Obrazy na stronie

falling into the Palus Maeotis to the : of all the other mouths of the Don. This northernmost mouth of the Don, owing to the river whose waters its chânnel is supposed peculiarly to contain, is called Danaetz also, and, to express either its sluggish current or its lapse into the sea, Dead Danaetz. The Greeks, steering from the Crimea towards the mouths of the Don, and, as their custom was, keeping close to the shore, entered first this northernmost mouth of the river, and gave it the name of Tanais, from its native appellation. As regards the etymology of the name, on which head Dr. Clarke is silent, it may be remarked that Bayer (Commt. Acad. Petr., vol. 9, p. 375) supposes an early European people to have once existed, in whose language a word like Tan, Ton, Don, or Dunai may have signified “water,” from which were gradually derived such names of rivers as Tanais, Danaperis, Danaster, Danubius (Tunowe in the Niebelungenlied, v. 6116. —Aávov61; in Procopius), Don, Duna, ‘Počdov (in Ptolemy), Eridan, Ro-dan, &c. It is a curious confirmation, in part at least, of this hypothesis, that the Ossetes, a Caucasian tribe, have the word Don in their language as a general term for “water,” “river,” &c., and designate all mountain streams by this appellation. (Compare Lehrberg, Untersuchungen, &c., Petersb., p. 400–Ritter, Vorhalle, &c., p. 304.)—II. A city in Asiatic Sarmatia, at the mouth of the Tanais, which soon became sufficiently powerful, by reason of its extensive commerce, to withdraw itself from the sway of the kings of the Bosporus, and establish its independence. One of these same monarchs, however, by name Polemo, subsequently took and destroyed it. It was afterward rebuilt, but never attained its former eminence. The ruins of the place are to the west of the modern Azof. (Plin., 6, 7–Steph. Byz., s. v.) TANAquil, in Etrurian Tanchufil (Müller, Etrusker, 1, p. 72), called also Caia Cacilia, was the wife of Tarquinius Priscus, the fifth king of Rome. (Wid. Tarquinius I.) Niebuhr makes the Tarquin family of Latin, not of Etrurian origin; and thinks that the name Caia Caecilia belongs to a legend concerning Tarquinius entirely different from that which became prevalent. “In the latter legend,” observes this eminent writer, “Tanaquil comes to Rome with Tarquin, and outlives him; it is not even pretended anywhere that she, too, changed her Etruscan name. Caecilia had a statue in a temple, so intimately was she associated with the older tradition; and her name implies a connexion with Praeneste, said to have been built by Caeculus (Serp. ad Virg., AEm., 7,681), the hero after whom the Caecilii were called. In this point the feigned Etruscan Tarquinius has not quite obliterated the traces of the Latin Priscus : the historians throw aside altogether what they cannot bring into unison with their accounts.” (Nichuhr's Rom. Hist., vol. 1, p. 324, Cambr. transl.)—Tanaquil was represented in the Roman traditions as a woman of high spirit, and accustomed to rule her husband; hence the name is used by the Latin poets to indicate generally any imperious consort. (Auson., Epist., 23, 31.-Jurenal, Sat., 6, 564.) She was also celebrated in the same legends as an excellent spinster (lanifica) and ... and her distaff and spindle were preserved in the temple of Sancus or Hercules. (Cic., pro Mur., 12.-Plin., 8, 48.) It was Tanaquil that, after the murder of Tarquinius Priscus, managed adroitly to secure the succession to Servius Tullius, her son-in-law. (Vid. Tarquinius I., near the close of that article.) TANIs, a city of Egypt, at the entrance of, and giving name to, the Tanitic mouth of the Nile, between the Mendesian and Pelusiac. This city is the Zoan of the Scriptures, and its remains are still called San. The Ostium Taniticum is now the Omm-Fared)e mouth. (Numbers, 13, 22.-Isaiah, 19, 11, 13.) TANTAlipes, a patronymic applied to the descend

