sicilian Greeks, and he himself lost his life.—As to Spain, it is difficult to distinguish between the Phoenicians and their descendants, the Carthaginians, owing to the imperfect records we possess of Carthaginian history; nor can we with certainty assign the era when the colonists succeeded to the foreign possessions of the mother-country. The southwestern part of Spain, the modern Andalusia, was their favourite region : the town of Gades (Cadiz) became a flourishing place, and the emporium of Southern Spain. (Heeren, Ideen, vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 27, o, Anc. Geogr., p. 91, seqq.) 1. The Carthaginian Polity.
Our information on this important and interesting subject is not so complete as the investigator of allcient history desires. Aristotle's small extant treatise, entitled “Politica,” is our best guide in this obscure matter. The city was a commercial town, possessing, as we have seen, numerous foreign colonies, besides dependent towns in the fertile region of Byzacium. Agriculture was encouraged in the African colonies, or subject cities, by the demands for the necessaries of life which a great capital would create : from the fragments of Mago's book on husbandry, and the tes: timony of historians, we infer that the cultivation of grain, of the olive, and the vine, and the raising of cattle, were well understood. Carthage, like most of the towns in the Greek states, was the ruling city of the district in which it was situated: the citizens of the metropolis possessed the sovereign power, but the mode in which it was distributed among those of Carthage requires some explanation. There was in Carthage, undoubtedly, a body of rich citizens, who are sometimes considered as a kind of aristocracy, but there is no proof that this was an hereditary dignity, or that it was anything more than the influence which a rich individual possesses and transmits to his children by joining it to a large estate. An aristocracy may be formed in this way: that of Carthage, as far as we know, possessed no hereditary privileges, and no political power but from election. But posts of honour and dignity brought with them no emolument, and, consequently, were the exclusive property of the rich, who alone could afford to sustain the expense which such situations necessarily require. Bribery is a consequence of such an institution, and a small body, whatever name it may have, will thus govern a community. (Aristot, Polit., 2, 8–Heeren's Ideen, vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 108, seqq.) The Spartan polity was that which Ar; istotle and Polybius consider the most nearly related to the Carthaginian. The power of the people was
very limited, and was exercised only ".§" public meetings. The kings or suffetes, and the generals of the republic, were elected by the people in their public assemblies; but bribery was so usual that Aristotle considered those high distinctions as saleable at the time when he wrote. When the suffetes and the senate could not agree about any proposed enactment, the people had the right of deciding between them. The senate possessed the chief power, both legislative and executive ; but we are entirely ignorant of the constitution of this body. It is only from the comparison made by Aristotle and Polybius between the constitutions of Carthage and Sparta, and the additional resemblance between that of Carthage and Rome in the time of Polybius, that we can attain to any probabilities. We suppose, then, that the senators might hold their offices for life; that their number was considerable, and that they possessed the principal legislative and executive power. The presiding officers of the senate and the chief civil magistrates were the suffetes: the Greek writers call them kings, and the Roman historian, Livy, compares them with the consuls. They were elected from the richest and noblest families (Aristot., Polit., 2, 81); we suppose the number was two, like that of the kings of Sparta and con: suls of Rome: any farther conjectures about them may be ingenious, but they will also be useless. The generals of the state were elected also from the most distinguished families. The civil and the military power in Carthage were distinct. We may find instances in which the kings seem to have had something like military command, as in the case of King Hanno, who conducted the colonial expedition; but, in general, we can have no doubt that the generals of the republic were officers chosen by the people to command the armies in foreign expeditions or in domestic dissension. The judicature of Carthage resembled that of Sparta: the judges of the several courts had the full and complete cognizance of all civil and criminal cases, without the aid of jurymen. (Aristot., Polit., 3, 1.) The court of the one hundred was the supreme tribunal of Carthage, and the account of its origin, given by Justin (18, 7), is rendered more probable by Aristotle's comparing this body with that of the Spartan Ephori. Such a tribunal as this could be converted by favourable circumstances and a few hold leaders into a real court of inquisition: it actually became so in the later ages of the commonwealth; and, if we believe Livy (33, 46), the lives and property of the citizens were disposed of according to its caprice. Any injury, real or imaginary, done to one of the body, was an offence against the dignity of the whole college. Hannibal overturned the throne of the inquisitors, and destroyed this tyrannical and dangerous tribunal. This body was not chosen by the people, but by courts called Pentarchies: we know nothing more of these latter courts, except that they had cognizance of very important cases, and enjoyed the privilege of supplying the vacancies that happened in their own body. The members of the court of one hundred retained their place for a long time, though originally not for life. (Aristot., Polit., 2, 8.) Our materials will hardly admit any farther development of the constitution of Carthage. In the decline of the state, we know from Aristotle that the influence of a few rich families in obtaining possession of places of importance, and the union of several distinct offices in one person, contributed materially to hasten the end of the political system. (Heeren's Ideen, vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 118, seqq. —Long's Anc. Geogr., p. 97.)
