second consulship of Trajan is mentioned in the tract | isfaction of the house. The cause was tried A.U.C. (c. 37), and that was A.U.C. 851, in conjunction with 853, in the third year of Trajan's reign. From that Nerva, who died before the end of January. It is time Tacitus dedicated himself altogether to his Histherefore certain that the description of Germany saw tory. Pliny informs us (Ep., 4, 13), that our author the light in the course of that year.-In this treatise was frequented by a number of visiters, who admired but little reliance can be placed on the geographical his genius, and for that reason went in crowds to his notices of Tacitus, which are very defective. His re- levée. From that conflux of men of letters Tacitus marks on the manners, usages, and political institu- could not fail to gain the best information. Pliny tions of this people are, on the other hand, peculiarly sent a full detail of all the circumstances attending the valuable. The historian is supposed by the best crit- death of his uncle, the elder Pliny, who lost his life in ics to have derived his principal information relative the eruption of Vesuvius, in order that an exact relato the Germans from persons who had served against tion of that event might be transmitted to posterity. them, and, in particular, from Virginius Rufus, who, Trajan reigned nineteen years. He died suddenly as we learn from the Letters of Pliny, was the friend in Cilicia, A.U.C. 870, A.D. 117. The exact time of Tacitus. The great work, also, of the elder Pliny when Tacitus published his History is uncertain, but on Germany, now lost, must have been an important it was in some period of Trajan's reign. He was reaid. As to the object of the historian in composing solved to send his work into the world in that happy this work, some have even gone so far as to suppose age when he could think with freedom, and what that his sole intention was to satirize the corrupt mor- he thought he could publish with perfect security. als of his contemporaries, by holding forth to view an (Hist., 1, 1.) He began from the accession of Galba, ideal and highly-coloured picture of barbarian virtue. A.U.C. 822, and followed down the thread of his narAccording to these same writers, his object was to bring rative to the death of Domitian, in the year 849; the back his countrymen to their ancient simplicity of man- whole comprising a period of seven-and-twenty years, ners, and thus oppose an effectual barrier to those en- full of important events and sudden revolutions, in emies who menaced the safety of their descendants. which the prætorian bands, the armies in Germany, But a perusal of the work in question destroys all this and the legions in Syria claimed a right to raise fanciful hypothesis. The analogy between many of whom they thought proper to the imperial seat, withthe rude manners of the carly Germans and those of out any regard for the authority of the senate. Such the aborigines of North America at once stamps the was the subject Tacitus had before him. The sumwork with the seal of truth. What if Tacitus dwells mary view which he has given of those disastrous with a certain predilection upon the simple manners times is the most awful picture of civil commotion of Germany? It surely is natural in one who had be- and the wild distraction of a frantic people. It is not come disgusted with the excesses of Italy. We are exactly known into how many books the work was dinot to suppose, however, that this work of Tacitus is vided. Vossius makes the number no less than thirfree from errors. The very manner in which he ac- ty; but, to the great loss of the literary world, we quired his information on this subject must have led have only the first four books, and the commencement to misconceptions and mistakes. Religious prejudi- of the fifth. The work must have been a large one, ces also served occasionally to mislead the historian, if we may judge from the portion that has reached us, who beheld the traces of Greek and Roman mytholo- since this contains the transactions of little more than gy even in the North.