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the king of Bavaria at Munich. It is on the twelve labours of Hercules.—The best editions of Quintus Calaber are, that of Rhodomannus, Hanov., 1604, 8vo; that of De Pauw, Lugd. Bat., 1784, 8vo; and that of Tychsen, Argent., 1807, 8vo. The last, however, has never been completed. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 6, p. 91, seqq.) QuiriNAlis, a hill at Rome, added to the city by Servius Tullius. (Liv., l. 44.) Numa, indeed, had a house upon this mountain, but it was not considered a part of the city until enclosed within the Tullian wall. The temple of Romulus Quirinus, from which it derived its name, was built by Numa, but afterward reconstructed with greater magnificence by Papirius Cursor, the dictator. (Liv., 10, 46.) Some vestiges of this edifice are said to exist in the gardens of the Jesuits, close to the church of S. Andrea, a Monte Cavallo. The expression Monte Cavallo is a corrup

tion from Mons Cahallus, a name applied to the Quiri

nal at a later day from two marble horses placed there. The Quirinal is the only one of the Seven Hills at the present day that is populous. It is covered with noble palaces, churches, streets, and sountains. (Rome in the Nineteenth Century, vol. 1, p. 206, Am. ed.)

QuiriNUs, I. a surname of Mars among the Romans. This name was also given to Romulus after his translation to the skies. (Ovid, Fast., 2,475.)—II. A surname of the god Janus. (Vid. remarks under the article Janus.)

Quirites, (Vid. remarks under the article Roma, page 1172, col. 2.)

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Rabirius, I.C a Roman knight contemporary with Julius Caesar. The latter had, on one or two occasions, expressed with some ostentation his attachment to the party of Marius, and he now attempted to vindicate the memory of L. Saturninus, who, having been for a long time the associate of Marius, was afterward opposed by him as the reluctant instrument of the senate, and, having been taken by him in actual rebellion, had been murdered by the armed citizens, who broke into his place of confinement. Caesar, it is said (Sueton., Wit. Jul., 12), instigated Labienus, at this time one of the tribunes, and afterward distinguished as one of Caesar's lieutenants in Gaul, to accuse Rabirius, then advanced in years, as the perpetrator of this murder. The cause was first tried before L. Caesar and C. Caesar (Dio Cass, 37, 42), who were appointed by lot to act as special commissioners in this case, by virtue of the praetor's order ; and the accused was arraigned according to the old law of murder, by which, if he had been found guilty, he would have been condemned to be hanged. But this mode of proceeding was stopped by Rabirius appealing to the people, or by the interference of Cicero as consul, as his speech seems to imply (pro Rab., c. 4, seq.), and his procuring the removal of the cause before another tribunal. The people, however, it is said, were likely to condemn the accused, when Q Metelelius Celer, one of the praetors, obliged the meeting to break up, by tearing down the ensign which was always flying on the Janiculum while the people were assembled, and without which, according to ancient custom, they could not lawfully continue their deliberations. In this manner Rabirius escaped : for Labienus or his instigators did not think proper to bring forward the business again; whether despairing of again finding the people equally disposed to condemn the accused, or whether the progress of the conspiracy of Catiline began now to turn men's attention more entirely to a different subject. (Dio Cass., 37, 42–Cic., Or, pro Rab.)—II. C. Postumus, a Roman knight, son of C. Curius, and adopted son of the preceding. He became implicated in the affair of Gabonius and Ptolemy Auletes. Gabinius had been 7 H

