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length of the history; but the preliminary essay they contain on the degradation of Roman manners and decline of virtue, is not an unsuitable introduction to the conspiracy, as it was this corruption of morals which gave birth to it, and bestowed on it a chance of success. The preface to the Jugurthine War has much less relation to the subject which it is intended to introduce. The author discourses at large on his favourite topic, the superiority of mental endowments over corporeal advantages, and the beauty of virtue and genius. He contrasts a life of listless indolence with one of honourable activity; and finally descants on the task of the historian as a suitable exercise for the highest faculties of the mind. Besides the Conspiracy of Catiline and the Jugurthine War, which have been preserved entire, and from which our estimate of the merits of Sallust must be chiefly formed, he was the author of a civil and military history of the republic, in five books, entitled Historia rerum in Republica Romana Gestarum. This work was the mature fruit of the genius of Sallust, having been the last he composed, and is inscribed to Lucullus, the son of the celebrated commander of that name. It included, properly speaking, only a period of thirteen years, extending from the resignation of the dictatorship by Sylla till the promulgation of the Manilian Law, by which Pompey was invested with authority equal to that which Sylla had relinquished; and obtained, with unlimited power in the East, the command of the army destined to act against Mithradates. This period, though short, comprehends some of the most interesting and luminous points which appear in the Roman annals. During this interval, and almost at the same moment, the republic was attacked in the East by the most powerful and enterprising of the monarchs with whom it had yet waged war; in the West by one of the most skilful of its own generals; and on the bosom of Italy by its gladiators and slaves. The work was also introduced by two discourses, the one presenting a picture of the government and manners of the Romans, from the origin of their city to the commencment of the civil wars; the other containing a general view of the dissensions of Marius and Sylla; so that the whole book may be considered as connecting the termination of the Jugurthine War and the breaking out of Catiline's conspiracy. The loss of this valuable production is the more to be regretted, as all the accounts of Roman history which have been written are defective during the interesting period it comprehended. Nearly seven hundred fragments be: longing to it have been amassed, from scholiasts and grammarians, by De Brosses, the French translator of Sallust; but they are so short and unconnected that they merely serve as landmarks, from which we may conjecture what subjects were treated of and what events recorded. The only parts of the history which have been preserved in any degree entire, are four orations and two letters. The first is an oration pronounced against Sylla by the turbulent M. AEmilius Lepidus, who, as is well known, being desirous, at the expiration of his year, to be appointed a second time consul, excited for that purpose a civil war, and rendered himself master of great part of Italy. His speech, which was prejaratory to these designs, was delivered after Sylla had abdicated the dictatorship, but was still supposed to retain great influence at Rome. He is accordingly treated as being still the tyrant of the state ; and the people are exhorted to throw off the yoke completely, and to follow the speaker to the bold assertion of their liberties. The second oration is that of Lucius Philippus, which is an invective against the treasonable attempt of Lepidus, and was calculated to rouse the people from the apathy with which they beheld proceedings that were likely to terminate in the total subversion of the government. The third harangue was delivered by the

tribune Licinius. It was an effort of that demagogue to depress the patrician and raise the tribunitian power; for which purpose he alternately flatters the people and reviles the senate. The oration of Marcus Cotta is unquestionably a fine one. He addressed it to the people, during the period of his consulship, in order to calm their minds and allay their resentment at the bad success of public affairs; which, without any blame on his part, had lately, in many respects, been conducted to an unprosperous issue. Of the two letters which are extant, the one is from Pompey to the senate, complaining in very strong terms of the deficiency in the supplies for the army which he commanded in Spain against Sertorius; the other is supposed to be addressed from Mithradates to Arsaces, king of Parthia, and to be written when the affairs of the former monarch were proceeding unsuccessfully. It exhorts