—The friendship that subsisted a single year. The reign of Titus, "the delight of between Tacitus and the younger Pliny is well known. human kind," is totally lost, and Domitian has escaIt was founded on the consonance of their studies and ped the vengeance of the historian's pen. The Histheir virtues. They were both convinced that a stri- tory being finished, Tacitus did not think that he had king picture of former tyranny ought to be placed in completed his portraiture of slavery. He went back contrast to the felicity of the times that succeeded. to Tiberius, who left a model of tyranny for his sucPliny acted up to his own idea of this in the panegyric cessors. This second work he called by the name of on Trajan, where we find a vein of satire against Domi- Annals. It included a period of four-and-fifty years, tian running throughout the whole piece. It appears from the year 767 to the death of Nero in 821. Duin his letters that he had some thoughts of writing a ring the period embraced by the History the whole history on the same principle; but he had not resolu- empire was convulsed, and the author had to arrange tion to undertake that arduous task. Tacitus had the operations of armies in Germany, Batavia, Gaul, more vigour of mind; he thought more intensely, and Italy, and Judæa, all in motion almost at the same with deeper penetration than his friend. We find time. This was not the case in the Annals. The that he had formed, at an early period, the plan of his Roman world was in a state of general tranquillity, History, and resolved to execute it in order to show and the history of domestic transactions was to supthe horrors of slavery, and the debasement of the Ro-ply Tacitus with materials. The author has given us, man people through the whole of Domitian's reign. (Vit. Agr., c. 3.) He did not, however, though employed in a great and important work, renounce immediately all his practice in the forum, but continued to be employed there until the trial of Marius Priscus, who had been proconsul of Africa, and stood impeached before the senate at the suit of the province. Priscus had presented a memorial, praying to be tried by a commission of select judges. Tacitus and Pliny, by the special appointment of the fathers, were advocates on the part of the Africans. They thought it their duty to inform the house that the crimes alleged against Priscus were of too atrocious a nature to fall within the cognizance of an inferior court. The case was therefore heard at an adjourned meeting of the senate, and the eloquence of Pliny and Tacitus, but more particularly of the latter, succeeded in establishing the guilt of the accused. The senate concluded the business with a declaration that Tacitus and Pliny had executed the trust reposed in them to the full sat 66 with his usual brevity, the true characters of this part of his work. The detail," he says, "into which he was obliged to enter, while it gave lessons of prudence, was in danger of being dry and unentertaining. In other histories, the operations of armies, the situation of countries, the events of war, and the exploits of illustrious generals awaken curiosity and expand the imagination. We have nothing before us but acts of despotism, continual accusations, the treachery of friends, the ruin of innocence, and trial after trial, always ending in the same catastrophe. Events like these will give to the work a tedious uniformity, without an object to enliven attention, without an incident to prevent satiety." (Ann, 4, 33.) But the genius of Tacitus surmounted every difficulty. He was able to keep attention awake, to please the imagination, and enlighten the understanding. The style of the Annals differs from that of the History, which required stately periods, pomp of expression, and harmonious sentences. The Annals are written in a strain more subdued and TACITUS. traces. temperate every phrase is a maxim; the narra- in quick vicissitude; they mix and blend in various tive goes on with rapidity; the author is sparing of combinations; we glow with indignation, we melt into tears. The Annals, in fact, may be called an historiwords, and prodigal of sentiment; the characters are drawn with a profound knowledge of human nature; cal picture-gallery. It is by this magic power that Taand when we see them figuring on the stage of public citus has been able to animate the dry regularity of business, we perceive the internal spring of their ac- the chronologic order, and to spread a charm over the tions; we see their motives at work, and, of course, whole that awakens curiosity and unchains attention. are prepared to judge of their conduct. The Annals, How different from the gazette-style of Suetonius, as well as the History, have suffered by the barbarous who relates his facts in a calm and unimpassioned rage and more barbarous ignorance of the tribes that tone, unmoved by the distress of injured virtue, and overturned the Roman empire. Of the sixteen books never rising to indignation. Tacitus, on the contrary, which originally composed the Annals, the following sits in judgment on the prince, the senate, the consuls, are lost a part of the fifth, from the seventh to the and the people; and he finds eloquence to affect the tenth both inclusive, the beginning of the eleventh, and heart, and through the imagination to inform the unthe end of the sixteenth. We miss, therefore, three derstanding.