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peared of a very unusual size and shape. He had just returned from taking the benefit of the sun, and, after bathing himself in cold water, and taking a slight repast, had retired to his study. He immediately arose and went out upon an eminence, from whence he might more distinctly view this very uncommon appearance. It was not, at that distance, discernible from what mountain this cloud issued, but it was found afterward to ascend from Vesuvius. I cannot give you a more exact description of its figure than by resembling it to :hat of a pine-tree, for it shot up to a great height in the form of a trunk, which extended itself at the top into a sort of branches; occasioned, I imagine, either by a sudden gust of air that impelled it, the force of which decreased as it advanced upward, or the cloud itself, being pressed back again by its own weight, expanded in this manner: it appeared sometimes bright, and sometimes dark and spotted, as it was either more or less impregnated with earth and cinders. This extraordinary phaenomenon excited my uncle's philosophical curiosity to take a nearer view of it. He ordered a light vessel to be got ready, and gave me the liberty, if I thought proper, to attend him. I rather chose to continue my studies, for, as it had happened, he had given me employment of that kind. As he was coming out of the house, he received a note from Rectina, the wife of Bassus, who was in the utmost alarm at the imminent danger which threatened her; for the villa being situated at the foot of Mount Vesuvius, there was no way to escape but by the sea; she earnestly entreated him, therefore, to come to her assistance. He accordingly changed his first design, and what he began with a philosophical, he pursued with a heroic, turn of nind. He ordered the galleys to put to sea, and went himself on board with an intention of assisting not only Rectina, but several others; for the villas stand extremely thick on that beautiful coast. When hastening to the place from whence others fled with the utmost terror, he steered his direct course to the point of danger, and with so much calmness and presence of mind as to be able to make and dictate his observations upon the motion and figure of that dreadful scene. He was now so nigh the mountain, that the cinders, which grew thicker and hotter the nearer he approached, fell into the ships, together with pumice-stones, and black pieces of burning rock. They were likewise in danger, not only of being aground by the sudden retreat of the sea, but also from the vast fragments which rolled down from the mountain, and obstructed all the shore. Here he stopped to consider whether he should return back again; to which the pilot advising him, ‘Fortune,’ said he, ‘befriends the brace; carry me to Pomponianus.’ Pomponianus was then at Stabia, separated by a gulf, which the sea, after several insensible windings, forms upon the shore. He had already sent his baggage on board; for, though he was not at that time in actual danger, yet, being within the view of it, and, indeed, extremely near, if it should in the least increase, he was determined to put to sea as soon as the wind should change. It was favourable, however, for carrying my uncle to Pomponianus, whom he sound in the greatest consternation. He embraced him with eagerness, encouraging and exhorting him to keep up his spirits; and, the more to dissipate his fears, he ordered the baths to be got ready with an air of complete unconcern. After having bathed, he sat down to supper with great cheerfulness, or, at least (what is equally heroic), with all the appearance of it. In the mean time the eruption from Mount Vesuvius flamed out in several places with nuch violence, which the darkness of the night contributed to render still more visible and dreadful. But my uncle, in order to sooth the apprehensions of his friend, assured him it was only the burning of the villages, which the country people had abandoned to the flames. After this he

retired to rest, and it is most certain he was so little discomposed as to fall into a deep sleep; for, being pretty sat, and breathing hard, those who attended without actually heard him snore. The court which led to his apartment being now almost filled with stones and ashes, if he had continued there any time longer, it would have been impossible for him to have made his way out: it was thought proper, therefore, to awaken him. He got up, and went to Pomponianus and the rest of his company, who were not unconcerned enough to think of going to bed. They consulted together whether it would be most prudent to trust to the houses, which now shook from side to side with frequent and violent concussions, or fly to the oper fields, where the calcined stones and cinders, though light indeed, yet fell in large showers, and threatened destruction. In this distress they resolved for the fields, as the less dangerous situation