ants of Tantalus, such as Niobe, Hermione, &c.— Agamemnon and Menelaús, as grandsons of Tantalus, are called “Tantalidae fratres” by Ovid. (Her., 8, 45, 122.) TANTKlus, a king of Lydia, son of Jupiter by a nymph called Pluto (Wealth), was the father of Pe lops, and of Niobe the wife of Amphion.—Ulysses, when relating to the Phaeacians what he had beheld in the lower world, describes Tantalus as standing up to the chil in water, which constantly eludes his lip as often as he attempts to quench the thirst that torments him. • Over his head grow all kinds of fruits; but, whenever he reaches forth his hands to take them, the wind scatters them to the clouds. (Od., 11, 581, seqq.) The passage of Homer, however, on which this account rests, was regarded by Aristarchus as spurious, according to the scholiast on Pindar (Olymp., 1,97). If we reject the verses of the Odyssey which have just been referred to, and the authenticity of which has been farther invalidated by an unedited scholiast whom Porson cites (ad Eurip., Orest., 5), we then come, in the order of time, to the account given first by Archilocht's (Pausan, 10, 21, 12), and after him by Pindar. According to this poet, Jupiter hung a vast rock in the air over the head of Tantalus, which, always menacing to descend and crush him, deprives him of all joy, and makes him “a wanderer from happiness.” (Ol., 1, 57, seqq., ed. Böckh.— Böckh, ad loc.) Pindar does not mention the place of his punishment, but Euripides says it was the air between heaven and earth, and that the rock was suspended over him by golden chains. (Eurip., Orest., 6, 7,972, seq.)—The offence of Tantalus, which called down upon him this severe infliction, is variously stated. The common account makes him to have killed and dressed his son Pelops, and to have placed his remains as food before the gods, whom he had invited to a banquet, in order to test their divinity. (Wid. Pelops.) Pindar, however, rejects this legend as unbecoming the majesty of the gods, and says, that if ever mortal man was honoured by the dwellers of Olympus, it was Tantalus; but that he could not digest his happiness. They admitted him, he adds, to feast at their table on nectar and ambrosia, which made him immortal ; but he stole some of the divine food, and gave it to his friends on earth. This, according to Pindar, was the crime for which he was punished. (Pind., l.c.) Euripides, on the other hand, says that the offence of Tantalus was his not restraining his tongue; that is, probably, his divulging the secrets of the gods. (Eurip., Orest, 10.)—The residence of Tantalus was placed at the foot of Mount Sipylus in Lydia. Hence, according to another legend, Jupiter cast this mountain upon him ; for Pandareus having stolen the golden dog which had guarded the goat that reared the god, gave it to Tantalus to keep. , Mercury being sent to reclaim the "; Tantalus denied all knowledge of it, and, for his falsehood, the mountain was thrown upon him. (Schol, ad Pind., Ol., 1, 97. —Anton., lib. 36.) This last trifling legend is, as we may easily see, one of the many attempts at localizing the ancient myths; for Sipylus, it is plain, was designed to take the place of .. mythic rock.-The name Tantalus is, like Sisyphus, a reduplication, and his myth is evidently one of those h. from grave old Pelasgic times. The root of Tantalus is probably Jú220, and he represents the man who is flourishing and abounding in wealth, but whose desires are insatiable (94%ffażoo, for euphony made Távražoc, the letters 0, T, A, and v being frequently commuted.— Welcker, ap. Schwenck, Andeut., o. Myth. der Iap. Geschl., p. 355). e Homeric picture exhibits in lively colours, the misery of such a state. The other form of the legend represents, perhaps, the cares and fears attendant upon riches; or, it may be, as has ingeniously been conjectured, an in