him, nevertheless, with great eloquence and power of argument, to join him in an alliance against the Romans: for this purpose, it places in a strong point of view their unprincipled policy and ambitious desire of universal empire: oil which could not, without this device of an imaginary letter by a foe, have been so well urged by a national historian. It concludes with showing the extreme danger which the Parthians would incur from the hostility of the Romans, should they succeed in finally subjugating Pontus and Armenia. The only other fragment of any length, is the description of a splendid entertainment given to Metellus on his return, after a year's absence from his government of Farther Spain. It appears, from several other fragments, that Sallust had introduced, on occasion of the Mithradatic war, a geographical account of the shores and countries bordering on the Euxine, in the same manner as he enters into a topographical description of Africa in his history of the Jugurthine War. This part of his work has been much applauded by ancient writers for exactness and liveliness, and is frequently referred to, as the highest authority, by Strabo, Pomponius Mela, and other geographers. Besides his historical works, there exist two political discourses, concerning the administration of the government, in the form of letters to Julius Caesar, which have generally, though not on sufficient grounds, been attributed to the pen of Sallust. The best editions of Sallust are, that of Cortius, Lips., 1742, 4to; that of Havercamp, Amst., 1742, 4to, 2 vols.; that of Burnouf, Paris, 1821, 8vo; that of Gerlach, Basil., 1823, seqq., 3 vols, 4to ; and that of Frotscher, Lips., 1823–30, 2 vols. 8vo. (Dunlop's Roman Literature, vol. 2, p. 143, seqq.) SALMXcis, a sountain near Halicarnassus in Caria, which was fabled to render effeminate all who drank of its waters. It was here that Hermaphroditus, according to the poets, underwent his strange metamorphosis. The sountain was situate at the foot of a rock, and on the summit of this rock was a very strong castle, which a Persian garrison long held against Alexander. (Arrian, Erp. Al., 1, 24.) SALMANtica, a city of Hispania, in the northeastern angle of Lusitania. It is very probably the same with the Elmantica of Polybius (3, 14) and the Hermandica of Livy (21, 5), which Hannibal took in his expedition against the Vaccari. It is now Salamanca. (Mannert, vol. 1, p. 348.) SALMöNE, a city of Elis, of great antiquity, northwest of Olmypia. It is said to have been founded by Salmoneus. (Apollod, 1, 9, 7–Strabo, 356.) Salmoneus, a king of Elis, son of Æolus and Enarete, who married Alcidice, by whom he had Tyro. He wished to be called a god, and to receive divine honours from his subjects; and, therefore, to imitate the thunder, he used to drive his chariot over a brazen bridge, and darted burning torches on every side, as if to imitate the lightning. This impiety provoked Jupiter. Salmoneus was struck with a thunderbolt, and placed in the infernal regions near his brother Sisyphus.-Consult, in explanation of this legend, the article Elicius, p. 467, col. 1, near the end. (Hom., Od., 11, 235.—Apollod, 1,9.—Hygin., fab., 60.- Virg., AEm., 6, 5, 85.) SALMYDEssus (Xa7suvénagóc), or, as the later Greek and the Latin writers give the name, Halmydessus (AAplvömagóc), a city of Thrace, on the coast of the Euxine, below the promontory of Thynias. The name properly belonged to the entire range of coast from the Thynian promontory to the mouth of the Bosporus. And it was this portion of the coast in particular that obtained for the Euxine its earlier name of Arenos, or “inhospitable.” The shore was rendered dangerous by shallows and marshes; and when any vessels, either through want of skill or the violence of the wind, became entangled among these, the Thracian inhabitants poured down upon them, plundered the cargoes, and made the inhabitants slaves. In their eagerness to obtain the booty, quarrels often arose among the petty tribes in this quarter, and hence came eventually the singular custom of marking out the shore with stones, as so many limits within which each were to plunder. (Xen., Anab., 7, 6.) Strabo names the Asta, as the inhabitants of this region, whose territory reached to the north as far as Apollonia. The Thyni, no doubt, are included under this name. The republic of Byzantium put an end to this system of plunder.—The modern Midjeh answers to the ancient city of Salmydessus. (Mela, 2, 2.Plin., 4, 11–Diod. Sic, 14, 38.—Mannert, Geogr., vol. 7, p. 149.) Salón, now Salona, the principal harbour of Dalmatia, and always considered as an important post by the Romans after their conquest of that country. Pliny styles it a colony (3, 22), which is confirmed by various inscriptions. (Gruter., Thes, 32, 12.) The name is sometimes written Salona and Salonae. (Cas., B. G., 3, 9.