of the two : a resolution which, while the rest of the company were hurried into it by their fears, my uncle embraced upon cool and deliberate consideration. They went out, then, having pillows tied upon their heads with napkins; and this was their whole defence against the storm of stones that fell around them. It was now day everywhere else, but there a deeper darkness prevalled than in the most obscure night; which, however, was in some degree dissipated by torches, and other lights of various kinds. They thought proper to go down farther upon the shore, to observe if they might safely put out to sea; but they found the waves still running extremely high and boisterous. There my uncle, having drunk a draught or two of cold water, threw himself down upon a cloth which was spread for him, when immediately the flames, and a strong smell of sulphur, which was the forerunner of them, dispersed the rest of the company, and obliged him to rise. He raised himself up with the assistance of two of his servants, and instantly fell down dead; suffo. cated, as I conjecture, by some gross and noxious vapour, having always had weak lungs, and being frequently subject to a difficulty of breathing. As soon as it was light again, which was not till the third day after, his body was found entire, and without any marks of violence upon it, exactly in the same posture as he sell, and looking more like one asleep than dead.” (Plin., Ep., 6, 16, Melmoth's o eruption here mentioned is evidently the one of which many historians have made mention, and which, occurring in the first year of the reign of Titus, destroyed the cities of Herculaneum and Pompeii.-The younger Pliny, in a letter to Macer (3, 5), where he gives a list of his uncle's works, states, that he died at the age of fifty-six years. We cannot, therefore, comprehend how Sammonicus Serenus, and, after him, Macrobius, St. Jerome, and St. Prosper, have made him live until the twelfth year of the reign of Trajan, unless they have confounded together the uncle and nephew.— The younger Pliny gives an interesting account of his uncle's indefatigable application. “You will wonder,” he observes, in another of his letters, “how a man so engaged as he was could find time to compose such a number of books, and some of them, too, upon abstruse subjects. But your surprise will rise still higher when you hear that for some time he engaged in the profession of an advocate; that he died in his fifty-sixth year; that, from the time of his quitting the bar to his death, he was employed in the highest posts and in the service of his prince. But he had a quick apprehension, joined to unwearied application. In summer he always began his studies as soon as it was night; in winter, generally at one in the morning, but never later than two, and often at midnight. No man ever spent less time in bed, insomuch that he would sometimes, without retiring from his book, take a short sleep and then pursue his studies. After a short and light repast at noon (agreeably to the good old custom of our ancestors), he would frequently, in the summer, if he was disengaged from business, repose himself in the sun; during which time some author was read to him, from which he made extracts and observations, as, indeed, was his constant method, whatever book he read: for it was a maxim of his, that “no book was so bad but something might be learned from it.” When this was over, he generally went into the cold bath, and, as soon as he came out of it, just took some slight refreshment, and then reposed himself for a little while. Thus, as if it had been a new day, he immediately resumed his studies till supper-time, when a book was again read to him, upon which he would make some hasty remarks. I remember once, his reader having pronounced some word wrong, a person at table made him repeat it again, upon which my uncle asked his friend if he understood it. The other acknowledging that he did, Why, then, said he, would you make him go back again We hare lost by this interruption above ten lines : so covetous was this great man of his time. In summer he always rose from supper by daylight, and in winter as soon as it was dark: and this was an invariable rule with him. Such was his manner of life amid the noise and hurry of the city; but in the