accused and condemned for receiving a very large sum of money (10,000 talents) for restoring the Egyptian king. His estate, however, did not yield, when sold, sufficient to reimburse this sum, and Rabirius therefore, who was concerned in the affair, was sued for the balance (causa de residuis). Rabirius, it seems, had advised Gabinius to undertake the restoration of the king, and accompanied him into Egypt. Here he was employed to solicit the payment of the money, and lived at Alexandrea for that purpose, in the king's service, as the public receiver of his taxes. Cicero's defence of Gabinius and Rabirius, especially the former, excited great surprise, as Gabinius had ever been his most vehement enemy. It was occasioned, however, by Pompey's influence. Rabirius was acquitted. (Cic., pro Rab. Post., c. 8, 12.—Wal. Max., 4, 2–III. A Roman epic poet, who flourished during the Augustan age. Welleius Paterculus names him immediately after Homer (2, 26), but Quintilian speaks of him in a much more moderate tone. (Inst. Or, 10, 1.) The grammarians have preserved for us some verses of one of his poems. Its subject was the battle of Actium. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Rom., vol. 1, p. 221.) RAMNEs or RAMNENses, one of the three centuries instituted by Romulus. (Wid, Roma.) RAMPsi Nirus, an Egyptian monarch, of whom Herodotus relates the following legend. “After this, they said, Rampsinitus descended alive into those places which the Grecians call Hades; where, playing at dice with Ceres, he sometimes won, and at other times lost; that, at his return, he brought with him as a present a napkin of gold” (2, 122). Szathmari applies it to the years of plenty and scarceness which happened under Pharaoh. Creuzer, however, refers it to the great principles, pervading all nature, of decay and restoration. (Symbolik, vol. 4, p. 231.) RAudi CAMPI, plains about ten miles to the northwest of Mediolanum, in Cisalpine Gaul, which were rendered memorable by the bloody defeat of the Cimbri by Marius. (Flor., 3, 3.—Well. Paterc., 2, 12– Oros., 5, 16.) The spot, however, on which the battle took place, seems very uncertain, as no author except Plutarch mentions the situations of these plains. He describes them as lying in the vicinity of Vercellae (Wit. Mar.); but even this designation is very general. The Cimbri are represented as having entered Italy by the Tridentine Alps or the Tyrol; and we farther learn, that, after beating back the consul Catulus on the Athesis or Adige, they forced the passage of that river, by which time Marius having come up with considerable re-enforcements, a battle took place in the plains of which we are speaking. (Walckenaer, sur la situation des Raudii Campi.-Mem. de l'Acad. des Inscr., &c., vol. 6, p. 360.) The small place called Rho is thought by D'Anville to preserve some traces of the ancient appellation. (Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p. 52.) * RAvenNA, an important city of Cisalpine Gaul, situate on the coast, a short distance below the Spinetic mouth of the Padus or Po. It laid claim to an origin of remote antiquity; for Strabo (214) reports it to have been sounded by some Thessalians; but they subsequently abandoned it to the Umbri, being unable to resist the aggressions of the Tyrrheni, or Tuscans. When Pliny says it was a colony of the Sabines, he perhaps alludes to an old tradition, which considered that people as descended from the Umbri. (Plin., 3, 18,) Strabo informs us, that Ravenna was situated in the midst of marshes, and built entirely on wooden piles. A communication was established between the different parts of the town by means of bridges and boats. (Compare Sil, Ital., 8, 602. — Martial, 13, 18, &c.) But, as Strabo observes, the noxious air arising from the stagnant waters was so purified by the tide, that Ravenna was considered by the Romans a very healthy place; in proof of who, sent glad

lators there to be trained and exercised. The vine grew in the marshes with the greatest luxuriance, but perished in the course of four or five years. (Strabo, 218 –Plin., 14, 2.) Water was scarce at this place, and hence Martial observes that he would rather have a cistern of water at Ravenna than a vineyard, since he could sell the water for a much higher price than the wine. (Ep., 3, 56.) The same writer sportively alludes to his having been imposed upon by a tavernkeeper at Ravenna : on his calling for a glass of water, he received one of wine !—We are not informed at what period Ravenna received a Roman colony (Strab., 217); but it is not improbable, from a passage in Cicero (Oral. pro Balb., 22), that this event took place under the consulship of Cn. Pompeius Strabo. Ravenna became the great naval station of the Romans on the Adriatic, in the latter times of the republic, a measure which seems to have originated with Pompey the Great. It was from Ravenna that Caesar held a parley with the senate, when on the point of invading Italy. (Bell. Civ., 1, 5.) It was from this city, also, that he set forward on that march which brought him to the Rubicon, and involved his country and the world in civil war. (Appian, Bell.

Cir., 2, 11.)—It is well observed by Gibbon (Misc.