-Tacitus has been called the Father of years of Tiberius, the entire four years of Caligula, the Philosophical History; and the title is well bestowed first six of Claudius, and the last two of Nero. And, if it be considered as confined to his acute and forcible on the other hand, we have the history of the reign of criticisms on individual character, and the moral digTiberius, with the exception of the three years just nity and pathos of his manner; but of Political philosmentioned, the latter years of Claudius, and the his-ophy we discover in this excellent writer but few To this department of wisdom, the times, tory of Nero down to A.D. 67.-We find that Tacitus intended, if his life and health continued, to re- both those which Tacitus saw and those of which his view the reign of Augustus (Ann., 3, 24), in order to fathers could tell him, were fatally unpropitious. They detect the arts by which the old constitution was over-exhibited a frame of society (if we may disgrace that turned, to make way for the government of a single expression by so applying it) suffering a course of exruler. This, in the hands of such a writer, would have periments too frightfully violent to issue in fine results. been a curious portion of history; but it is probable he In a nation thus tried with extremes, we could hardly did not live to carry his design into execution. The expect to meet with the refinements of political science; and supposing them there to exist, an historical time of his death is not mentioned by any ancient author. It seems, however, highly probable that he died account of such a nation affords little scope for the in the reign of Trajan, and we may reasonably conclude display of them.-It may be expected that some nothat he survived his friend Pliny. Those two writers tice should be taken of the objections which have been were the ornaments of the age; both men of genius; urged against Tacitus by the various writers who have both encouragers of literature; the friends of liberty thought proper to place themselves in the chair of and virtue. The esteem and affection which Pliny criticism. The first charge exhibited against our au cherished towards our author is evident in many of thor is, that he has written bad Latin. This shall be his letters, but nowhere more than in the following pas- answered by a writer who was master of as much sage: "I never was touched with a more sensible elegance as can be attained in a dead language pleasure than by an account which I received lately "Who," exclaims Muretus, " are we moderns, ever from Cornelius Tacitus. He informed me that, at the if all who have acquired great skill in the Latin lanlast Circensian games, he sat next to a stranger, who, guage were assembled in a body; who are we, that after much discourse on various topics of learning, presume to pronounce against an author (Tacitus) ed him if he was an Italian or a Provincial. Ta-who, when the Roman language still flourished in all citus replied, Your acquaintance with literature must its splendour (and it flourished to the time of HadriAy!' said the man; an), was deemed the most eloquent orator of his have informed you who I am.' When we reflect on the number of ancient pray, then, is it Tacitus or Pliny I am talking with?' time? I cannot express how highly I am pleased to find that authors whose works have been destroyed, which of our names are not so much the proper appellations of us can pretend to say that the words which appear men as a kind of distinction for learning itself." (Ep., new in Tacitus were not known and used by the an10, 23.) Had Pliny been the surviver, he, who la- cients? and yet, at the distance of ages, when the promented the loss of all his friends, would not have fail- ductions of genius have been wellnigh extinguished, ed to pay the last tribute to the memory of Tacitus. we of this day take upon us a decisive tone to conThe commentators assume it as a certain fact that demn the most celebrated writers, whose cooks and our author must have left issue; and their reason is, mule-drivers understood the Latin language, and spoke because they find that M. Claudius Tacitus, who was it, better than the most confident scholar of the pres created emperor A.D. 276, deduced his pedigree from ent age."