country his whole time was devoted to study without intermission, excepting only when he bathed. But in this exception I include no more than the time he was actually in the bath, for all the time he was od and wiped he was employed either in hearing some book read to him, or in dictating himself. In his journeys he lost no time from his studies; but his mind at those seasons being disengaged from all other thoughts, applied itself wholly to that single pursuit. A secretary constantly attended him in his chariot, who, in the winter, wore a particular sort of warm gloves, that the sharpness of the weather might not occasion any interruption to his studies; and, for the same reason, my uncle always used a chair in Rome. I remember he once reproved me for walking: “You might,” said he, “employ those hours to more advantage : for he thought all time lost not given to study. By this extraordinary application he found time to write so many volumes, besides one hundred and sixty which he left me, consisting of a kind of commonplace, written on both sides, in a very small character; so that one might fairly reckon the number considerably more.” (Curier, Biogr. Univ., vol. 35, p. 67, seqq.) The best edition of Pliny is that forming part of the collection of Lemaire, Paris, 1827–32, 11 vols. 8vo. The following editions are also valuable: that of Dalechamp, Paris, 1587, sol. : that of Hardouin, Paris, 1723, 3 vols. fol. (reprinted with additions and improvements from the edition of 1685, in 5 vols. 4to); and more particularly that of Franzius, Lips., 1778–91, 10 vols. 8vo. There is also a French translation, in 20 vols. 8vo., Paris, 1829–33, by De Grandsagne, with annotations by some of the most eminent scientific men in France. It is an excellent work.II. C. Plinius Caecilius Secundus, surnamed, for distinction' sake, the “Younger,” was born at or near Comum, about the sixth year of the reign of Nero, or A.D. 61. His mother was a sister of the elder Pliny; and as he lost his father, Lucius Caecilius, at an early age, he removed, with his surviving parent, to the house of his uncle. Here he resided for some years, and, having been adopted by his uncle, took the name of the latter in addition to his parental one of Caecilius. Pliny the younger appears to have been of a delicate constitution, and even in his youth to have possessed little personal activity and enterprise; for, at the time of the famous eruption of Vesuvius, when he was between seventeen and eighteen, he continued his studies at home, and allowed his uncle to set out to the mountain without him. It was on this occasion that

the latter lost his life. In literature, however, the 6 Z

younger Pliny made considerable progress even at an early age. His uncle had given him a careful education; he composed a Greek tragedy when only fourteen, and wrote Latin verses on several occasions throughout his life. His principal attention, however, was devoted to the study of eloquence; and he had for instructors in this department the celebrated Quintilian, and others of the most eminent men of the day. Pliny, as we have already remarked, was nearly eighteen years of age at the time of his uncle's death. One year after this he appeared as a pleader at the bar. In his twentieth year he served as a tribune in Syria, and remained eighteen months in that country. On his return to Rome he was appointed one of the quaestors of the emperor. The duties of these functionaries consisted in reading to the senate the rescripts of the prince. Not long after he became tribune of the people. At the age of thirty he was appointed praetor; and after this he passed several years in retirement, in order not to attract the notice of Domitian. He would not, however, have escaped the fate which threatened all the eminent men of the day, had it not been for the death of Domitian, since there was found among the papers of the latter a denunciation of Pliny, which had recently been sent to the emperor. Nerva and Trajan recalled him to the discharge of public duties, and the latter prince appointed him administrator of the public treasury, an office which he filled for the space of two years. After attaining to the high offices of consul and augur, Pliny was appointed by Trajan to the government of Bithynia, a province in which many abuses existed, and which it required a man of ability and integrity to remove. (Epist., 10, 41.) Pliny was then in his fortyfirst or forty-second year. The trust so honourably committed to him he seems to have discharged with great fidelity; and the attention to every branch of his duties, which his letters to Trajan display, is peculiarly praiseworthy in a man of sedentary habits, and accustomed to the enjoyments of his villas, and the stimulants of literary glory at Rome. He remained in his government for the space of two years, and it was during this period (A.D. 107) that he wrote his celebrated letter to Trajan respecting the Christians in his province. (Epist., 10, 97.) This letter, and the emperor's reply, furnish numerous important testimonials to the state of Christianity at that early day, and to the purity of Christian principles. – The period of Pliny's death is quite uncertain ; he is generally supposed, however, to have ended his days A.D. 110, in the forty-ninth year of his age.—His character, as a husband, a master, and a friend, was affectionate, kind, and generous. He displayed also a noble liberality towards Comum, his native place, by forming a public library there, and devoting a yearly sum of three hundred thousand sesterces, for ever, to the maintenance of children, born of free parents, who were citizens of Comum.