--Hirt., B. Aler., 43.) It was not the native place of the Emperor Dioclesian, as is commonly supposed. That monarch was born at Dioclea, in its vicinity; and to this quarter he retired after he had abdicated the imperial power. Here he built a splendid palace, the ruins of which are still to be seen at Spalatro, about three miles from Salona. " (Wesseling, ad. Itin. Anton., p. 270–Adam's Antiquities of Spalatro.—Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 36.) Salvi KNUs, a native of Colonia Agrippina (Cologne), one of the early fathers of the Christian Church. He led a religious life at Massilia during the greater part of the 5th century, and died in that city. Salvian was the author of several works on devotional subjects, of which there are yet extant a treatise “ on the Providence of God” (De gubernatione Dei, &c.), in eight books; another in four books, written “Against avarice, especially in priests and clerical persons;” and nine pastoral letters. His works, as far as they remain, were collected and printed together, in two volumes 8vo, by Baluzius, Paris, 1663. SALYes, a people of Gaul, extending from the Rhone, along the southern bank of the Druentia or Durance, almost to the Alps. They were powerful opponents to the Greeks of Massilia. (Liv., 5, 34.) SAMARA, a river of Gaul, now called the Somme. The name of this stream in intermediate geography was Sumina or Sumena, corrupted into Somona; whence the modern appellation. (Vid. Samarobriva.) SAMARíA, a city and country of Palestine, famous in sacred history. The district of Samaria lay to the north of Judaea. The origin of the Samaritan nation was as follows: In the reign of Rehoboam, a division was made of the people of Israel into two distinct kingdoms. One of these kingdoms, called Judah, consisted of such as adhered to Rehoboam and the house of David, comprising the two tribes of Judah and Benjamin ; the other ten tribes retained the an

cient name of Israelites under Jeroboam. The capital of the state of these latter was Samaria, which was also the name of their country. The Samaritans and the people of Judaea were lasting and bitter enemies. The former deviated in several respects from the strictness of the Mosaic law, though afterward the religion of the two nations became more closely assimilated ; and, in the time of Alexander, the Samaritans obtained leave of that conqueror to build a teinple on Mount Gerizim, near the city of Samaria, in imitation of the temple at Jerusalem, where they practised the same forms of worship. Among the people of Judaea, the name of Samaritan was a term of bitter reproach, and disgraceful in a high degree. The city of Samaria was situate on Mount Sameron, and was the residence of the kings of Israel, from Omri its founder to the overthrow of the kingdom. It was razed to the ground by Hyrcanus, but rebuilt by Herod, who completed the work begun by Gabinius, proconsul of Syria. Herod called it Sebaste, in honour of Augustus. (1 Kings, 16, 24.—Ibid., 17, 6– Ibid., 22, 52. —2 Kings, 17, 6.-Jerem, 23, 13.— Jos., Ant., 8, 7. —Id. ibid., 13, 15. —ld. ibid., 15, ll.—Bell. Jud., 1, 6.) SAMA Rob Riva, a town of Gaul, now Amiens, the capital of the Ambiani. Its name appears to mean “the city on the Samara,” since it lay on this river, and since the termination brica in Celtic is thought to have had, among its other meanings, that of “city” or “place.” (Vid. Mesembria.) Some, less correctly, make it signify “the bridge” or “passage of the Samara,” as, for example, Lemaire, in his Geographical Index to Caesar. (Amm. Marcell., 15, 27.-Caes., B. G., 5, 24; 45, 51.) SAME, the only town in the island of Cephallenia noticed by Homer, from which we may infer that it was the most ancient and considerable. (Od., 2, 249.) It was maintained by Apollodorus, that the poet used the word Samos to designate the island, and Same the town. It is certain, however, that in another passage (Od., 14, 122), the latter name is applied to the island. (Strabo, 453.) When Cephallenia submitted to the Romans, Same, with other towns, gave hostages; but having afterward revolted, it sustained a vigorous siege for four months. At length the citadel Cyatis being taken, the inhabitants retired into their larger fortress; but surrendered the following day, when they were all reduced to slavery. (Lip., 38, 28, seqq.) Strabo reports that some vestiges of this town remained in his day on the eastern side of the island. (Strabo, 455.) This spot retains the name of Samo, which is also that of the bay at the extremity of which it is situated. It exhibits still very extensive walls and excavations among its ruins, which have afforded various specimens of ancient ornaments, medals, vases, and fragments of statues. (Holland's Travels, vol. 1, p. 55.—Dodwell, vol. 1, p. 75.-Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 2, p. 52.) SAMNites, a people of Italy, whose territory was bounded on the north by the Peligni and Frentani; to the west it bordered on the extremity of Latium and on Campania, being separated from the latter province by the Vulturnus, Mons Callicula, and the chain of Mount Tisata. To the south a prolongation of the same ridge divided the Samnites from the Picentini and Lucani. To the east they were contiguous to Apulia, from the river Tifernus to the source of the Aufidus. It is usual with geographers to regard the ancient Samnites as divided into three tribes, the Caraceni, Pentri, and Hirpini; to which others have added the Caudini and Frentani; but the former classification seems to rest on better authority.—Whatever disserence of opinion may prevail among the writers of antiquity respecting the origin of other Italian tribes, they seem agreed in ascribing that of the Samnite nation to the Sabines. (Consult remarks under the article Sabini.) The Samnites, like the Roy. were an ambitious and rising nation, rendered confident by their successes over the Tuscans and the Oscans of Campania; and formidable not only from their own resources, but also stom the ties of consanguinity which connected them with the Frentani, Westini, Peligni, and other hardy tribes of Central Italy. The rich and sertile territory of Campania was then the nominal object of the contest which ensued, but in reality they fought for the dominion of Italy, and consequently that of the world; which was at stake so long as the issue of the war was doubtful. Livy seems to have formed a just idea of the importance of that struggle, and the fierce obstinacy with which it was carried on, when he pauses in the midst of his narrative, in order to point out the unwearied constancy with which the Samnites, though so often defeated, renewed their efforts, if not for empire, at least for freedom and independence (10, 32). But when that historian recounts an endless succession of reverses sustained by this nation, attended with losses which must have quickly drained a far greater population, it is impossible to avoid suspecting him of considerable exaggeration and repetition; especially as several campaigns are mentioned without a single distinct fact or topographical mark to give reality and an appearance of truth to the narrative. Nor is Livy always careful to point out the danger which not unfrequently threatened Rome on the part of these for. midable adversaries. It is true that he relates with great beauty and force of description the disaster which befell the Roman arms at the defiles of Caudium; but has he been equally explicit in laying before his readers the consequences of that event, which not only opened to the victorious Samnites the gates of several Volscian cities, but exposed a great portion of Latium to be ravaged by their troops, and brought them nearly to the gates of Rome 4 (Liv., 9, 12– Compare Strabo, 232, 249.) In fact, though often attacked in their own territory, we as often find the Samnite legions opposed to their inveterate foes in Apulia, in the territories of the Volsci and Hernici, and even in those of the Umbrians and Etruscans. (Liv., 10.) Admirably trained and disciplined, they executed the orders of their commanders with the greatest alacrity and promptitude ; and such was the warlike spirit of the whole population, that they not unfrequently brought into the field 80,000 foot and 8000 horse. (Strabo, 259.) A victory over such a foe might well deserve the honours of a triumph; and when the Romans had at length, by repeated successes, established their superiority, they could then justly lay claim to the title of the first troops in the world. But though the Samnites were often overmatched and finally crushed by the superior conduct and power of the Romans, it is evident that the spirit of independence still breathed strong in their hearts, and waited but for an opportunity to display itself. Thus, when Pyrrhus raised his standard in the plains of Apulia, the Samnite bands swelled his ranks, and seened rather to strengthen the forces of that prince than to derive assistance from his army. Nor did they neglect the occasion which presented itself, on the appearance of Hannibal in their country, for shaking off the Roman yoke, but voluntarily offered to join him in the field against the common enemy. (Lit., 23, 42.) Rome had already triumphed over Carthage, Macedon, and Antiochus, and was regarded as mistress of the world, when a greater danger than any she had before encountered threatened her dominion in Italy, and shook the very seat of her power. This was the breaking out of the Social war, which afforded the most convincing proof that the Samnite people were not yet conquered, in that bloody contest which, in the space of a few years, is said to have occasioned the loss of 300,000 lives. (Well. Paterc., 2, 15.) This people formed the chief strength and nerve of the coalition: such was their determined enmity against the Romans,