* of the evils of ambition and the inordinate pursuit of honours; for when Tantalus, it was said, had attained his ultimate desire, and was admitted to the table of the gods, his joy was converted into terror by his fancying a rock suspended over his head, and ready to crush him; and he sought permission to resign his seat at the celestial table. (Alcman, ap. Schol, ad Pind, l.c.—Nic. Damasc., ap. Stob., 14, 7.-Welcker, das Epische Cyclus, p. 280, seqq.) It was probably the idea of the great wealth of Lydia that caused the myth of Tantalus to be localized at Sipylus. (Keightley's Mythology, p. 442, seq.) Taphiæ, islands in the Ionian Sea, on the north coast of Ithaca, or, rather, between Leucadia and the east of Acarnania. They form a considerable group, and are often mentioned by Homer and other classical writers as the haunt of notorious pirates. (Od., 1, 417.) The principal island is that which is called by Homer Taphos, but by later writers Taphius and Taphiussa (Strabo, 458), and is probably the one known to modern geographers by the name of Meganisi. Mr. Dodwell informs us that Calamo, another of the Taphian group, produces perhaps the finest flour in the world, which is sent to Corfu, and sold as a luxury (vol. 1, p 61). The Taphiæ were also called Telaboat. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 2, p. 55.) They were sabled to have received these names from Taphius and Telebous, the sons of Neptune, who reigned there. The Taphians made war against Electryon, king of Mycenae, and murdered all his sons; upon which the monarch promised his kingdom and his daughter in marriage to whoever could avenge the death of his children upon the Taphians. Amphitryon did it with success, and obtained the hand of the maiden. (Apollod., 2, 4.) Taphrae, a city in the Tauric Chersonese, on the narrowest part of the isthmus. The ancient name is derived from Tappóg, a ditch or trench, one having been cut close to the town to defend the entrance into the Chersonese. The modern Prekop marks the site of the ancient city. (Mela, 2, 1–Plin., 4, 12.) Taphros, the strait between Corsica and Sardinia, now the straits of St. Bonifacio. (Plin., 3, 6.) TAProBXNE, an island in the Indian Ocean, now called Ceylon. The Greeks first learned the existence of this island after the expedition of Alexander, when ambassadors were sent by them to the court of Palimbothra. The account then received was amplified so much, that this island was deemed the commencement of another world, inhabited by antichthones, or men in a position opposite to those in the known hemisphere. Ptolemy, better informed, makes it an island, five times greater, however, than it really is. Strabo speaks of it as though it lay off the hither coast of India, looking towards the continent of Africa. The name of Salice, which we learn from Ptolemy to have been the native denomination of the island, is preserved in that of Selen-dive, compounded of the proper name Selen and the appellative for an island in the Indian language, and it is apparent that the name of Ceilan or Ceylon, according to the European usage, is only an alteration in orthography. Ptolemy calls it a very fertile island, and mentions as its produce rice, honey (or rather, perhaps, sugar), ginger, and also precious stones, with all sorts of metals; he speaks, toc, of its elephants and tigers. It is surprising, however, that neither Ptolemy nor those who preceded him say anything of the cinnamon, which now forms the chief produce of the island. The ancients could not be ignorant of the nature of this article, especially as they called a portion of the eastern coast of Africa by the name of Regio Cinnamomisera. (Strabo, 72. —Id., 690.-Mela, 3, 7–Plin., 6, 22.—Cosmas Indicopl , 11, p. 336.) Tapsus, a small and lowly situated peninsula on the eastern coast of Sicily. Its name has reference to its