Works, vol. 2. p. 179), that “Caesar had, for good reasons, fixed his quarters at Ravenna. He wished to obtain possession of Picenum, a rich and populous country, and thus deprive Pompey of the resources he might have found in a province extremely devoted to his family, and from which that general might have made legions spring up by merely striking the ground with his foot. He wished to turn the capital with his army. Had he attempted to march straight to Rome, Pompey would have made himself master of the difficult passes, and stopped his progress, and Italy would have become the theatre of war. But, by marching towards Ariminum, Ancona, and Corfinium, he made it seem to be his design to cut off the retreat of his enemies, and his boldness threw them into such consternation, that they hastened to embark at Brundisium. Lastly, he wished to make sure of Ariminum. This important place was distant from the Rubicon eighteen miles by the AEmilian road, and only eleven by that of Ravenna. Caesar could send forward bodies of troops under twenty different pretences; but the moment he passed it, his designs were unmasked. Ariminum was therefore to be surprised by a forced march.”—The old port of Ravenna was situated at the mouth of the river Bedesis (il Ronco). But Augustus caused a new one to be constructed at the entrance of the little river Candianus into the sea, and about three miles from Ravenna. He established a communication between this harbour and a branch of the Po, by means of a canal which was called Fossa Augusti; and he also made a causeway to connect the port and city, which obtained the name of Via Caesaris. As the new harbour, from thenceforth, became the usual station for the fleet, it received the distinguishing appellation of Portus Classis, a name which still subsists in that of a well-known monastery near the modern town of Ravenna. Ravenna continued to flourish as a naval station long after the reign of Augustus. (Suet., Aug., 49.—Tacit., Ann., 4, 5–1d., Hist, 2, 100—Ptol., p. 63.−Zosim., 5, 28.)—Honorius made this city the place of his residence both before and after Alaric had captured and burned Rome. When Odoacer made the conquest of Italy, he resided at Ravenna, and sustained here a siege of three years, at the termination of which he was taken and slain by Theodoric. This latter monarch fixed the seat of his empire here, and greatly adorned and embellished the place. Here also resided the exarch or governor appointed by the Emperor of the East when Italy was in possession of the Lombards. In the time of the Romans it was seated on a kind of bay. The mud