—A man like Pliny, of considerable talents and learning, possessed of great wealth, and of an amiable and generous disposition, was sure to meet with many friends, and with still more who would gratify his vanity by their praises and apparent admiration of his abilities. But as a writer he has done nothing to entitle him to a very high place in the judgment of posterity. Still, however, no Roman, from the time of Cicero, acquired so high a reputation for eloquence. All his discourses, however, are lost, with the single exception of the Panegyric on Trajan. Pliny, having been appointed consul, addressed to the emperor a discourse, in which he thanked him for the honour bestowed, and, at the same time, eulogized the character and actions of the prince. It was delivered in open senate, and was then enlarged and published. (Epist, 3, 18.) This production belongs to a class of compositions, the whole object of which was to produce a striking effect, and it must not aspire to any greater “o It is ingenious and eloquent, but by its very nature affords no room for the exercise of the higher faculties of the mind; nor will its readers, excepting those who are fond of historical researches, derive from it any more substantial benefit than the pleasure which a mere elegant composition can impart. To those, however, who are curious in matters of history, it will certainly prove interesting, since, although it only covers the early years of Trajan's sway, it nevertheless furnishes us with a number of facts, of which we should otherwise be ignorant; for what Suetonius and Tacitus wrote concerning Trajan is lost, as is the case, also, with this same portion of the history of Dio Cassius, and with the different accounts of Trajan's reign that are cited by Lampridius, in his life of Alexander SeverusPliny is also known to modern times by his Letters. These consist of ten books, and were published by himself. From the first to the ninth book inclusive, we have letters addressed to individuals of all descriptions. The tenth book contains the letters and reports sent by Pliny to Trajan, together with some answers of that prince. The Letters of Pliny are valuable to us, as all original letters of other times must be, because they necessarily throw much light on the period at which they were written. But many of them are ridiculously studied, and leave the impression, so fatal to our interest in the perusal of such compositions, that they were written for the express purpose of publication. Among the letters of Pliny that have obtained the greatest celebrity, are the two in which he gives an account of the elder Pliny's mode of life, and of the circumstances connected with his death ; two others, which contain a description of villas of his own; and one in which he gives an account of his proceedings against the Christians, and to which we have already referred. The authenticity of this last-mentioned letter has been attacked by Semler, an eminent German divine (Historia, Ecclesiastica. Selecta Capita, Hal., 1767, 3 vols. 8vo.—Neue Versuche die Kirchen-Historie der ersten Jahrhunderte mehr aufzuklāren, Leipz., 1787, 8vo). This critic maintains that the letter in question was forged by Tertullian ; but his arguments, if they deserve the name, would invalidate the authority of almost every literary monument of ancient times. This same letter of Pliny's gave rise to an absurd legend at a later date, according to which, Pliny having met, in the island of Crete, with Titus, the disciple of St. Paul, was converted by him, and afterward suffered martyrdom.—The design of writing a history, which Pliny at one time entertained, he never carried into execution. (Epist., 5, 8.) The work “De Viris Illustribus” has been erroneously ascribed to him, as has also the dialogue “De Causis corrupta eloquentia.” (Masson, Wit. Plin.—Schöll, Hist. Lit. Rom., vol. 2, p. 408, seqq.—Bahr, Gesch. Röm. Lit., vol. 1, p. 566, seq.)—The best edition of Pliny is that of Lemaire, Paris, 1823, 2 vols. 8vo. It is the edition of Gesner, improved by Schaeffer (Lips., 1805, 8vo), with additions by Lemaire. PlisthéNes, a son of Atreus, king of Argos, father of Menelaus and Agamemnon. (Vid. Agamemnon, and Atridae.) Plotinopólis, a city of Thrace, to the south of Hadrianopolis, founded and named in honour of the Empress Plotina. On its site, at a later period, appeared the city of Didymotichos, now Demotica. (Itin. Ant., 322–Procop., de AEd., 4, 11.) Plotinus, a philosopher of the New-Platonic school, born A.D. 205, at Lycopolis in Egypt. Nature had endowed him with superior parts, particularly with an extraordinary depth of understanding, and a bold and vigorous imagination. He early manifested these abilities in the school of Ammonius at Alexandrea. Subsequently he determined to accompany the army of Gordian to the East, in order to study the Oriental systems on their native soil. He returned a dreamer,