low situation, from 94tra, sepelio. It lay off Hybla. The neck of land connecting it with the main island of Sicily was so low that Servius calls the promontory itself an island; and it is even now styled Isola delli Manghisi. (Virg., AEn., 3,689.) TAR as (-antis), I. a son of Neptune, who, according to some, was the founder of Tarentum, called in Greek Tapag. (Wid. Tarentum.)—II. A small river to the west of Tarentum, now the Tara. (Steph. Byz., s. v. Tápac.) TAR Asco, a city of Gaul, on the eastern side of the Rhone, and north of Arelate. It is now Tarascon, lying opposite to Beaucaire. (Bischaff und Möller, Wörterb, der Geogr., p. 947.) Tarbelli, a people of Aquitanic Gaul, at the foot of the Pyrenees, whose chief city was Aquae Augustae, now Aqs, or, according to some, Daz. (Caes., B. G., 3, 27.) TARENTUM (in Greek Tapao), now Taranto, a celebrated city of Lower Italy, situated in the northeastern angle of the Sinus Tarentinus, and in the territory of Messapia or Iapygia. It was founded, according to some, by a Cretan colony before the Trojan war, and received its name from the leader of the colony. Taras, a reputed son of Neptune (i.e., a powerful naval chieftain). In the 21st Olympiad, a strong body of emigrants arrived under Philanthus from Laconia, so that it seemed to be resounded. The new colony established themselves upon an aristocratical plan, enlarged the fortifications of the city, and formed it into a near resemblance of Sparta. Most of the nobles having subsequently perished in a war with the Iapyges, democracy was introduced. The favourable situation of the place contributed to its rapid prosperity. Placed in the centre, as it were, it obtained the whole commerce of the Adriatic, Ionian, and Tyrrhenian Seas. The adjacent country was fertile in grain and fruit; the pastures were excellent, and the flocks afforded a very fine wool. At this most prosperous period of the republic, which may be supposed to date about 400 B.C., when Rome was engaged in the siege of Veii, and Greece was enjoying some tranquillity after the long struggle of the Peloponnesian war, Archytas, a distinguished philosopher of the school of Pythagoras, and an able statesman, presided over her counsels as strategos., Her navy was far superior to that of any other Italian colony. Nor were her military establishments less formidable and efficient, since she could bring into the field a force of 30,000 foot and 5000 horse, exclusive of a select body of cavalry called Hipparchi. (Heyne, Opusc. Acad, vol. 2, p. 223.) The Tarentines were long held in great estimation as auxiliary troops, and were frequently employed in the armies of foreign princes and states. (Strabo, 280. —AElian, War. Hist., 7, 4.—Polyb., 11, 12.-Id, 16, 15.)—Nor was the cultivation of the arts and of literature forgotten in the advancement of political strength and civilization. The Pythagorean sect, which in other parts of Magna Gracia had been so, barbarously oppressed, here found encouragement and refuge through the influence of Archytas, who was said to have entertained Plato during his residence in this city. (Cic., de Sen., 12.) And the first sculptors and painters of Greece contributed to embellish Tarentum with several splendid mouments, which ancient authors have dwelt upon with admiration, and which, at a later period, when transferred to Rome, served to decorate the Capitol. But their grandeur was not of long duration; for wealth and abundance soon engendered a love of ease and luxury, the consequences of which proved fatal to the interests of Tarentum, by sapping the vigour of her institutions, enervating the minds and corrupting the morals of her inhabitants. Effeminacy and voluptuousness gradually usurped the place of energy and courage, and the Tarentines became the abandoned slaves of licentiousness and vice. To excess, indeed, was the love of pleasure carried, that the number of their annual festivals is said to have exceeded that of the days of the year. Hence the expressions so ofte, applied to it by Horace, of “molle” and “imbelle Tarentum,” and by Juvenal (6, 297), of “Atque coronatum et petulans madidumque Tarentum.” (Strabo, 280. Theopomp., ap. Athen., 4, 19. — Clearch., ap. Eund, 12, 4.—AElian, W. H., 12, 30.) Enfeebled and degraded by this system of demoralization and corruption, the Tarentines soon sound themselves unable, as heretofore, to overawe and keep in subjection the neighbouring barbarians of Iapygia, who had always hated and feared, but now learned to despise then. These, leagued with the still more warlike Lucanians, who had already become the terror of Magna Graecia, now made constant inroads into their territory, and even threatened the safety of the city. Incapable of exertion, and having no leaders possessed of any military talent or energy, the Tarentines were compelled to call in to their aid experienced commanders from Greece, whom ambition, perhaps, or the desire of gain, might induce to quit their native soil in search of wealth and renown. A more generous motive, perhaps, influenced Archidamus, king of Sparta, who was the first to engage in their defence, for he might regard Tarentum as having just claims to his protection as a Spartan colony. But this valiant prince fell in the first engagement with the enemy. Alexander of Epirus, who was the next ally of the Tarentines, was soon disgusted with their feeble and irresolute conduct, and abandoned their cause to prosecute his own ambitious designs. (Strab., l. c. —Lip., 8, 17.) He was followed by the Spartan Cleomenes, and afterward by Agathocles; but the services of these adventurers were productive of little benefit to the republic, they being more intent on their own interests than those of the people which sought their aid. Tarentum, in consequence of these failures, might have been induced to depend upon her own resources, had the barbarians of Iapygia or Lucania remained her only foes. But a more formidable enemy now entered the lists. This was Rome, who, by continued successes over the Samnites, and the subjection of Apulia, had now extended her dominion nearly to the walls of Tarentum. A pretext for war was soon sound by these powerful invaders. An insult said to have been publicly offered one of the Roman ambassadors was here the plea assigned for the declaration of war, and the Tarentines again had recourse, in this emergency, to foreign aid. The valour and forces of Pyrrhus for a time averted the storm; but, when that prince withdrew from Italy, Tarentum could no longer withstand her powerful enemies, and soon after fell into their hands; the surrender of the town being hastened by the treachery of the Epirot force which Pyrrhus had left there. The Tarentines were compelled by the Romans to surrender their arms and their ships of war; their walls were dismantled, and a heavy fine was imposed as the condition of peace. (Lit., Epit., 15.) To this harsh treatment may justly be ascribed the subsequent conduct of the Tarentines during the second Punic war, in declaring for Hannibal, whom they must have regarded more in the light of a deliverer from a state of oppression than as an invader of their country. They opened their gates to his forces, and warmly seconded his efforts to reduce the Roman garrison, which still held out in the citadel. (Polyb., 8, 26–Lir., 25, 9.) Such, however, was the strength of their fortress, that it effectually withstood all the attacks made upon it; and when the attention of the Carthaginian general was drawn off to other parts of Italy, Tarentum was surprised and recaptured by the Romans, under the command of Fabius Maximus, who treated it as a city taken from the enemy. The plunder obtained by them on this occasion was immense; the pictures and statues be