thrown up by the tide has formed a tract of land, which is cultivated, and on which the city itself has been enlarged towards the sea. The air is insalubrious, but has been somewhat amended by conveying along the sides of the city the rivers Mentone and Ronco, which carry off the sootid water from the marshy grounds. (Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p. 94, seq.) Raurici, a people of Belgic Gaul, on the Upper Rhine, northeast of the Sequani. Their capital was ‘Augusta Rauracorum, now Augst. (Caes., B. G., 4, 17.) REATE, an old Sabine town on the river Velinus, a branch of the Nar. Its modern name is Rieti. Fu the antiquity of its origin this place was equalled by few of the cities of Italy, since, at the most remote period to which the records of that country extend, it is reported to have been the first seat of the Umbri, who are regarded by some as the Aborigines of Italy. (Zenod., Troez., ap. Dion. Hal., 2, 49.—Id., 1, 14.) It was here, likewise, that the Arcadian Pelasgi probably fixed their abode, and, by intermixing with the earlier natives, gave rise to those numerous tribes, known to the Greeks by the name of Opici, and subsequently to the Romans under the various appellations of Latins, Oscans, and Campanians; these subsequently drove the Siculi from the plains, and occupied in their stead the shores of the Tyrrhennian sea. If we may credit Silius Italicus, Reate derived its name from Rhea, the Latin Cybele (8,417). From Cicero (in Cat., 3) we learn that it was only a prafectura in his time; from Suetonius, on the other hand, we collect that it was a municipal town. (Vesp., 1.) Reate was particularly celebrated for its excellent breed of mules (Strab., 22S), and still more so for that of its asses, which sometimes brought the enormous price of 60,000 sestertii, about f484 sterling. ( Varro, R. R., 2, 1.--Plin., 8, 43.) —The valley of the Velinus, in which this city was situated, was so delightful as to merit the appellation of Tempe (Cic., Ep. ad Atti., 4, 15); and from their dewy freshness, its meadows obtained the name of Rosei Campi. (Varro, R. R., 1, 7. Plin, 17, 4.) According to Holstenius (ad Steph. Byz., p. 110), they still bear the name of le Rose. (Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p. 414, seqq.) RepôNes, a Gallic nation in the interior of Lugdunensis Tertia, north of the Namnetes, and the mouth of the Liger or Loire. Their capital was Condate, asterward Redones, now Rennes. (Caes., B. G., 7, 75. —Plin., 4, 18.) REGIll AF or REGILLUM, a Sabine town near Eretum, which latter place was north of Nomentum and northwest of Tibur. Regillum is only known as the birthplace of Atta Clausus, who, under the name of Appius Claudius, became the founder of the Claudian family at Rome. (Liv., 2, 16.--Dion. Hal., 5.40.) REgillus, a small lake of Latium, northwest of Praeneste, and southeast of Gabii. It was the scene of a great battle between the Romans and Latins, after the expulsion of Tarquin, in which the latter were totally defeated. (Dion. Hal., 6, 18.)—The lake Regillus is thought to be il Laghetto della Colonna, near the small town of that name. (Cic., N. D., 2.—Plin., 33, 6.—Val. Maz., 1, 8.-Florus, 4, 2.) REGIUM LEpidum or Forum Lepidi, a city of Cisalpine Gaul, between Parma and Mutina. In Cicero we find it sometimes under the name of Regium Lepidi (Ep. ad Fam., 12, 5), or simply Regium (ll, 9). This place probably owed its origin to M. Aemilius Lepidus, who constructed the AEmilian road, on which it stood ; but when or from what cause it took the name of Regium is unknown. It is farther noticed in history as having witnessed the death of the elder Brutus by order of Pompey, to whom he had surrendered himself. (Liv., Epit., 90.—Wal. Mar, 6, 8.-Oros., 5, 22.) Regülus, M. Attilius, a consul during the first Pumic war. He reduced Brundisium, and, in his second consulship, took 64, and sunk 30, galleys of the Carthaginian fleet off Ecnomus, on the coast of Sicily. After this victory, Regulus and his colleage Manlius sailed to Africa, and seized on Clupea, a place situate to the east of Carthage, not far from the Hermean promontory, which they made their place of arms. Manlius was recalled, but Regulus was left to prosecute the war; and so rapid was his success, that he made himself master of about 200 places on the coast, in the number of which was Tunetum or Tunis. The Carthaginians sued for peace, but Regulus would grant them none, except on conditions that could not be endured. His rapid success had rendered him haughty and intractable, and now it made him rash and imprudent. A Lacedaemonian leader, named Xanthippus, arrived at Carthage with a re-enforcement of Greek troops, and soon changed the aspect of affairs. Observing to the Carthaginians that their overthrows were entirely owing to their having fought on ground, where their cavalry, in which alone they were superior to the Romans, had not room to act, he promised to repair this mistake, and accordingly posted his forces in a plain, where the elephants and Carthaginian horse might be of service. Regulus followed him, imagining himself invincible ; but he was defeated and taken prisoner, along with 500 of his countrymen. After being kept some years in prison, he was sent to Rome to propose an exchange of prisoners, having been first compelled to bind himself by an oath that he would return in case he proved unsuccessful. When he came to Rome, he strongly dissuaded his countrymen against an exchange of prisoners, arguing that such an example would be of fatal consequence to the republic: that citizens who had so basely surrendered their arms to the enemy were unworthy of the least compassion and incapable of serving their “ountry: that, with regard to himself, he was so far advanced in years, that his death ought to be considered as a matter of no importance ; whereas they had in their hands several Carthaginian generals, in the flower of their age. and capable of doing their country great services for many years. It was with difficulty the senate complied with so generous and unexampled a counsel. The illustrious exile therefore left Rome, in order to return to Carthage, unmoved by the sorrow of his friends, or the tears of his wife and children; and was treated on his return, according to the ordinary account, with the utmost degree of cruelty, the Carthaginians having heard that their offer had been rejected entirely through the opposition of Regulus. . They imprisoned him for a long while in a gloomy dungeon, whence, after cutting off his eyelids, they brought him suddenly into the sun, when its beams darted their strongest heat. They next put him into a kind of chest full of nails, the points of which did not allow him a moment's ease day or night. Lastly, after having been long tormented by being kept continually awake in this dreadful torture, his merciless enemies nailed him to a cross, their usual punishment, and left him to die on it. In retaliation for this cruelty, the senate at Rome are said to have delivered two captives into the hands of the widow of Regulus, to do with them what she pleased; but that her cruelty towards them was so great, that the senate themselves were compelled at length to interfere.—Such is a general outline of the story of Regulus. The question respecting its truth or falsehood has given rise to considerable discussion. Palmerius first started an objection to the common narrative (Erereit, in Auct. Graec., p. 151, seqq.), and, as well from the silence of Polybius on this point as from a fragment of Diodorus Siculus (lib. 24, p. 273, scqq, ed. Wales ; vol. 2, p. 566, ed. Wesseling; vol. 9, p. 524, ed. Bip ), ingeniously conjectured that Regulus - was never sent from Carthage to Rome; that he was not the victim of tortures, but died of a disease during