-The next allegation against Tacitus is the great historian. (Vopisc., Vit. Tac) That ex-grounded upon the conciseness and consequent obcellent prince was only shown to the world. He was snatched away by a fit of illness at the end of six months, having crowded into that short reign a number of virtues. Vopiscus tells us that he ordered the image of Tacitus, and a complete collection of his works, to be placed in the public archives, with a special direction that ten copies should be made every year at the public expense. But, when the mutilated state in which our author has come down to posterity is considered, there good reason to believe that the orders of the prince were never executed.-Tacitus has well deserved the appellation that has been bestowed upon him of "the greatest historian of antiquity." To the generous and noble principle which guided his pen throughout his work, he united a fund of knowledge and the colours of eloquence. Every short description is a picture in miniature: we see the persons acting, speaking, or suffering; our passions are kept in a tumult of emotion; they succeed each other scurity of his style. The love of brevity, which dis- manner, and, it may be added, the omissions of the ter, that he was a very young man (juvenis admodum) copyists, have occasioned some difficulties; but he when he wrote it, or, at least, when he supposes it to who has made himself familiar with the peculiarities have been held in his presence. This point of time of his style will not be much embarrassed. B still is clearly determined in the 17th chapter; it was the it may be said that, in so long a work, one continued sixth year of the reign of Vespasian, A.D. 75. Taci strain of studied brevity fatigues the ear, and tires the tus at this period would be about sixteen years of age. reader by an unvaried and disgusting monotony. Va- From what has been said then, it will be perceived riety, it must be admitted, would give new graces to that, as far as chronology is concerned, nothing prethe narrative, and prevent too much uniformity. The vents our regarding Tacitus as the author of the dia. celebrated Montaigne observes, that Tacitus abounds logue in question. It is true, we find a marked differwith strong and vigorous sentences, often constructed ence between the style of the writer of this dialogue with point and subtlety, agreeably to the taste of the and that of the historian; but would not the interveage, which delighted in the gay and brilliant; and ning period of forty years sufficiently account for this when those were not in the thought, the writer was discrepance, and the language of the man be different sure to find an antithesis in the expression. And yet from the tone of early youth? Might not, too, the it is remarkable that the same writer, who owns that same writer have varied his style in order to adapt for twenty years together he read by fits and starts, it to different subjects? Ought he not to assimilate tells us himself that he read Tacitus a second time in it to the various characters who bear a part in the one regular train, without interruption. A third alle- dialogue? Induced by these and other reasons, Pigation of the critics is, that Tacitus was a misanthrope, thou, Dodwell, Schulze, and many others, have givwho beheld human nature with a malignant eye, and, en their opinion in favour of our adhering to the tialways suspecting the worst, falsified facts, in order tles of the manuscripts, and have ascribed the diato paint men worse than they were. The answer is logue to Tacitus. Rhenanus was the first who enobvious Tacitus was fallen on evil times; he says, tertained doubts respecting the claim of Tacitus to "A black and evil period lies before me. The age the authorship of this production, and since his time, was sunk to the lowest depth of sordid adulation, in- Dousa, Stephens, Freinshemius, and others no less somuch that not only the most illustrious citizens, in celebrated, have contended that Quintilian, not Taciorder to secure themselves, were obliged to crouch in tus, must be regarded as the true writer of the work. bondage; but even men of consular and prætorian They place great reliance on two passages of Quinrank, and the whole senate, tried, with emulation, who tilian, where that writer says expressly that he had should be the most obsequious of slaves." (Ann., composed a separate treatise on the causes of the cor3.65.) In such times, who could live free from suspi- ruption of eloquence (Inst. Or., 6, 8, 6), as well as on cion? Tacitus knew the character of Tiberius; he many other passages in which this same work is cited, was an accurate observer of mankind: but he must without the author's indicating the title. How can have been credulous indeed, or the willing dupe of a we suppose, it is asked, that either Tacitus or Pliny profligate court, if he had