ing said to have nearly equalled in number those of Syracuse. Livy commends, on this occasion, the moderation of Fabius, and intimates that he allowed these works of art to remain undisturbed (27, 16); but Strabo asserts that many articles were removed by that general, and, among others, a colossal bronze statue of Hercules, the work of the celebrated Lysippus. From this period the prosperity and political existence of Tarentum may date its decline, which was

farther accelerated by the preference shown by the

Romans to the port of Brundisium for the fitting out of their naval armaments, as well as for commercial purposes. The salubrity of its climate, the singular fertility of its territory, its purple dye, and its advantageous situation on the sea, as well as on the Appian Way, still rendered it, however, a city of consequence in the Augustan age. Strabo reports that, though a great portion of its extent was deserted in his time, the inhabited part still constituted a large town. That geographer describes the inner harbour as being 100 stadia, or 12# miles in circuit; a computation, however, which does not agree with modern measurements, which represent the circuit of the harbour at 16 miles. Strabo makes the site of the town very low, but the ground to rise, however, a little towards the citadel.—The modern town now occupies the site of the ancient citadel. (Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 2, p. 318.) TARichFA, I. a strong city of Palestine, south of Tiberias, and lying at the southern extremity of the Lake of Genesareth, or Sea of Tiberias. Its situation was well adapted for fisheries; and from the process of pickling fish (Tapixelsso, “to pickle”), which was carried on here upon a very extensive scale, the town derived its name. (Plin., 5, 6.—Joseph., B. J., 3, 17.)—II. Several towns on the coast of Egypt bore this name from a similar cause. TARPA, Spurius MAEcius or MEcius, a critic at Rome in the age of Augustus. He was appointed, with four others, to examine into the merits of every dramatic production before it was allowed to be represented on the stage; and he is said to have discharged this office with the greatest impartiality. (Horat., Sat., 1, 10, 38.—Compare Ep. ad Pis., 387.) TArpria, I. the daughter of Tarpeius, the governor of the citadel of Rome. She promised to open the gates of the city to the Sabines, provided they gave her their gold bracelets, or, as she expressed it, what they carried on their lest arms. Tatius, the king of the Sabines, consented ; and, as he entered the gates, to punish her perfidy, he threw, not his bracelet, but his shield upon-Tarpeia. His followers imitated his example, and Tarpeia was crushed under the weight of the shields of the Sabine army. (Liv., 1, 11.) This version of the story represents Tarpeia as a venal traitress. Piso, however, one of the earlier annalists, endeavours to exalt the daughter of Tarpeius to a heroine, who meant to sacrifice herself for her country. She was described by him as having planned to make the Sabines, by virtue of their agreement, ratified as it was by oath, deliver up to her their arms and armour, and so to consign them, disarmed, to the Romans: the laying down of the arms was to take place on the Capitol, a spot where not a Roman, except perhaps prisoners, would have been to be sound ! Livy alludes to this version of the tale, but makes no remark about its utter absurdity. (Liv., l.c.—Compare Niebuhr, Rom. Hist, vol. 1, p. 199, Cambr. transl.) Tarpeia was buried on the hill, and from her one of the two summits of the Capitoline Mount took the name of the Tarpeian rock (Tarpeia Rupes, called also Tarpeius Mons), and from it state criminals were afterward accustomed to be thrown. (Vid. Tarpeius Mons.)—Niebuhr, who very properly rejects the whole story about Tarpeia as purely fabulous, observes, that the Roman poet who invented the legend “conceived the poor