his captivity; and that the whole story respecting his punishment was invented by the Roman writers, or else by the wife of Regulus, in order to palliate the cruelty of which the latter had been guilty towards the Carthaginian captives delivered into her hands. This same opinion has been embraced by many subsequent writers. (Compare Gesner, in Chrestom., Cir., p. 547. – Wesseling, ad Diod, l. c. —Jani, ad Horat., Od., 3, 5, 49–Lefeb., ad Sil. Ital, 6,539.--Toland, Collection of several pieces, Lond, 1726, vol. 2, p. 28. Foreign Review, vol. 1, p. 305. Bötticher, Geschichte der Carthager, p. 205, &c.—Beaufort, sur l'incertitude de l’Histoire Romaine, 1738, 8vo, sub fin. Rooss, De Suppliciis quibus Regulus Carthagine traditus interfectus.-Magazin für offentl. Schulen, Bremen, 1791, vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 50, seqq.) The arguments in favour of this opinion are strong, and we might almost say decisive. In the first place, the Roman writers are all at variance among themselves respecting the nature of the punishment supposed to have been inflicted on Regulus. Cicero (De Fin., 2, 20. Ibid., 5, 27. Pis., c. 19. — De Off, 3, 27), Seneca (De Prov., c. 3), Valerius Maximus (9, 2, ext. 1), Tuditanus and Tubero (ap. Aul. Gell, 6, 4), Silius Italicus (6, 539, seqq.), Aurelius Victor (c. 40), and Zonaras (Ann., vol. 2), make Regulus to have had his eyelids cut off, and to have died of want of sleep and of hunger. Seneca (loc. cit., Epist., et 98), Silius Italicus (2, 343, seqq.), and Florus (2, 2), speak also of the cross as an instrument of his sufferings. And, finally, Seneca (De Prov., c. 3–De tranq. an., c. 15. Epist. 67), Cicero (Pis., 19), Valerius Maximus (9, 2, eact. 1), Aurelius Victor and Zonaras (ll, cc.), Silius Italicus (6,539, seqq.), Orosius (4, 8), Augustin (De Cir. Dei, 1, 15), Appian (De Reb. Pun., c. 4.—Erc., 2, ex. lib. 5.-De Reb. Sic., vol. 1, p. 93, ed. Schweigh.), tell of a narrow box or barrel, full of nails, in which he was confined ; and, being compelled to stand continually, perished at last with exhaustion. 'I his discrepance, therefore,

gives the whole story much the appearance of a popu

lar fable, owing its origin to, and heightened in many of its features by, national feeling.—Another argument against the authenticity of the narrative in question is derived from the total silence of Polybius, who treats fully, in his history, of the events of the first Punic war, respecting not merely the punishment of Regulus, but even his coming to Rome and his return to Carthage.—A third and still stronger argument is deduced from the language of Diodorus Siculus, who makes the widow of Regulus to have been urged to punish the captives in her hands from the persuasion that her husband had died the victim of carelessness and neglect on the part of the Carthaginians (voutoana 6t' duševav airów Łęże?ottéval to §v, frag., lib. 24; vol. 9, p. 344, ed. Bip.) The natural inference from such language is, that the husband had not been treated with sufficient care while labouring under some malady, and that this neglect caused his death; it is impossible to derive from the words of the text any meaning favourable to the idea of positive and actual punishment.—The captives in the hands of the widow of Regulus were two in number, Bostar and Hamilcar, and they had been delivered up to her, it is said, to pacify her complaints, and as hostages for the safety of Regulus. For five days they were kept without food : Bostar died of hunger and grief, and Hamilcar was then shut up with the dead body for five days ionger, a scanty allowance of food being at the same time given him. The stench from the corpse and other circumstances caused the affair to become known, and the sons of Regulus narrowly escaped being condemned to death by the people. Hamilcar was taken away from his cruel keeper, and carefully attended until his restoration to health. (Diod. Sic., frag., lib. 24, vol. 9, p. 346, ed. Bip.) Would the * and people have acted thus, had the story of Regulus and his cruel sufferings been true ! If any, notwithstanding what has been here adduced, are inclined to savour the other side of the question, they will find some plausible arguments in its support in Ruperti's edition of Silius Italicus (Ad Arg., lib. 6). REM", a people of Gallia Belgica, southwest of the Treveri, and southeast of the Veromandui. Their capital was Durocortorum, now Rheims. (Caes, B. G., 2, 3, 5.--Tac., Hist., 4, 67.-Plin., 4, 17.) REMus, the brother of Romulus, exposed together with him by the cruelty of his grandfather. (Wid. Romulus.) ResAexa, a city on the river Chaboras, in northern Mesopotamia. (Steph. Byz., s. v. 'Péauva.) Its site was afterward occupied by Theodosiopolis (Chron., Edessen., p. 339), which must not be confounded with another city of the same name in northern Armenia. The modern name of Resaena is Ras-el-aim. (Niebuhr, vol. 2, p. 394.) Rha ('Pā), a large river, now the Wolga. No writer, prior to Ptolemy, mentions either its name or course. The appellation occurs, it is true, in our editions of Mela (3, 5), but it is a mere interpolation. The true reading in Mela is, “E Cerauniis montibus uno alveo descendit, duobus exit in Caspium [Rha] Arares Tauri latere demissus.” The word Rha, which we have enclosed in brackets, does not belong to the text.—Ptolemy's acquaintance with this river was so accurate, that he knew not only its mouth, but its western bending towards the Tanais, its double sources (the Wolga and the Kama), the point of their union, and the course of some streams flowing from the mountains on the east into the Wolga. All this knowledge of the Rha was obtained from the caravan traders, except, perhaps, a small portion made known to the world by the Roman conquests in this quarter. Subsequent writers never lost sight of this river. Agathemerus (2, 30) reckons it among the larger sized rivers, and calls it, probably by a corrupt name, Rhos ("Pâc). Ammianus Marcellinus (22, 8) speaks of a É. growing on its banks of great use in medicine. very one will see that he alludes to the rhubarb (Rha barbarum) of pharmacy. The plant, it is true, did not, in fact, grow here, but was brought to this quarter by the caravan trade. As the Romans, however, received their supplies of it from this part of the world, they associated with it the name of the river, and thus the appellation arose. The name Rha appears to be an appellative term, having affinity with Rhea or Reka, which, in the Sarmatian or Sclavonian language, signifies a river; and from the Russian denomination of Velika Reka, or Great River, appears to be formed the name of Wolga. In the Byzantine and other writers of the middle ages, this stream is called Atel or Etel, a term, in many northern languages, signifying great or illustrious. (Compare the German adel.) The approximation of the Tanais to this river, before it changes its course to the Palus Maeotis, is the occasion of the erroneous opinion of some authors, that it is only an emanation of the Rha taking a different route. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 4, p. 34.1.) Rhacótis, the name of a maritime place in Egypt, on the site of which Alexandrea was subsequently erected. (Strabo, 792. Mannert, Geogr., vol. 10, pt. 1, , 619.) p Rhapax: ANthus, a son of Jupiter and Europa, and brother to Minos and Sarpedon. These three brethren fell into discord, says the legend, on account of a youth named Miletus, the son of Apollo, or of Jupiter. The youth testifying most esteem for Sarpedon, Minos