not laid open the secret mo- would be inclined to treat of a subject which had altives of all, and traced their actions to their first prin- ready been discussed by Quintilian? These same ciples. At the head of the critics who have endeav- critics observe, moreover, that there appears to be a oured to enforce the charge of falsehood and malevo- great analogy, not only between the matters treated of lence stands Famianus Strada, the elegant author of in this dialogue and those which form the subject of the well-known Prolusiones Academica, and the wars Quintilian's writings, but also between his style and in Holland, entitled De Bello Belgico: but it will be that of the work in question. But it may be replied, sufficient, in answer to his laboured declamations, to in the first place, that, at the time when the dialogue say with Lord Bolingbroke, "He was a rhetor, who was written, Quintilian was already thirty-three years condemned Tacitus, and presumed to write history of age, a period of life to which the expression juvenis himself."-The imputation of atheism, which has been admodum can with no propriety whatever be made to urged by critics of more piety than discernment, is apply. In the next place, the argument deduced from easily refuted. Whatever were our author's doubts analogy of style is not the most conclusive, since those concerning fate, free-will, and the influence of the critics who assign the work to Pliny or Tacitus adplanets, let the fine apostrophe to the departed spirit duce a similar argument in support of their claims. of Agricola be perused with attention, and every sen- On the other hand, the argument which has been timent will discover a mind impressed with the idea drawn from identity of title would be a very strong of an overruling Providence. There are many pas-one, if it were not a fact that the second title, which sages in the Annals and the History to the same effect but more on this head is unnecessary. Nor does the paradox suggested by Boccalini deserve a longer discussion. That author gives it as his opinion, that the whole design of the Annals was to teach the art of despotism: it may, with as good reason, be said, that Lord Clarendon wrote the history of the Grand Rebellion with intent to teach schismatics, Puritans, and Republicans how to murder the king. (Murphy, Essay on the Life and Genius of Tacitus, p. 10, seqq.)—There has come down to us a dialogue entitled De claris oratoribus, sive de causis corruptæ eloquentiæ. The manuscripts and old editions name Tacitus as the author of this production; a great number of commentators, however, ascribe it to Quintilian, and some to Pliny the Younger. They who argue from the language of manuscripts allege in their favour Pomponius Sabinus, a grammarian, who states that Tacitus had given to the works of Mecenas the epithet of calamistri. Now the passage to which the grammarian alludes is actually found in the 26th chapter of the dialogue under consideration. The author of the dialogue, moreover, informs us, in the first chap is found in modern editions, De causis corruptæ elo- The first six books of the Annals had not then been found. | thor's works, and that, to render this object more pracLeo X. promised a pecuniary recompense and indulgen- ticable, ten copies of them should be transcribed every ces to any one who should find the lost portions of year in one of the public offices. His short reign, the work. One of his agents, Angelo Arcomboldi, however, prevented any good results from being prodiscovered in the monastery of Corvey, in Westpha- duced by this decree. Having obtained the approbalia, a manuscript which had belonged to Anschaire, tion of the citizens, Tacitus departed from the capital the founder of the convent, and a bishop of the church. to show himself to the army in Thrace. The usual It contained the first five books of the Annals, the last largesses secured his popularity anong the soldiers; book imperfect. Beroaldus published them at Rome, and the reverence which he found still subsisting for in 1515, by order of the pope.-Among the numerous the memory of Aurelian, dictated the punishment of editions of Tacitus, the following may be mentioned certain chiefs of the conspiracy which had taken away as the best: that of.Gronovius, L. Bat., 1721, 2 vols. his life. But his attention was soon withdrawn from 4to; that of Brotier, Paris, 1776, 7 vols. 12mo (re- the investigation of past delinquencies to meet an urprinted by Valpy, Lond., 1823, vols. 8vo); that of gent danger. When the late emperor was making Ernesti, Lips., 1760, 2 vols. 8vo; that of Oberlinus, preparations to invade Persia, he had negotiated with Lips., 1801, 2 vols. 8vo, in four parts, reprinted at Ox- a Scythian tribe, the Alani, to re-enforce his ranks with ford in 1813, 4 vols. 8vo; that of Walther, Hal. Sax., a detachment of their best troops. The barbarians, 1831-3, 4 vols. 8vo; and that of Naudet, forming part faithful to their engagement, arrived on the Roman of Lemaire's collection, Paris, 1819-20, 5 vols. 8vo. frontiers with a strong body of cavalry; but, before (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Rom., vol. 2, p. 366, seqq.