perpetually occupied with profound but extravagant meditations, labouring to attain the comprehension of the absolute by contemplation; a notion borrowed from Plato, which became exaggerated in his hands. Carried away by his enthusiasm, he thought that he was developing the designs of the philosopher of the Academy, when, in fact, he exhibited his thoughts only partially and incompletely. The impetuous vivacity of his temper, which caused him perpetually to fall into extravagances, prevented his reducing his mystical rationalism to a system. His various scattered treatises were collected by Porphyry in six Enneades. He died in Campania, A.D. 270, having taught at Rome, and excited the almost superstitious veneration of his disciples.—An admirable analysis is given of the system of Plotinus by Tennemann, though occasionally somewhat obscure in its details. (Manual of the History of Philosophy, p. 187, seqq., Johnson's transl.) The best edition of Plotinus is that of Creuzer, Qzon., 1835, 3 vols, 4to. An edition of the treatise De Pulchritudine was published in 1814, 8vo, Lips., by the same editor. (Hoffmann, Lez. Bibliogr., vol. 3, p. 336.) Plutarchus, one of the most generally known and frequently cited, and hence, if the expression be allowed, one of the most popular, writers of antiquity. He was a native of Chaeronea in Boeotia, but the period of his birth is not exactly ascertained. Plutarch himself informs us, that he was studying under Ammonius, at Delphi, when Nero visited Greece, which would be the 66th year of our era; and hence we may conjecture that he was born towards the close of the reign of Claudius, about the middle of the first century. Plutarch belonged to an honourable family, in which a fondness for study and literary pursuits had long been hereditary. In his early days he saw at one and the same time his father, his grandfather, and great grandfather in being ; and he was brought up under this influence of ancient manners, and in this sweet familyconverse, which imparted to his character an air of integrity and goodness, that shows itself in so many of his numerous writings. In the school of Ammonius, which he attended when still quite young, and where he formed an intimate friendship with a descendant of Themistocles, he received instruction in mathematics and philosophy. Without doubt, he carefully attended also, under able instructors, to the various departments of belles-lettres, and his works plainly show that the perusal of the poets had supplied his memory with ample materials. It appears that, while still quite young, he was employed by his fellow-citizens in some negotiations with neighbouring cities. The same motive led him to Rome,"whither all the Greeks possessed of any industry or talent had been accustomed regularly to come for more than a century, to seek reputation and fortunes, either by attaching themselves to some powerful individuals, or by giving public lectures on philosophy and eloquence. Plutarch, it may readily be supposed, did not neglect this latter mode of acquiring celebrity. He himself declares, that during his sojourn in Italy, he could not find time to become sufficiently acquainted with the Latin tongue, by reason of the public business with which he was charged, and the frequent conferences he had with educated men on matters of a philosophic nature, about which they came to consult him. He spoke, he professed in his own language; according to the privilege which the Greeks had preserved of imposing their idiom on their conquerors, and of making it the natural language of philosophy and letters. These public lectures, these declamations, were evidently the first germe of the numerous moral treatises that Plutarch subsequently composed. The philosopher of Charonea exercised at Rome that profession of sophist, the very name of which is now become a byword, and the mere existence of which seems to indi cate the decline of national literature, but which was more than once rendered illustrious at Rome by great talents and the effects of persecution. It is well known, that, under the bad emperors, and amid the universal slavery that then prevailed, philosophy was the only asylum to which liberty fled when banished from the forum and the senate. Philosophy, in earlier days, had effected the ruin of the republic ; it was then only a vain scepticisin, abused to their own bad purposes by the ambitious and the corrupting. Adopting a better vocation, it became, at a later period, a species of religion, embraced by men of resolute spirit; they needed a wisdom that might teach them how to escape, by death, the cruelty of the oppressor, and they called, for this purpose, stoicism to their aid. Plutarch, the most constant and the most contemptuous opposer of the Epicurean doctrines; Plutarch, the admirer of Plato, and a disciple of his in the belief of the soul's immortality, of divine justice, and of moral good, taught his hearers truths, less pure, indeed, than those of Christianity, but which, nevertheless, in some degree adapted themselves to the pressing wants of heroic and elevated minds.