Sabines covered with gold, as, Fauriel remarks, the bards of modern Greece do their Clephts. Here is popular poetry unequivocally obvious for one who has eyes to see it. The fiction of Propertius (4,4) seems to be a transfer, warranted by no tradition, from the history of the Megarian Scylla.” (Rom. Hist, vol. 1, p. 192.) The same writer informs us, that the remembrance of Tarpeia's guilt still lives in a popular legend at the present day. “The whole of the Capitoline Hill,” he observes, “is pierced with quarries, passages of remote antiquity worked through the loose tufo : many of these have been walled up ; but near the houses erected upon the rubbish which covers the Hundred Steps, on the side of the Tarpeian rock that looks towards the forum, beside some ruinous buildings known by the name of the Palazzacio, several are accessible. A report of a well of extraordinary depth, which must have been older than the aqueducts, since no one would have spent the labour on it afterward, and which, no doubt, secured a supply of water to the garrison during the Gallic siege, attracted me into this labyrinth : we were conducted by girls from the adjoining houses, who related, as we went, that in the heart of the hill the fair Tarpeia sits, covered with gold and jewels, enchanted : he who endeavours to reach her never finds out the way; once only she had been seen by the brother of one of our guides. The inhabitants of this quarter are smiths and low victuallers, without the slightest touch of that seemingly living knowledge of antiquity which other classes have drawn from the most turbid sources of vulgar books. Real oral tradition, therefore, has kept Tarpeia for fiveand-twenty hundred years in the mouth of the common people, who for many centuries have been strangers to the names of Cloelia and Cornelia.” (Niebuhr, Rom. Hist, vol. 1, p. 193.)—II. One of the female attendants of Camilla in the Rutulian war. (Virg., AEm., 11, 656.)

TARPrius, SP., the governor of the citadel of Rome under Romulus. (Wid. Romulus, Tarpeia, and Capitolinus III.)

TArpeius Mons, or, more correctly, TARPEIA RuPEs, a celebrated rock at Rome, forming a part of the Mons Capitolinus, and on the steepest side, where it overhung the Tiber. From this rock state criminals were accustomed to be thrown in the earlier Roman times. It received its name in commemoration of the treachery of Tarpeia, and of her having been killed here by the Sabines.—Wasi gives the present height at fifty-five feet. A modern tourist remarks as fol. lows: “Though it is certain that the Tarpeian rock was on the western side of the Capitoline Mount, it would be in vain to inquire where was the precise spot of execution ; whether Manlius was hurled down that part of the precipice at the extremity of Monte Caprimo, or that behind the Palazzo de' Conserratori. There is still height enough in either to make the punishment both tremendous and fatal ; although not only have the assaults of time, war, and violence, but the very convulsions of nature, contributed to lower it ; for repeated earthquakes have shattered the friable tufo of which it is composed, and large fragments of it fell as late as the middle of the fifteenth century. The fall of these masses has diminished the elevation in two ways: by lowering the actual height, and filling up the base, to which the ruins of the overthrown build. ings that once stood upon it have materially contributed. Still the average of various measurements and computations of its present elevation make it above 60 feet; nor do I think it overrated. Certainly those who have maintained that there would be no danger in leaping from its summit, would not, I imagine, be bold enough to try the experiment themselves. The entrance to it is through a mean, filthy passage, which leads to an old wooden door.” (Rome in the Nine

teenth Century, vol. 1, p. 179, Am. ed.)

8 A

TARquiNii, one of the most powerful cities of Etruria, and celebrated in history for its early connexion with Rome. It was situate in the lower part of Etruria, near the coast, and to the northwest of Caere. Strabo ascribes the foundation of the place to Tarchon, the famous Etruscan chief, who is so often mentioned by the poets. Justin makes it to have been founded by some Thessalians and Spinumbri, meaning, doubtless, the Pelasgi and Umbri, who came from Spina on. the Adriatic. According to the common account, the progenitor of the Tarquinian family, Demaratus, settled here, and from this city the Tarquinian family came to Rome. Niebuhr, however, holds a different opinion, and makes the Tarquinian family of Latin, not Etruscan, origin. (Consult remarks under the articles Tanaquil, and Tarquinius I.) Some ruins, to which the name of Torchina is attached, point out the ancient site of Tarquinii. (Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p. 197.) The Etrurians regarded Tarquinii as the metropolis, or parent of all their other cities: a strong proof in favour of civilization having come to this country from the sea. (Müller. Etrusker, vol. 1, p. 72.)

TARQUINIA, a daughter of Tarquinius, who married Servius Tullius. When her husband was murdered by Tarquinius Superbus, and public rites of sepulture were denied to his remains by the usurper, she, together with a few friends, conveyed away the corpse by night, and gave it a private burial. Tarquinia survived her consort only one day, having died either through grief, which caused her to commit suicide, or else having been put to death secretly by Tarquinius Superbus and his wise. (Dion. Hal., 4, 40.)