—Bähr, they made their appearance, Aurelian was dead, and Gesch. Röm. Lit., p. 311, seqq.)-II. M. Claudius, a the Persian war suspended. In these circumstances, Roman, elected emperor by the senate after the death the Alani, impatient of repose, and disappointed of of Aurelian. The assassination of Aurelian had so their prey, soon turned their arms against the unformuch enraged the army, that the soldiers were more tunate provinces. They overran Pontus, Cappadocia, intent, for a time, on bringing his murderers to condign and Cilicia before Tacitus could show his readiness punishment than on providing a successor. Even to satisfy their claims or punish their aggressions. after they had recovered from the first paroxysm of Upon recovering, however, the stipulated reward, the wrath, they hesitated whether they should immediately greater number retired peaceably to their deserts; exercise the right which long custom had placed in while those who refused to listen to terms were subtheir hands, or wait for the advice and concurrence of dued at the point of the sword. (Vopisc., Vit. Tathe senate in choosing a head for the empire. Upon a citus, c. 13.-Zosim., 1, 63, seqq.-Zonar., 12, 27.) short deliberation, they adopted the latter alternative, But the triumphs and reign of this venerable sovereign and resolved to write, or else to send a deputation to were not of long duration. It is said that he fell a Rome. The senators, long unused to such deference, victim to the jealousy of certain officers of rank, who knew not how to act when the message came; and, were offended at the undue promotion of his brother unwilling to incur responsibility, referred the matter Florianus; or to the angry passions of the soldiery, back to the legions. But the army, actuated by a very who despised his pacific genius and literary habits. uncommon degree of moderation, renewed their re- But it is no less probable that he sank under the faquest to the civil authorities to supply them with a tigues of the campaign, and the severity of the cligeneral and ruler; and it was not until this reciprocal mate, to both of which the pursuits of his later years compliment was urged and rejected three times that had rendered him a stranger. It is clear, at all events, the senators agreed to assemble and discharge their that he died at Tyana, in Cappadocia, after having duty to the empire. Meanwhile, six or seven months swayed the sceptre of the Roman empire about two had insensibly passed away; an amazing period, it has hundred days. (Vopisc., Vit. Tacit., c. 13.—Zosim., been remarked, of tranquil anarchy, during which the 1, 63.-Encyclop. Metropol., div. 3, vol. 3, p. 57.) Roman world remained without a sovereign, without a usurper, and without a sedition. (Vopisc., Vit. Tacit., c. 1.) On the 25th of September, A.D. 275, the senate was convoked to exercise once more the valuable prerogative with which the constitution of Rome had invested their order. The individual whom they elected inherited the name and the virtues of Tacitus, the celebrated historian, and was, besides, respected for his wisdom, his experience in business, and his mild benevolence. This venerable legislator had already attained his 75th year, a circumstance which he urged, with a great show of reason, for declining the honour which was now assigned him. But his objections were repelled by the most flattering encomiums, and his election was confirmed by acclamation among both citizens and soldiers. It was the wisdom not less than the inclination of the aged emperor that induced him to leave much of the supreme power in the hands from which he received it. He encouraged the senate to resume their wonted authority; to appoint proconsuls in all the provinces, and to exercise all the other privileges which had been conferred upon them by Augustus. His moderation and simplicity were not affected by the change of his condition; the only expense which he permitted to himself was the encouragement which he bestowed on the fine arts, and the only personal indulgences which he would not resign were reading and conversation with literary men. He took great pains to preserve the writings of his ancestor the historian; for which purpose he gave orders that every public library should possess that au TADER, a river of Spain, near New Carthage, called by Ptolemy the Terebris. It is now the Segura. (Plin., 3, 4.