that they even invited Mithradates, king of Pontus, to join his forces to those of the confederates in Italy. (Diod, Excerpt., 37.) Even though deserted by their allies and left to their own resources, they still continued in arms till the sortune of Sylla and the Romans prevailed, and they ceased to exist as a nation. It was not till he had achieved the total destruction of the last Samnite army, at the very gates of Rome, that Sylla at length felt assured of permanent success, and ventured to assume the title of Felix. His fear of the Samnite name, however, led him farther to persecute that unhappy people, thousands of whom were butchered at his command, and the rest proscribed and hanished. He was said, indeed, to have declared, that Rome would enjoy no rest so long as a number of Samnites could be collected together. (Strabo, 249. —Flor., 3, 21.-Vell. Paterc., 2, 26.-Liv., Epit., 88–Plut., Vit. Syll.—Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 2, p. 221, seqq.) SAMNium, I. a region of Italy, inhabited by the Samnites. (Wid. Samnites.)—II. A city of Samnium. It was long a matter of great doubt with antiquaries and geographers, whether we could admit the existence of a city called Samnium in the province of the same name, as the evidence of this fact rested only on an obscure passage of Florus (1, 16), and the still more uncertain testimony of Paulus Diaconus. (Rer. Lang, 2, 20.) But it seemed to acquire additional confirmation from an inscription discovered in the tomb of the Scipios, in which the name of Samnium occurs as that of a town taken by Scipio Barbatus; nor can farther evidence be required on this point, after the proofs adduced by Romanelli from old ecclesiastical chronicles, which speak of a town named Samnia or Samne, on the site now called Cerro, near the source of the Vulturnus. (Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 2, p. 227.) SAM Monium or SALMoNE, as we find it written in the Acts of the Apostles (27, 7), a promontory of Crete, forming the extreme point of the island towards the coast. (Dionys. Perieg., 109.) Strabo says it saces the Isle of Rhodes and Egypt; but his assertion that it is nearly in the same latitude with the Promontory of Sunium is erroneous (Strab., 474), since, according to the best maps, Cape Salomone, by which name it is now distinguished, is more than two degrees to the east of the Attic headland. Mannert has endeavoured to prove that Cape Sidero or Sunio, as it is sometimes called, is the Sainmonium of the ancients; but his reasons are certainly not conclusive. The very fact, indeed, of the Periplus allowing 120 stadia from the Dionysiades Insulae to the Sammonian Promontory is decisive against him; as that distance agrees persectly with Cape Salomone, whereas Cape Sidero is only fisty stadia at most from those islands. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 3, p. 371.-Mannert, Geogr., vol. 8, p. 706.) SAMos, an island of the AEgean, lying off the lower part of the coast of Ionia, and nearly opposite the Trogilian Promontory. The intervening strait was not more than seven stadia in the narrowest part. (Strab, 637.) The first inhabitants were Carians and Lele ges, whose king Ancaeus, according to the poet Asius, cited by Pausanias, married Samia, daughter of the Ma’ander. The first Ionian colony came into the island from Epidaurus, having been expelled from the latter quarter by the Argives. The leader of this colony was Procles, a descendant of Ion. Under his son Leogoras, the settlement was invaded by the Ephesians, under the pretext that Leogoras had sided with the Carians against Ephesus. The colony being expelled from Samos, retired for a time to Ansea in Caria, whence they again invaded the island, and finally expelled the Ephesians. Samos is early distinguished in the maritime annals of Greece, from the naval ascendancy it acquired in the time of Polycrates. (Wid. Polycrates) After the death of this ruler, the government was held for some time by Maeandrius, his secretary; but he was expelled by the troops of Darius, who placed on the throne Syloson, the brother of Polycrates, on account of some service he had rendered him in Egypt, when as yet he was but a private person. (Herod., 3, 140.) Strabo reports, that the yoke of this new tyrant pressed more heavily on the Samians than that of Polycrates, and that, in consequence, the island became nearly deserted; whence arose the proverb, "Exmri Sv% oačvrog eipwrapin. (Strah. 