TARquiNius, I. Priscus, the fifth king of Rome. According to the common account, as found in the Latin writers (for Niebuhr's theory will be given at the end of this article), he was a noble and wealthy Tuscan, son of Demaratus, a native of Corinth, who had come from Greece and settled in Etruria. (Vid. Demaratus II.) Demaratus having married an Etruscan female of high rank, his son, whose original name was Lucumo, belonged, on the mother's side, to the Lucumones, or ruling caste of Etruria. (Vid. Lucumo.) But the pride of that caste would not permit them to suffer a person of mixed descent to participate in their hereditary honours. He married an Etruscan lady of the noblest birth, Tanaquil by name, who could not brook that her husband should be disparaged by her haughty kindred. They left Tarquinii and journeyed to Rome, in the hope of being received by Ancus in a manner more suited to their dignity. They had reached the brow of the Janiculum, and were in sight of Rome, when an eagle hovering over them, stooped, snatched his cap, and, after soaring aloft with it to a great height, again descended and placed it on his head. Tanaquil, versed in the lore of Tuscan augury, understood the omen, and embracing her husband, bade him proceed joysully, for the lostiest fortunes awaited him. He was received as a Roman citizen, and assumed the name of Lucius Tarquinius. His courage, his wisdom, and his wealth, soon recommended him to the favourable notice of the king, and made him greatly esteemed also by the people generally. On the death of Ancus he was chosen king, and received from the assembly the customary sanction to his assumption of sovereignty. Scarcely was Tarquin seated on the throne, when the Latin states broke the treaty which they had made with Ancus, and began to make inroads upon the Roman territory. Tarquinius marched against them, defeated them in battle, and took and plundered Apiolae, where he obtained an immense booty. Prosecuting his victorious career, he made himself master of Cameria, Crustumerium. Medullia, Ameriola, Ficulnea, Corniculum, and Nomentum. The AEqui also felt the power of his arms, and were obliged to humble themselves before him. While he was engaged with the Latins, the Sabines *: * of his absence, mustered their forces, crossed the Anio, and ravaged the country up to the very walls of Rome. Tarquinius returned from his Latin wars, encountered the Sabines, and, after a desperate conflict, drove them foom the Roman territories. Next year they again passed the Anio by a bridge of boats, and advanced towards Rome. Tarquinius met them in battle, and, by the superiority of his cavalry, gained a complete wictory. During the battle, a party of Romans, sent for that purpose, burned the bridge of boats, so that the routed Sabines were cut off from their retreat and driven into the river, where great numbers of them perished. Their bodies and arms, floating down the Tiber, brought the first intelligence of the victory to Rome. He then crossed the river, inflicted upon them a second defeat, and compelled them to surrender the town and lands of Collatia, which they had previously taken from the Latins. Tarquinius placed a strong garrison in the town, and assigned the capture to his brother's son, who thence took the name of Collatinus. In this war, the king's son, a youth of fourteen, slew a foe with his own hand, and received as a reward of honour a robe bordered with purple, and a hollow ball of gold to be suspended round his neck; and these continued to be the distinctive dress and ornament of Roman youth of patrician rank, till they assumed the toga virilis, or manly gown. Tarquinius is likewise said to have engaged in war with the Etruscan nations, to have taken several of their cities, and to have overthrown them, o a confederacy of all their twelve states against him. In token of their submission to his power, the Etruscans at length sent him a golden crown, an ivory throne and sceptre, a purple tunic and robe figured with gold, and twelve axes bound up in bundles of rods, to be borne before him, such as they used when their twelve cities chose a common leader in war. These, by the permission of the people, Tarquinius adopted as the insignia of kingly power; and, with the exception of the crown and of the embroidered robe, they remained as such both to his successors on the throne and to the consuls, unless on the days when they went in public triumph to the Capitol. Such were the military exploits ascribed to Tarquinius; and there is nothing so improbable in them as to startle our belief. It is, indeed, manifest from other indications, that about the period assumed as the reign of Tarquinius Priscus, as he is called for sake of distinction, the dominions of Rome must have comprised nearly all the territory which he is said to have conquered, and also that the city must have risen to great wealth and power. The latter point is proved by the great public works which all accounts agree in ascribing to him. He built the cloaca maxima, or great sewers, to drain off the water from between the Palatine and Capitoline, and the Palatine and Aventine Hills. This vast drain was constructed of huge blocks of hewn stone, triply arched, and of such dimensions that a barge could float along in it beneath the very streets of the city. Earthquakes have shaken the city and the adjacent hills; but the cloaca maxima remains to this day unimpaired, an enduring monument of the power and skill of the king and the people by whom it was constructed. The Circus Maximus, or great racecourse, was also a work of this monarch, intended for the display of what were called the great, or Roman games. The forum, with its rows of shops, was also the work of Tarquinius; and he began to surround the city with a wall of massy hewn stones. ... He likewise made preparation to fulfil a vow to build a great temple on the Capitoline Hill to the chief deities of Rome. To conclude the legendary history of Tarquinius, he is said to have been murdered by the treachery of the sons of his predecessor Ancus Marcius. They, perceiving the favour with which the king regarded Servius Tullius, and fearing an attempt to make him king,