passed into the Cyclades, where he ruled with justice and equity. Having committed an accidental homicide, he retired subsequently to Boeotia, where he married Alcmena, the mother of Hercules. According to Homer (Od., 4, 164), Rhadamanthus was placed on the Elysian plain, among the heroes to whom Jupiter allotted that blissful abode. Pindar (Ol., 2, 127) seems to make him a sovereign or judge in the island of the blessed. Latin poets place him with Minos and Æacus in the lower world, where their office is to judge the dead. (Keightley's Mythology, p. 455, seq.) RHAEti, the inhabitants of Rhaetia. (Vid. Rhaetia.) RhAotia, a country of Europe, which occupied a part of the Alps, and was situate to the north of Italy and east of Helvetia. It is not easy to ascertain its limits to the north, but we may say that it was bounded in that quarter by Windelicia, and, in general, that it corresponded to the country of the Grisons, and to the cantons of Uri, Glaris, &c., as far as the Lake of Constance : it extended also over the Tyrol. This country was called western Illyricum, and was "subjected to the Romans by Drusus, in the reign of Augustus. Soon afterward Windelicia was reduced by Tiberius, so that the Roman possessions extended to the Danube. This double conquest formed a province called Rhaetia, comprehending Windelicia, without obliterating altogether the distinction. But in the multiplication that Dioclesian, and some other emperors after him, made of the provinces, Rhaetia was divided into two, under the names of Prima and Secunda; a circumstance which caused Rhaetia Proper and Windelicia to reassume their primitive distinctions. (Virg., G., 2, 96.—Plin., 3, 20; 14, 2, &c.— Hor., Od., 4, 4, 14.) RhAMNus, a town of Attica, situate on the coast, sixty stadia northeast of Marathon. (Pausan., 1, 32. —Strabo, 399.) It was so named from the plant rhamnus (thornbush), which grew there in abundance. This demus belonged to the tribe AEantis, and was much celebrated in antiquity for the worship of Nemesis, hence styled Rhamnusia virgo. (For an account of ner temple and statue, rid. Nemesis.) Scylax speaks of Rhamnus as being fortified. (Peripl, p. 21.) It was the birthplace of the orator Antiphon. A modern traveller, who has accurately explored the site of this ancient town, informs us that it now bears the name of Vrato Castro. The ruins of the temple of Nemesis lie at the head of a narrow glen which leads to the principal gate of the town. The building must have been inferior in size to those Doric temples which still remain in Attica. Its fall seems to have been occasioned by some violent shock of an earthquake, the columns being more disjointed and broken than in any other ruin of the kind. (Raike's Journal, in Walpole's Memoirs, vol. 1, p. 307.-Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 2, p. 389, seqq.) • Rhampsi Nitus. Wid. Rampsinitus. RhAMses or RAMises, a powerful king of Egypt, the same with RAMsks VI., the famed Sesostris. (Wud. Sesostris.) Rharius CAMpus, a part of the Thriasian plain, in Attica, near Eleusis. It was in this plain that Ceres was said to have first sown corn. (Pausan, l, 38 ) Dodwell observes, that the soil, though arid, still produces abundant harvests (vol. 1, p. 588). Rhea, I. a daughter of Coelus and Terra, who married Saturn, by whom she had Vesta, Ceres, Juro, Pluto, Neptune, &c. Her husband, however, devoured them all as soon as born, as he had succeeded to the throne with the solemn promise that he would raise no male children, or, according to others, be