2. Religion of the Carthaginians.
The religious faith and ceremonies of the Carthagin
ians appear to have been at bottom the same with
those of the mother country, Phoenicia. Hence the
general denominations for their divinities betray a
strong resemblance between the two nations. Thus
we have Elim, Alonim, and, in the feminine, Alonoth; Baal and Baalath ; Melech and Maleath; Don for Adon. (Plaut., Panul, 5, 1, 15.—Compare Bellermann, vol. 1, p. 45, and vol. 2, p. 15.) These appellations, given to the deities of Carthage as well as to those of Phoenicia, expressed in both countries the majesty of those all-powerful beings, and the dominion which they exercised over men. It was to the sun, however, as the first principle of nature, as the generative power, that the Carthaginians, after the example of the nations of Canaan, offered peculiar adoration. They styled him Baal or Moloch, “the lord,” “the king,” and also Belsamen, “the lord of heaven.” This supreme deity they worshipped with a reverence so profound as scarcely ever to dare to pronounce his true name: they contented themselves in "general with designating him as the “Ancient One,” “the Eternal.” (Augustin., De Consensu Erang, 1, 36.—Vol. 3, p. 11, ed. Maur.—Compare the expression, “Ancient of Days,” in Daniel, 7, 9, 13.) The Greek writers translated Baal by Kpévoc, and the Romans by Saturnus, no doubt on account of the common reference which those divinities had to the idea of time. The images, as well as the titles of the SunGod, were the same, to all appearances, both among the Phoenicians or Canaanites, and the Carthaginians. The description which Diodorus has left us of the statue of Cronus (Saturn) at Carthage, coincides in general with the account given by the Jewish Rabbins of that of Moloch in Canaan. (Diod. Sic., 20, 14.— Selden, de Dus Syris, 1, 6.) Both were made of metal; both had the arms extended, with a kind of furnace, or inner cavity, below, into which children were thrown to be destroyed by fire, as an offering to this horrid idol. In process of time, when the Carthaginians had become more closely connected with the Greeks, it is probable that Baal was made in some respects to resemble the Apollo of the latter; his worship, as well as his figure, would begin to modify themselves, and hence the Apollo of Carthage, whose colossal statue, entirely gilt, was transported to Rome by Scipio. (Polyb., 7, 9.-Appian, Bell. Pun, 79. —Plut., Wit. Flamin., c. 1. – Creuzer’s Symbolik, vol. 2, p. 269—But consult Guigniaut's note, vol. 2, p. 231, of the French work.) In the Roman Carthage, which retained the worship of its ancient deities, while it changed, at the same time, their forms and names, the Latin Saturn appeared to take the place of the Phoenician Baal; but the human sacrifices, still continually renewed, notwithstanding the repeated orders to the contrary on the part of the Romans, attest the permanency of ancient ideas and rites. Baal-Saturn maintained his honours even to the extremities of the west, even to Gades, where, under the Roman dominion, there still existed a temple of this god. (Compare Munter, Religion der Karthager, p. 17, seq;-Id., iiber Sardische Idole, p. 8, seqq.). Various animals were consecrated to Baal, as to all the great divinities of paganism. Oxen were sacrificed to him, and he himself bore the attributes of a bull. A Phoenician medal, which has come down to us, displays the image of a god, like the Jupiter of the Greeks, seated on a throne, and having the head of an ox. The Inscription is Baal-Thurz. Payne Knight (Inquiry into the Symb. Lang, &c., § 31.-Class. Journ., vol. 23, p. 226) compares the name Thor, given to the bull among the Phoenicians, according to Plutarch (Wit. Syll., 17), with the god Thor | Scandinavian mythology, the head of whose image was that of a bull. Horses were also dedicated to the Sun, and their blood shed at his festivals. (Munter, Religion der Karthager, p. 14, n. 44, who deduces this from a passage in the 2d (4th) Book of Kings, 23, 11.) It is also very probable that the elephant, an animal so renowned among the ancients for the species of worship which
it was said to offer to the sun and moon (Ælian H. A., 7, 4.—Plin., 8, 1), was held sacred to Baal.