638. —Compare Heraclid., Pont., p. 21.1.) From Herodotus, however, we learn, that the Sainians took an active part in the Ionian revolt, and furnished sixty ships to the fleet assembled at Lade; but, by the intrigues of AEaces, son of Syloson, who had been deposed by Aristagoras, and consequently favoured the Persian arms, the greater part of their squadron deserted the confederacy in the battle that ensued, and thus contributed greatly to the defeat of the allies. (Herod., 6, 8, seqq.) On learning the result of the battle, many of the Samians determined to quit the island rather than submit to the Persian yoke, or that of a tyrant imposed by them. They accordingly embarked on board their ships, and sailed for Sicily, where they first occupied Calacte, and soon aster, with the assistance of Anaxilas, tyrant of Rhegium, the important town and harbour of Zancle. AEaces was replaced on the throne of Samos, and, out of consideration for his services, the town and its temples were spared. Aster the battle of Salamis, the Samians secretly sent a deputation to the Greek fleet stationed at Delos, to urge them to liberate Ionia, they being at that time governed by a tyrant named 'Theomestor, appointed by the Persian king. (Herod., 9,90.) In consequence of this invitation, Leotychidas, the Spartan commander, advanced with his fleet to the coast of Ionia, and gained the important victory of Mycale. The Samians having regained their independence, joined, together with the other Ionian states, the Grecian confederacy, and with them passed under the protection, or, rather, the dominion of Athens. The latter power, however, having attempted to change the constitution of the island to a democracy, had nearly been expelled by the oligarchical party, aided by Pissuthnes, satrap of Sardis. Being overpowered, however, finally by the overwhelming force brought against them by the Athenians under Pericles, the Samians were compelled to destroy their sortifications, give up their ships, deliver hostages, and pay the expense of the war by instalments. This occurred a few years before the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war. (Thucyd., 1, 115, seqq.) After this we hear little of Samos till the end of the Sicilian expedition, when the maritime war was transferred to the Ionian coast and islands. At this time Samos became the great point d'appui of the Athenian fleet, which was stationed there for the defence of the colonies and subject states; and there is little doubt that the power of Athens was alone preserved at this time by means of that island. We learn from Polybius (5, 35, 1 l), that, after the death of Alexander, Samos became for a time subject to the kings of Egypt., Subsequently it sell into the hands of Antiochus, and, on his defeat, into those of the Romans. It lost the last shadow of republican freedom under the Emperor Vespasian, A.C. 70.—The temple and worship of Juno contributed not a little to the fame and aftiuence of Samos. Pausanias asserts that this edifice was of very great antiquity; this, he says, was apparent from the statue of the goddess, which was of wood, and the work of Smilis, an artist contemporary with Daedalus. (Pausan., 7, 4–Callim., Epigr., ap. Euseb., Praep. Evang., 3,8.—Clem. Alez., Protr., p. 30.) In Strabo's time, this temple was adorned with a profusion of the finest works of art, especially paintings, both in the nave of the building and

the several chapels adjoining. The outside was equal.

ly decorated with beautiful statues by the most celebrated sculptors. Besides this great temple, Herodotus describes two other works of the Samians which were most worthy of admiration: one was a tunnel carried through a mountain for the length of seven stadia, for the purpose of conveying water to the city from a distant fountain. Another was a mole, made to add security to the harbour; its depth was twenty fathoms, and its length more than two stadia, (Herod., 3, 60.)—The circuit of this celebrated island, which retains its ancient name, is 600 stadia, according to Strabo. Agathemerus reckons 630. Pliny, however, 87 miles, which make upward of 700 stadia. (Plin., 5, 31.) It yielded almost every kind of produce, with the exception of wine, in such abundance, that a proverbial expression, used by Menander, was applied to it, opet Kai Öpwithov yáža. (Strab., 637.) —The city of Samos was situate exactly opposite the Trogilian Promontory and Mount Mycale. The port was secure and convenient for ships, and the town, for the most part, stood in a plain, rising gradually from the sea towards a hill situate at some distance from it. The citadel, built by Polycrates, was called Astypalaea. (Steph. Byz., s. v. 'AaTvTážata. Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 1, p. 402, seqq.) Dr. Clarke has the following remarks concerning this island : “As we sailed to the northward of the island of Patmos, we were surprised to see Samos so distinctly in view. It is hardly possible that the relative situation of Samos and Patmos can be accurately laid down in D'Anville's, or any more recent chart; for, keeping up to windward, we found ourselves to be so close under Samos, that we had a clear view both of the island and of the town. This island, the most conspicuous object, not only of the Ionian Sea, but of all the AEgean, is less visited, and, of course, less known than any other; it is one of the largest and most considerable of them all ; and so near to the mainland, that it has been affirmed persons upon the opposite coasts may hear each other speak. Its surprising elevation and relative position with regard to the lower islands of Fuorni and Nicaria make it a landmark all over the Archipelago. According to Constantine Polphyrogenitus, any very lofty place was called Samos. The name of Karabárm was anciently given to that terrible rock which forms the cape and precipice upon its western side, as collecting the clouds and generating thunder.” (Travels, vol. 6, p 67, Lond, ed.) SAMoskta (Tā Sapëaara, but in Ammianus Marcellinus, 14, 8, Samosata, -at), a city of Syria, the capital of the province of Commagene, and the residence of a petty dynasty. (Amm. Marcell., 18, 4.) It was not only a strong city itself, but had also a strong citadel, and in its neighbourhood was one of the ordinary passages of the Euphrates, on the western bank of which river Samosata was situated. Samosata was the birthplace of Lucian. The modern name is Somaisath or Seempsat. , (Abulfeda, Tab. Syr., p. 244.—Mannert, Geogr., vol. 6, pt. 1, p. 491.) SAMothBAce, an island in the AEgean, off the coast of Thrace. According to Pliny (4, 12), it lay opposite to the mouth of the Hebrus, and was twenty-eight miles from the coast of Thrace, and sixty-two from Thasos. The same authority makes it thirty-two miles in circuit. Though insignificant in itself, considerable celebrity attaches to it from the mysteries of Cybele and her Corybantes, which are said by some to have originated there, and to have been disseininated thence over Asia Minor and different parts of Greece.—It was said that Dardanus, the son of Jupiter and Electra, who was the imputed founder of Troy, had long dwelt in Samothrace before he passed over into Asia; and it is affirmed, that he first introduced into his new kingdom the mysteries practised in the

island from which he had migrated |...” 331),

and which, by some writers, was from that circumstance named Dardania. (Callim., ap. Plin., 4, 12.) Samothrace was also famous for the worship of the Cabiri, with which these mysteries were intimately connected. (Vid. Cabiri.)—Various are the names which this island is said to have borne at different periods. It was called Dardania, as we have already seen ; also Electris, Melite, Leucosia (Strabo, 472.Schol. in Apoll. Rhod., 1, 917), and was said to have been named Samothrace (Thracian Samos) by a colony from the Ionian Samos, though Strabo conceives this assertion to have been an invention of the Samians. He deduces the name either from the word Xàuoc, which implies an elevated spot, or from the Saii, a Thracian people, who at an early period were in possession of the island. (Strabo, 457.) Homer, in his frequent allusion to it, sometimes calls it simply Samos (Il., 24, 78.—Il., 24, 753); at other times the Thracian Samos. (Il., 13, 12.)—The Samothracians joined the Persian fleet in the expedition of Xerxes; and one of their vessels distinguished itself in the battle of Salamis. (Herod., 8, 90.) Perseus, after the battle of Pydna, took refuge in Samothrace, and was there seized by the Romans when preparing to escape from Demetrium, a small harbour near one of the promontories of the island. On this occasion, Livy asserts that the chief magistrate of Samothrace was dignified with the title of king (45, 6). Stephanus Byzantinus informs us there was a town of the same name with the island. This island was reduced, in the reign of Vespasian, along with the other isles of the AEgean, to the form of a province. It is now Samothraki. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 335.) SANA, a town of Macedonia, on the Sinus Singiticus, and situated on a neck of land connecting Athos with the continent. On the opposite side was Acanthus, and between the two places was cut the canal of Xerxes. (Wid. Acanthus.) SANchoN1Athon, a Phoenician author, who, if the fragments of his works that have reached us be genuine, and if such a person ever existed, must be regarded as the most ancient writer of whom we have any knowledge after Moses. His father's name was Thabion, and he himself was chief hierophant of the Phoenicians. According to some, he was a native of Berytus, but Athenaeus (3, 37) and Suidas make him a Tyrian. As to the period when he flourished, all is uncertain. Some accounts carry him back to the era of Semiramis, others assign him to the period of the Trojan war. St. Martin, however, endeavours to prove that he was a contemporary of Gideon, the judge of Israel, and flourished during the fourteenth century before the Christian era. (Biographie Univ., vol. 40, p. 305, seqq.) The titles of the three principal works of this writer are as follows: 1. IIepi ric 'Epuois ovotozoyias (“Of the Physical System of Hermes”).