drove them out of Crete, their native island. Mile- cause he had been informed by an oracle that one of

tus, going to Caria, built a town there, which he named

his sons would dethrone him. To stop the cruelty of

from himself. Sarpedon went to Lycia, where he aid- her husband, Rhea consulted her parents, and was

ed Cilix against the people of that country, and ob

advised to impose upon him. Accordingly, when she and Saturn devoured a stone which his wife had given him as her own child. The fears of Saturn were soon proved to be well founded. A year after, the child, whose name was Jupiter, became so strong and powerful, that he drove his father from his throne. (Vid. Saturnus.)—II. or Rhea Silvia, the mother of Romulus and Remus. (Vid. Ilia.) Rhegium, one of the most celebrated and flourishing cities of Magna Græcia, at the extremity of Italy, in the territory of the Bruttii, and in a southeastern direction from Messana on the opposite coast of Sicily. This city is known to have been founded nearly 700 years B.C., by a party of Zanclaians from Sicily, together with some Chalcidians from Euboea, and Mes

tained the sovereignty of a part of it. Rhadamanthus brought forth, the child was immediately concealed,

senians from the Peloponnesus. (Antioch. Syrac,

Strab., 257.-Herac., Pont, fragm, 25–Pausan, 4, 23.) It may, however, lay claim to a still more remote origin, if it be true, as Cato affirmed, that it was once in the possession of the Aurunci. (Ap. Val. Prob. ecl. et. Fragm. Hist.) According to AEschylus, as quoted by Strabo, the name of Rhegium was supposed to refer to the great catastrophe which had once separated Italy from Sicily (49' on 6) "Phytov Kukåma. kerat.-Compare Virg., AEn., 3, 414). That geographer suggests as his own opinion, that this term was derived from the Latin word Regium ; and thus considers it as only expressive of the importance and dignity of the town to which it was attached. (Strab., 257.) It appears, however, from the more ancient coins of Rhegium, that the original name of the place was RECION. In these the epigraph is REC. RECI. RECINOS, in characters partaking more of the Oscan than of the Greek form. Those of a more recent date are decidedly Greek, PHT. PHTINQN, being inscribed on them. (Sestini, Mon. Vet., p. 18.)—We may collect from different passages, that the constitution of Rhegium was at first an oligarchy under the superior direction of a chief, who was always chosen from a Messenian family. (Heyne, Opusc. Acad., vol. 2, p. 270–Sainte-Croix, sur la Legisl. de la Grande Grece, Mem, des Acad. des Inscr., vol. 42, p. 312.) Charondas, the celebrated lawgiver of Catana in Sicily, is said also to have given laws to the Rhegians. (Heracl. Pont., l. c.—AElian, W. H., 3, 17.-Aristot., Polit., 2, 10.) This form of government lasted nearly 200 years, until Anaxilaus, the second of that name, usurped the sole authority, and became tyrant of Rhegium about 496 B.C. (Strabo. l. c.—Aristot., Polit., 5, 12.) Under this prince, who, though aspiring and ambitious, appears to have been possessed of considerable talents and many good qualities (Justin, 4, 2), the prosperity of Rhegium, far from declining, reached its highest elevation. Anaxilaus having succeeded in making himself master of Messana, in conjunction with a party of Samians, who had quitted their country, which was then threatened with the Persian yoke (Herod., 6, 23.-Thucyd., 6, 5), confided the sovereignty of that important town to his son Cleophron. (Schol. ad Pind., Pyth., 2, 34.) His views were next directed against the Locrians; and it is probable that here also he would have been successful, having already obtained a decided advantage over them in the field, and having proceeded, farther, to lay siege to their town (Justin, 21, 3), when he was compelled to withdraw his forces by the influence of Hiero, king of Syracuse, whose enmity he was unwilling to incur. (Schol. ad Pind., l. c.) Anaxilaus reigned eighteen years, and, on his death, intrusted the sovereignty to Micithus, his minister and chief counsellor, until his sons should arrive at a proper age to undertake the management of affairs. He held the power until the young princes had attained this age, and then resigning it to them, retired to Tegea. About six years after his resignation, the Rhegians succeeded in recovering their liberty, and freeing themselves from the tyrannical government of the sons of Anaxilaus. The city,