--It is not known whether Plutarch prolonged his stay in Italy until that period when Domitian, by a public decree, banished all philosophers from that country. Some critics have supposed that he made many visits to Rome, but none after the reign of this emperor. One thing, however, appears well ascertained, that he returned, when still young, to his native country, and that he remained there for the rest of his days. During this his long sojourn in the land of his fathers, Plutarch was continually occupied with plans for the benefit of his countrymen; and, to give but a single instance of his zeal in the public service, he not only filled the of. fice of archon, the chief dignity in his native city, but even discharged with great exactness, and without the least reluctance, the duties of an inferior office, that of inspector of public works, which compelled him, he tells us, to measure tile, and keep a register of the loads of stone that were brought to him. All this accords but ill with the statement of Suidas, that Plutarch was honoured with the consulship by Trajan. Such a supposition is contradicted both by the silence of history and the usuages of the Romans. Another and more recent tradition, which makes Plutarch to have been the preceptor of Trajan, appears to rest on ino better soundation, and can derive no support whatever from any of the genuine works of the philosopher. An employment, however, which Plutarch does seem to have filled, was that of priest of Apollo, which connected him with the sacerdotal corporation at Delphi. The period of his death is not known ; but the probability is that he lived and philosophized until an advanced age, as would appear both from the tone of some of his writings and various anecdotes that are related of him. —The several productions of this writer will now be briefly examined. The work to which he owes his chief celebrity is that which bears the title of Biot trapážāmāot (“Parallel Lives”). In this he gives biographical sketches of forty-four individuals, distinguished for their virtues, their talents, and their adventures, some Greek, others Roman, and gives them in such a way that a Roman is always compared with a Greek. Five other biographies are isolated ones; twelve or fourteen are lost. The five isolated lives are those of Artaxerxes Mnemon, Aratus, Galba, Otho, and Homer, though this last is probably not Plutarch's. The lives that have perished are those of Epaminondas, Scipio, Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, Nero. Vitellius, Hesiod, Pindar, Crates the Cynic, Deiphantus, Aristomenes, and Aratus the poet.—Many regard the Lives of Plutarch as models of biography. The principal art of the writer consists in the delineation of character; but it has been objected to him, and, it would seem, with justice, that his characters are all

of a piece; that he represents his heroes either as com. pletely enslaved by some passion, or as perfectly virtuous, and that he has not been able to depict the almost infinite variety of shades between vice and virtue. What renders the perusal of these biographies particularly attractive, is our seeing his personages constantly in action; we follow them amid public affairs, we accompany them to the scenes of private life, to the interior of their dwellings, and into the very bosom of their families. “We are not writing histories,” observes Plutarch himself, “but lives. Neither is it always in the most distinguished exploits that men's virtues and vices may be best discerned; but frequently some unimportant action, some short saying or jest, distinguishes a person's real character more than fields of carnage, the greatest battles, or the most important sieges. As painters, therefore, in their portraits, labour the likeness in the face, and particularly about the eyes, in which the peculiar turn of mind most appears, and run over the rest with a less careful hand, so must we be permitted to strike off the features of the soul, in order to give a real likeness of these great men, and leave to others the circumstantial detail of their toils and their achievements.” (Wit. Alez., c. 1.) This reasoning of Plutarch's is no doubt very just, but it supposes that the writer does not go in quest of anecdotes, and that he exercises a sound and rigid criticism in the selection of those which he actually receives. Such, however, is not the case with Plutarch. -Another defect with which he may be justly charged, is the having entirely neglected the order of chronology, so that frequently his narrative presents only an incoherent mass of facts, and the perusal of his lives leaves behind it, at times, only a confused impression. On the other hand, the Lives of Plutarch contain a treasure of practical philosophy, of morality, and of sound and useful maxims, the fruit of a