— 2. Aiyvirtuak) 0eozoyia (“Egyptian Theology”)—3. bouvukù (“Phaenician History”), cited also under other titles, one of which is bouvikov 6eožoyia (“Theology of the Phaenicians").-All these works were written in Phoenician, and the preceding are their titles in Greek. The history was translated into the Greek language by Herennius Philo, a native of Byb. lus, who lived in the second century of our era. It is from this translation that we obtain all the fragments of Sanchoniathon that have reached our times. Philo had divided his translation into nine books, of which Porphyry made use in his diatribe against the Christians. It is from the fourth book of this last work that Eusebius took, for an end directly opposite to this, the passages that have come down to us. (Prap. Evang., 1, p 31.) And thus we have these documents rela. tive to the mythology and history of the Phoenicians from the fourth hand.—St. Martin and others are inclined to the opinion that the three works mentioned above as having been written by Sanchoniathon, were 1 190

only so many parts of one main production. According to Porphyry, the Phoenician history of Sanchonia thon was divided into eight books, while we learn, on the other hand, from Eusebius, that the version of Philo consisted of nine. Hence it has been supposed that the Greek translator had united two works, and that thus the treatise on the physical system of Hermes, or that on Egyptian theology, became a kind of introduction to the Phoenician History, and increased the number of books in the latter by one. And it has been farther supposed that the two titles of “Egyptian Theology” and “Physical System of Hermes” belonged both to one and the same work. (Compare Bochart, Geogr. Sacr., 2, 17.)—The long interval of time between Sanchoniathon and his translator renders it extremely probable that the latter must often have erred in rendering into Greek the ideas of his Phoenician original; and we may suppose, too, that occasionally Philo may have been tempted to substitute some of his own. And yet, at the same time, the fragments of Sanchoniathon contain so many things evidently of Oriental origin, that it is extremely difficult to believe they were forged by Philo. A difference of opinion, however, ever has existed, and will continue to exist on this head. Grotius and other writers highly extol the fragments in question, on account of the agreement which they discover between them and the books of the Old Testament. Cumberland and Meiners, on the other hand, only see in them an attempt to prop up the religious system of the Phoenicians and Egyptians, and discover in them no other principle but those of the Porch concealed under Phoe. nician names. (Cumberland, Sanchoniathon's Phoenician Hist., Lond., 1720, 8vo.— Meiners' Hist. Doctrinae de Vero Deo, vol. 1, p. 63. – Schöll, Hist. Lit. Grec, vol. 4, p. 115.)—In 1836 a work appeared in Germany with the following title: “Sanchoniuhons Urgeschick. te der Phönizier in einem Auszuge aus der wieder ausgefundenen Handschrift von Philos pollständiger Uebersetzung. Nebst Bemerkungen con Fr. Wagenfeld. Mit einem Vorworte rom Dr. G. F. Grotefend, Hanover, 1836” (Sanchoniathon's early History of the Phoenicians, condensed from the lately-found manuscript of Philo's complete translation of that work. With annotations by Fr. Wagenfeld, and a preface by Dr. G. F. Grotesend). This was followed, in 1837, by another work, purporting to be the Greek version of Philo itself, with a Latin translation by Wagenfeld : “Sanchoniathonis Historiarum Phaenicia libros novem, Grace versos a Philone Byblio, edulit, Latinaque versione donavit F. Wagenfeld, Bremar, 1837.” – The whole is a mere forgery, very clumsily executed; and the imposture has been very ably exposed in the 37th and 39th numbers of the Foreign Quarterly ReWrew. SANcus, a deity of the Sabines, according to some, identical with Hercules. The name is said to have signified “heaven” in the Sabine tongue. (Lyd., de Mens., p. 107 ed. Schow., p. 250 ed. Rather.) Sancus at first view would seem to have some connexion in form with the Sandacus of Cilicia and the Sandon of Lydia. Another name for this deity was Semo, which recalls the Sem or Som of Egypt. (Creuzer's Symbolik, par Guigniaut, vol. 3, p. 493.) SANDAllóris, a name given to Sardinia from its resemblance to a sandal. (Wid. Ichnusa.) SAN procottus, an Indian of mean origin, who, having on one occasion been guilty of insolent conduct towards Alexander, was ordered by that monarch to be seized and put to death. He escaped, however, by a rapid flight, and at length dropped down completely exhausted. As he slept on the ground, a lion of immense size came up to him, licked the perspiration from his face, and, having awakened him, fawned upon and then left him. The singular tameness of the animal appeared preternatural to Sandrocottus, and was con

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