One thing at least is certain, that in Africa these pious animals were in some degree connected with the worship of Ammon ; and the coins of Juba, king of Mauritania, display on one side the head of Jupiter Ammon, and on the other an elephant. (Eckhel, Doctr. Num. Vet, vol. 4, p. 154.)—To the Sun-God, as monarch of the skies and supreme generator, was joined a female divinity, as the great goddess kar' é;orov, as the queen of heaven, and the principle of fecundated nature. This divinity makes her appearance under various forms and different names in almost all the religions of Asia. (Compare Nouveau Journal Asiatique, vol. 1 (1828), p. 11, seqq.—Creuzer's Symbolik, per Gwignaut, vol. 2, p. 232.) At Carthage, as in Syria and Phoenicia, she appears to have borne the name of Astarte or Astaroth, which corresponds to the idea of sovereign of the heavens and the stars. Thus the Greeks called her, in their language, Urania, and the Romans the “Celestial Goddess.” This deity was worshipped in numerous temples at Carthage, along the coast of Africa, at Malta, and in the other isles of the Mediterranean, as also in Spain, near Gades; and her rites were no less voluptuous in their character than those of Mylitta at Babylon, of Anaitis in Armenia, and of Venus-Urania in Cyprus. JMunter, Rel. der Karthager p. 80, seqq.)—lmmediately after Baal and Astarte, was placed, among the national divinities of Carthage, Melkarth, the “king of the city,” the tutelary deity of the parent city of Tyre. (Münter, ibid., p. 36, seqq.) Wherever the Phoenicians penetrated, the altars that were raised in honour of this god, and the various traces of his worship, testify the high veneration which this people entertained for him. The Tyrian colonies regarded him as their common protector; they adored him as a kind of divine mediator; as a sort of sacred bond, uniting them one with another and with their common country. The symbol of the victorious course of the sun, and identical, in this respect, with the Grecian Hercules, he naturally became, for these hardy navigators, the celestial guide of their distant expeditions, and, consequently, the god of commerce. (Creuzer's Symbolik, par Guigniaut, vol. 2, p. 172, n. 4.) In this way he was in some measure assimilated to another deity, Sumes, whose Phoenician name recalls the Som of Egypt. (Compare Bellermann, wher Phoenic. Münz., 1, p. 25) A similar alliance existed at Rome between Hercules and Mercury, both deities being considered as the gods of riches and abundance. Melkarth was, in effect, like the Grecian Hercules, the same with the sun. The Tyrians raised, in his temple at Gades, an altar to the year (Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg., p. 453), and it is in a point of view directly analogous, that Nonnus calls Hercules the conductor of the twelve months. (Dionys., 40, 338.) Every year they kindled at Carthage, as at Tyre, and probably in all the Phoenician colonies, a large pyre in honour of Melkarth, whence an eagle was let loose, as a symbol, like the Egyptian phoenix, of the sun, and of time renewing itself from its own ashes. This scene was transferred by the Greeks to Mount OEta, where Hercules, in consuming himself on the funeral pile, celebrates his apotheosis after the accomplishment of his twelve labours. (Dio. Chrysostom, Orat., 33 —Vol. 2, p. 23, ed. Reiske.) The worship of a Hercules, distinct from the one of Thebes, was continued, even to the last periods of paganism, in Carthage and in all the Phoenician cities.—Omitting the mention of other and less important divinities of the Carthaginians, we will conclude the present head with some general remarks on the religion of this people. The character of the Carthaginian religion, like that of the nation which professed it, was inelancholy even to cruelty. Terror was the animating principle of this religion; a religion thirsting after blood, and environed with the