to the exclusion of their own pretensions and hopes, hired two countrymen to pretend a quarrel, and to appear before the king seeking redress. While he was listening to the complaint of one, the other struck him on the head with an axe, and then they both made their escape. The conspirators did not, however, obtain the fruit of their treachery. Tanaquil gave out that the king was not dead, but only stunned by the blow, and had appointed Servius Tullius to rule in his name till he should recover. Servius immediately assumed the ensigns and exercised the powers of royalty. The murderers were seized and punished, and the Marcii fled, disappointed, srom the city. When the death of Tarquinius could no longer be concealed, the power of Servius was so well established, that the people were perfectly ready to grant him the usual confirmation in the powers of the sovereignty. (Hetherington's Hist. of Rome, p. 19, seqq.)—Such is a sketch of the first Tarquin, as given by the ancient writers. Niebuhr, however, insists that the Grecian origin of the Tarquinian family is a mere and very clumsy invention of the Roman annalists, and utterly at variance with the received chronology. (Rom. Hist, vol. 1, p. 319, seqq.) The notion that Tarquinius was an Etruscan, arose, as he conceives, from the circumstance of his name having been deduced from that of the Etruscan city; so that he seemed, moreover, a suitable person for the Tuscan epoch of Rome to be referred to. “Far from regarding Tarquinii as the birthplace of his race, I hold that race,” observes Niebuhr, “of Latin origin. The account which makes him and Collatinus members of nothing more than a single family, is disproved by the fact that a whole Tarquinian house existed at Rome, which was banished along with the last king. We also find mention of Tarquins of Laurentum (Dion., Hal., 5, 54): these may be supposed to have been exiles of that house; but, even assuming this, yet the legend or tradition must have made them turn their steps thither, as it made Collatinus settle at Lavinium. When such a belief was current, assuredly Tarquinii was not looked upon as their home. The Ło origin of the Tarquins is pointed out by the surname of the first king, in the same way in which the names of other patricians pointed out from what people they sprang. Thus we have Aurunculus, Siculus, Tuscus, Sabinus, &c. The name Priscus has the exact form and character of the national names, Tuscus, Cascus, Opscus. The same is the meaning of Priscus as a surname of the Servilii, and as the original one of the censor Marcus Porcius, who was born in the land of the Sabines, and descended from Latin ancestors. (Plut., Vit. Cat., c. 1.) Supposing the house of Tarquinius to have sprung from one of the Tyrrhenian cities on the coast, this accounts for that worship of the Grecian gods at the Roman games, which in an Etruscan is quite incomprehensible. Lucumo, too, would have been just such a name for an Etruscan, as Patricius for a Roman. That no such ever occurred among the Tuscans is a matter on which the gravestones, were it needed, might serve as witnesses. If the legends of the Romans give it to individuals, to the ally of Romulus, to the nobleman of Clusium (Dion. Hal, 2, 37.—Liv., 5,33), and to Tarquinius, it is a proof how utterly uninformed they were on everything that concerned a nation so close to them; a natural consequence of their not understanding a word of its language.” (Niebuhr, Rom. Hist., vol. 1, p. 323, seqq.)—II. Superbus, the seventh and last king of Rome. All the Roman annalists, with the exception of Piso, who adulterated what he found, followed Fabius in calling Tarquinius Superbus the son of Priscus; and this account was adopted by Cicero and Livy. On the other hand, Piso the annalist, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, make Superbus the grandson of Priscus, a refinement which, according to Niebuhr, “destroys all manner of connexion in the

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