long experience : indeed, it may be asserted, that oftentimes these Lives are only so many historical commentaries on certain maxims. Notwithstanding all their faults, however, the Lives of Plutarch are full of instruction for those who wish to become well acquainted with Greek and Roman history, since the author has drawn from many sources that are closed upon us. He cherished an ardent love for liberty, or, rather, democracy, which he confounded with liberty, and he has been reproached with allowing himself, on certain occasions, to be so far led away by his enthusiasm as to mistake for heroism a forgetfulness of the sentiments of nature. For example, though he would seem to state with impartiality the different sensations produced by the punishment of the sons of Brutus, and the assassination of the brother of Timoleon, still it is evident, from the manner in which he expresses himself, that he approves of these two actions, and that, in his eyes, the authors of them were deserving of commendation, and free from all reproach. (Sainte-Croir, Examen, &c., p. 74, 2d ed.) Plutarch, moreover, is not even entitled to the praise of being an impartial writer. The desire of showing that there was a time when the Greeks were superior to the Romans, pervades all his recitals, and prejudices him in favour of his Grecian heroes. His ignorance of the Latin tongue, which he himself avows in his I.ives of Demosthenes and Cato, leads him into various errors relative to Roman history. His style has neither the purity of the Attic, nor the noble simplicity which distinguishes the classic writers. He is overloaded with erudition, and with allusions that are often obscure for us. – An able examination of the sources whence Plutarch derived the materials for his lives, is given by Heeren (De fontibus et auctorilate vitarum parallelarum Plutarchi Commentationes IV., Götting., 1820, 8vo), and this inquiry becomes indispensably necessary to the professed scholar, who wishes to ascertain the degree of confidence o,odue to the biographical sketches of Plutarch, though our limits forbid our entering on the detail. It may be said, in a few words, that Plutarch, in the composition of his Lives, consulted all the existing historians; that he did not, however, blindly follow them, but weighed their respective statements in the balance of justice, and, when their accounts were contradictory, adopted such as seemed to him most probable.—The other historical works of Plutarch are the following: 1. ‘Pouaikā, ji Airia, ‘Poluaikai (“Roman Questions"). These are researches on certain Roman usages: for example, Why, in the ceremony of marriage, the bride is required to touch water and fire ! Why, in the same ceremony, they light five tapers! Why travellers, who, having been considered dead, return eventually home, cannot enter into their houses by the door, but must descend through the roof, &c.—2. ‘EAA/vukå, i. Alriat 'E22nvukat (“Hellenica, or Grecian Questions”). We have here similar discourses on points of Grecian antiquity.—3. IIepi Tapa????ov 'E27.79tköv kai 'Papaiköv (“Parallels drawn from Grecian and Roman History”). In order to show that certain events in Grecian history, which appear fabulous, are entitled to full confidence, Plutarch opposes to them certain analogous events from Roman history. This production is unworthy of Plutarch, and very probably supposititious. It possesses no other merit than that of having preserved a large number of Ragments of Greek historians, who are either otherwise unknown, or whose works have not come down to us.-4. IIepi tic Pauatov Tijang (“Of the Fortune of the Romans”)—5. and 6. Two discourses Tepi Tào 'AWe:avópov ráxmc à épéric (“On the Fortune or Valour of Alexander”). In one of these Plutarch undertakes to show that Alexander owed his success to himself, not to Fortune. In the other, he attempts to prove, that his virtues were not the offspring of a blind and capricious Fortune, and that his talents and the resources of his intellect cannot be regarded as favours bestowed by this same Fortune. These two discourses are preceded by one (No. 4) which shows the true object of the others. Plutarch, in this, endeavours to prove, that the Roman exploits are less the effect of valour and wisdom, than the result of the influence of Fortune; and, among the favours conferred by this goddessohe enumerates the unexpected death of Alexander, at the very time that he was menacing Italy with his victorious arms. In all this we clearly see the jealousy and vanity of the Greeks, who, from the time that they first fell under the Roman yoke, never ceased detracting from the glory of this republic, and ascribing its rapid progress to some blind and unknown cause. One of the motives that induced Polybius, moreover, to write his history, was to undeceive his countrymen on this point, and prove to them that the prosperity of Rome was owing, not to the caprices of Fortune, but to good conduct and valour.