most gloomy and appalling images. When we vie the abstinences, the voluntary tortures, and, above all, the horrid sacrifices which it imposed as a duty on the living, we are not astonished that the dead should ap pear in some degree actual objects of envy. I silenced the most sacred sentiments of human nature; it degraded the minds of its votaries by superstitions in turn atrocious and dissolute; and we are naturally led to the inquiry, what moral influence such a religion could have exercised over the people who professed it. The portrait which antiquity has left us of the Cartha i. character is hence far from being a flattering one y turns imperious and servile, melancholy and cruel, inexorable and faithless, egotistical and covetous, it would seem as if the spirit of their religion had conspired with the jealous aristocracy that weighed so heavily upon them, and with their purely commercial and industrious habits, to close their hearts to every generous emotion and every elevated thought. Their system of belief may have contained some noble ideas, but their practice of that system served effectually to obscure these. A goddess presided over their public councils (Appian, #. Pun., p. 81, ed. Tollii); but these councils or assemblies were held during the night, and history informs us respecting some of the terrible measures that were agitated therein. The god of the solar fire was the patron deity of both Carthage and Tyre, and gave an example of great enterprises and hardy labours; yet his brightness was often stained with blood, and every year human victims were immolated at his altars as at those of Baal. Wherever the Phoenicians, or the Carthaginians after them, carried their commerce and their arms, not only at particular periods, but in all critical conjunctures, their high-toned fanaticism renewed these sanguinary sacrifices. In vain did Gelon of Syracuse, with the authority which victory gave him; in vain did the Greeks established at Carthage, endeavour, by mild and pacific influence, to put an end to these inhuman rites (Timaeus, Tauromen, ap. Schol. in Pind, Pyth., 2, 3–Münter, Rel. der Karth., p. 25); the ancient barbarity constantly reappeared, and maintained itself even in Roman Carthage. At the commencement even of the third century of our era, traces of this frightful mode of worship were still found to be practised in secret. (Tertull., Apol., 9.). From the year of Rome 655, all human sacrifices had been prohibited; but the emperors more than once found themselves under the necessity of making this prohibition a more binding one. Still, however, the evil was not completely eradicated; and we see, even at Rome, the worthless Elagabalus immolating children in the course of his magic ceremonies. (Dio Cass, 79,12-Creuzer's Symbolik, par Guigniaut, vol. 2, p. 252.)
3. Carthaginian Language and Literature.
An account of the language and literature of Carthage will come in more naturally when treating of the Phoenicians. To this latter head, theresore, we refer the reader.
4. History of Carthage.
The first period of the history of Carthage extends to the beginning of the war with Syracuse, from B.C. 878 to 480. Carthage extended its conquests in Af. rica and Sardinia, carried on a commercial war with the people of Marseille (Massilia) and the Etrurians, and concluded a commercial peace with Rome, B.C. 509. The Carthaginians then directed their chief attention to the conquest of Sicily, with which commences their second and most splendid period, extending to the beginning of their war with the Romans, B.C. 265. When Xerxes undertook his campaign into Greece, the Carthaginians made a league with him, and the object of this arrangement was to crush at once both Sicily and Greece. The Carthaginians.