-Ptol., 2, 6.) An TÆNARUS, a promontory of Laconia, forming the southernmost point of the Peloponnesus. It is now called Cupe Matapan, which is a modern Greek corruption from the ancient μETTоv, a front, the promontory boldly projecting into the Mediterranean. cient geographers reckoned thence to Cape Phycus in Africa 3000 stadia, to Cape Pachynus in Sicily 4600 or 4000, and to the promontory of Malea 670. (Strabo, 363.) Near it was a cave, said to be the entrance to Orcus, by which Hercules dragged Cerberus to the upper regions. Pausanias cites another version of the fable from Hecatæus of Miletus, which makes the cavern to have been the haunt of a large and deadly serpent, conquered by Hercules, and brought to Eurystheus (3, 25-Creuzer, Hist. Gr. Fragm., p. 46). There was a temple on the promontory sacred to Neptune, and which was accounted an inviolable asylum It seems to have been a species of cavern. On the promontory, also, was a statue of Arion seated on a dolphin. Tenarus became subsequently famous for the beautiful marble of its quarries, which the Romans held in the highest estimation. It was a species of Verd Antique. About forty stadia from the promontory stood the city of Tænarus, afterward called Cane or Canepolis. Mr. Morritt, in his journey through Laconia (Walpole's Memoirs, vol. 1, p. 56), was informed that there were considerable remains of an ancient city on Cape Grosso, agreeing, as far as the dis tances could be ascertained, with Pausanias's description of Canepolis. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 3, p. 188) TAGES, an Etrurian divinity or Genius, said to have come forth from a clod of earth, an infant in form, but with all the wisdom and experience of an aged person. He first appeared, according to the legend, unto a husbandman near the city of Tarquinii, while the latter was engaged in ploughing. (Cic., Div., 2, 23.— Creuzer, et Moser, ad loc.-Isidor., Orig., 8, 9, p. 374, ed. Arevall. - Lydus, de Ostentis, p. 6, seqq., ed. Hase.) According to the last of the authorities just cited, the individual labouring in the field when Tages appeared was Tarchon, the founder of Tarquinii, and the principal hero of Etrurian mythology. (Compare Müller, Eirusk., vol. 2, p. 26) Another account made Tages the son of Genius, and grandson of Jupiter; and it was he that instructed the twelve communities of Etruria in the art of predicting future events by the inspection of victims. (Festus, p. 557, ed. Dacier.)-The form of this infant deity, his birth, and his attributes, all carry us back to the telluric divinities of Samothrace and Lemnos, and the mystic religion of the Pelasgi. The books, or, rather, oracles of Tages are frequently mentioned by the ancient writers, and were originally in verse. The Romans are said to have translated a part of them into prose. (Lydus, de Mens., p. 130, ed. Schow.; de Ostent., p. 190, ed. Hase.-Guigniaut, vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 459, seq.) TAGUS, a river of Spain, rising among the Celtiberi in Mons Idubeda. It pursues a course nearly due west, verging slightly to the south, and traverses the territories of the Celtiberi, Carpetani, Vettones, and Lusitani, until it reaches the Atlantic Ocean. The Tagus is the largest river in Spain, though Strabo considers the Minius as such, an evident error. The sands of this stream produced grains of gold, and, according to Mela, precious stones. It is now called by | the Portuguese the Tajo, though its ancient name still remains in general use. At the mouth of this river stood Olisipo, now Lisbon. (Mela, 3, 1.-Ovid, Met., 2, 251.-Sil., 4, 234.-Lucan,*7, 755. - Martial, 4, 55, &c.) TALUS, called otherwise Perdix, a nephew of Dædalus. (Vid. Perdix.) TAMARA, I. a river of Hispania Tarraconensis, on the northwestern or Atlantic coast, and a short distance below the Promontorium Artabrum, now the Tambre. (Mela, 3, 1.-Pliny, 31, 2.)-II. A town of Britain, on the river Tamarus, in the territory of the Damnonii, and, according to Cambden, now Tamerton, near Plymouth. (Cambden, Britann., p. 158, ed. 1600.) TAMARUS, I. a river of Britain, now the Tamar. (Cambden, Britann, p. 158, ed. 1600.)-II. or, according to the Itin. Ant. (103), Thamarus, a river of Samnium, rising in the Apennines, and falling into the Calore. It is now the Tamaro. (Cramer's Ancient Italy, vol. 2, p. 261.) the race. (Ovid, Met., 10, 644, seqq.- Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 2, p. 388.) TAMESIS, a river of Britain, now the Thames. Casar is generally supposed to have crossed this river at Coway Stakes, seven or eight miles above Kingston; but Horsley seems to be of opinion that he forded it near that town. (Cæs., B. G., 5, 11.) TAMOS, a native of Memphis, and a faithful adherent of Cyrus the younger, whose fleet he commanded (Xen., Anab., 1, 2, 21.-Id. ib., 1, 4, 2.) After the death of Cyrus, he fled with his vessels, through fear of Tissaphernes, to Egypt, unto King Psammitichus, but was put to death by the latter, together with his children. The object of the Egyptian king, in thus violating the rights of hospitality, was to get possession of the fleet and treasures of Tamos. (Diod. Sic., 14, 19.-Id., 14, 35.) TANAGRA, a city of Boeotia, situate on an eminence, on the north bank of the Asopus, and near the mouth of that river. Its more ancient appellation was Græa. (Hom., Il., 2, 498.- Lycophr., 644.) An obstinate battle was fought in this neighbourhood, between the Athenians and Lacedæmonians, prior to the Peloponnesian war, when the former were defeated. The ruins of Tanagra were first discovered by Cockerell, at Græmada or Grimathi.-This place was famed among the ancients for its breed of fighting-cocks. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 2, p. 269.) TANAGRUS or TANAGER, a river of Lucania, rising in the central chain of the Apennines, between Casal Nuovo and Lago Negro, and, after flowing thirty miles through the valley of Diano, loses itself under ground for the space of two miles, and not twenty as it is stated in Pliny (2, 103). It reappears beyond La Polla, at a place called Pertosa, and falls into the Silanus below Contursi. The modern name of the river is Negro. (Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 2, p. 377.) TANAIS, I. now the Don, a large river of Europe, rising, according to Herodotus, in the territory of the Thyssagetes, from a large lake, and falling into the Palus Mæotis. Herodotus appears to have confounded the Tanaïs in the upper part of its course with the Rha or Wolga. Of the course of the latter, and its falling into the Caspian, he appears to have known nothing. The Tanais rises in the Valdai hills, in the government of Tula, and is about 800 miles in length. This river separated in ancient times European and Asiatic Sarmatia. In voyages written more than half a century ago, it is called the Tane; at the same time communicating this name to the Palus Mæotis; the modern name Don is only a corrupt abbreviation of the ancient appellation. A city named Tanais, situate at its mouth, and which was the emporium of the commerce of the country, is celebrated in tradition by the Slavons under the name of Aas-grad, or the city of Aas; and it is remarkable to find the name of Azof subsisting on the same site. It may, moreover, be remarked, that this name contributes to comTAMASUS or TAMASEUS (Tapúoεos, Steph. Byz), pose that of Tanaïs, formed of two members, the first a city of Cyprus, southeast of Soloë, and to the north- of which expresses the actual name of the river. The west of Mount Olympus. The adjacent territory was Greeks in the age of Alexander confounded the Tancelebrated for its rich mines of copper, and for the aïs with the laxartes. (Vid. laxartes.)-Dr. Clarke metallic composition prepared on the spot, and called (Travels in Russia, &c., vol. 1, p. 337, Lond. ed.) chalcanthum. (Strab., 683.) These mincs appear to found the Cossack pronunciation of the name of this have been known as early as the days of Homer, for river to be Danaetz, Tdanaetz, or Tanaetz, and when they are referred to in the Odyssey (1, 183). It has sounded with quickness and volubility, it appeared to been disputed, however, among commentators, wheth- be the same as Tanaïs. Hence the ancient name of er the poet alludes to the Cyprian Tamasus, or the the river may satisfactorily be accounted for. AccordItalian Temesa or Tempsa, also famous for its cop-ing to the same intelligent traveller, when the word per mines. (Compare Steph. Byz., s. v. Taμáσeos. Tanaïs was introduced into the Greek language, it had Nonn., Dionys., 13, 445.- Plin., 5, 31.) In the vicinity of Tamasus was a celebrated plain, sacred to Venus, and where the goddess is said to have gathered the golden apples by which Hippomanes, to whom she gave them, was enabled to conquer Atalanta in reference, not to the Don, but to another river, which enters that stream about ninety-nine miles from its mouth, and which, according to a notion entertained from time immemorial by the people in this quarter, it leaves again, taking a northwesterly direction, and |