—7. Hörepov 'Athovaiot kara tróżeuov # karū cogíav čváośćrspot ; (“Whether the Athenians are more renowned for War or for the Sciences”). The commencement and conclusion are wanting. The text of what remains of this piece is very corrupt.—8. II spi 'Iqtdoc kai 'Odiptóoc (“Of Isis and Osrris”). This treatise contains a number of very curious remarks on the Egyptian mythology, but it is, at the same time, that very one of the works of Plutarch in which his want of critical skill is most apparent. His object was to give the mythological traditions of the Egyptians a philosophical sense, in order to justify them before the tribunal of reason. Hence this treatise can only be employed with great caution in studying this branch of ancient mythology. –9. 'Ettrouj, Tâc avykpiofog Mevévôpop kai 'Apiarodovovo (“Abridgment of the Comparison between Menander and Aristophanes”). An extract, probably, irom some lost work of Plutarch's. – 10. IIepi ric

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tus”). From a mistaken principle of patriotism, Plutarch here attacks the veracity of Herodotus as an historian. The latter has found an able advocate in the Abbé Gein.oz. (Mem. de l'Acad. des Inscr., &c., vols. 30, 36, and 38.—11. Bioc töv déka smrópov (“Biography of the ten Orators”). This work is evidently supposititious. Photius has inserted it in his Bibliotheca, with many omissions and additions, but without stating that it was written by Plutarch. Hence some critics have ascribed it to the patriarch himself. This piece, however, bears the stamp of an age much earlier than that of Photius.—We can only glance at the philosophical, or, as they are more commonly called, the moral, works of Plutarch. He was not a profound philosopher. He had formed for himself a peculiar system, made up from the opinions of various schools, but particularly from those of Plato and the Academicians, which he has sometimes only imperfectly understood. He detested the doctrines of Epicurus and the Porch, and the hatred he had vowed towards their respective schools renders him sometimes unjust towards their founders. He was not free from superstition, and he pushed to excess his devotion towards the gods of paganism. His philosophical or moral works are more than sixty in number. They are full of information as regards an acquaintance with ancient philosohpy; and they have the additional merit of preserving for us a number of passages from authors whose works have perished. An analysis of these writings is given by Schöll (Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 5, p. 77, seqq.). —The best editions of the whole works of Plutarch are, that of Reiske, Lips., 1774–82, 12 vols. 8vo; that of Hutten, Tubing., 1796–98, 14 vols. 8vo, and that forming part of the Tauchnitz collection. The best edition of the Lives alone is that of Coray, Paris, 1809–15, 6 vols. 8vo; and the best edition of the Moral works is that of Wyttenbach, Oxon., 1795, 6 vols. 4to, and 12 vols. 8vo. Pluto (TIZoirov), called also Hades ("Auðmc) and Aidoneus ('Aióovesic), as well as Orcus and Dis, was the brother of Jupiter and Neptune, and lord of the lower world, or the abode of the dead. He is described as a being inexorable and deaf to supplication —for from his realms there is no return—and an object of aversion and hatred to both gods and men. (Il., 9, 158, scq.) All the latter were sure to be, sooner or later, collected into his kingdom. The name Hades appears to denote inrisibility, being derived from a, “not,” and elów, “to see,” and significatory of the nature of the realm over which he bore sway. The appellation of Pluto was received by him at a later period, and would seem to be connected with the term TAoûroc, “wealth,” as mines within the earth are the producers of the precious metals. This notion Voss thinks began to prevail when the Greeks, first visited Spain, the country most abundant in gold. (Mythol. Briefe, vol. 2, p. 175.) Heyne, on the other hand, is of opinion that the name in question was first given in the mysteries (ad Apollod, 3, 12, 6). It is employed occasionally by the Attic dramatists (Soph, Antig., 1200. — Eurip., Alcest., 370. — Aristoph., Plut., 727), and it became the prevalent one in later times, when Hades came to signify a place rather than a person.—The adventures of Pluto were few, for the gloomy nature of himself and his realm did not offer much field for such legends of the gods as Grecian fancy delighted in : yet he too had his love-adventures. The tale of his carrying off Proserpina is one of the most celebrated in antiquity. (Wid. Proserpina.) He loved, we are told, and carried off to Erebus the oceannymph Leuce; and, when she died, he caused a tree, named from her (Zeikm, “white poplar"), to spring up in the Elysian fields. (Serrius ad Virg., Eclog., 7, 61.) Another of his loves was the nymph Mentha, whom Proserpina, out of jealousy, turned into the

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