however, remained long a prey to adverse factions, and it was not till it had undergone various changes and revolutions in its internal administration that it obtained at last a moderate and stable form of government. (Thucyd., 4, 1.-Justin, 4, 3) The connexion which subsisted between Rhegium and the Chalcidian colonies in Sicily, induced Rhegium to take part with the Athenians in their first hostilities against the Syracusans and Locrians; the latter, indeed, proved their constant enemies, and sought to injure them by every means in their power. (Thucyd, 4, 24.) In the great Sicilian expedition the Rhegians observed a strict neutrality; for, though the Athenian fleet was long moored in their roads, and its commanders employed all their arts of persuasion to prevail upon them to join their cause, they remained firm in their determination. (Thucyd., 6, 44.) The same policy seems to have directed their counsels at the time that Dionysius the elder was meditating the subjection of Sicily and Magna Græcia. They constantly opposed the designs of that tyrant; and, had the other states of Magna Graecia displayed the same energy, the ambitious views of this artful prince would have been completely frustrated; but, after the defeat experienced by their forces on the Elleporus, they of. fered no farther resistance; and Rhegium being thus left unsupported, was compelled, after a gallant defence of nearly a year, to yield to the Sicilian forces. The few inhabitants who escaped from famine and the sword were removed to Sicily, and the place was given up to pillage and destruction. Some years after, it was, however, partly restored by the younger Dionysius, who gave it the name of Phoebia. (Strabo, 258.) During the war with Pyrrhus, this city was seized by a body of Campanians, who had been stationed there as a garrison by the Romans, and was, in consequence, exposed to all the licentiousness and rapacity of those mercenary troops. The Roman senate at length freed the unfortunate citizens from their persecutors, and consigned the latter to the fate which they so justly merited. (Strabo, l. c.—Polyb., 1, 7. —Liv., Epit., 12 et 15.)—The city of Rhegium sustained great injury at a later period from the repeated shocks of an earthquake, which occurred not long before the Social war, or 90 B.C. It was, in consequence, nearly deserted when Augustus, after having conquered Sextus Pompeius, established there a considerable body of veteran soldiers for his fleet; and Strabo affirms, that in his day this colony was in a flourishing state. (Strab., 259.) Hence also the appellation of Julium, which later authors have applied to designate this town. (Ptol., p. 62.) . Few cities of Magna Graecia could boast of having given birth to so many distinguished characters as Rhegium, whether statesmen, philosophers, men of literature, or artists of celebrity. Among the first were many followers of Pythagoras, who are enumerated by Iamblichus in his life of that philosopher. Theagenes, Hippys, Lycus, surnamed Butera, and Glaucus, were historians of note ; Ibycus, Cleomenes, and Lycus, the adoptive father of Lycophron, were poets, whose works were well known in Greece. Clearchus and Pythagoras are spoken of as statuaries of great reputation ; the latter, indeed, is said to have even excelled the famous Myron. (Plin., 35, 8.—Pausan, 6, 4.) The modern name of the place is Reggio. (Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 2, p. 427.) RhENEA, a small island near Delos ; so near, in fact, that Polycrates of Samos is said to have dedicated it to Apollo, connecting it to the latter island by means of a chain. (Thucyd., 3, 104) Strabo says the distance which separates them is four stadia. (Strabo, 480.—Herod., 3, 96.—Plin., 4, 12.) Its other names were Celadussa and Artemis. According to modern maps, Rhenea, which is larger than Delos, is also called Sduli. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, w, # 401.)

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