in the island as promised to secure its peace and commonly at the court of the latter, and was present prosperity, he voluntarily resigned his power, which when Rome was first invested by the arms of Alaric, he had held for ten years, and retired to private life. being then about twenty years of age. Placidia be-The following maxims and precepts are ascribed to came a hostage in the hands of the victor, according him. The first office of prudence is to foresee threat- to some a captive, and her personal attractions wor. ening misfortunes, and prevent them. Power discov- for her the hand of Ataulphus or Adolphus, the brother ers the man. Never talk of your schemes before they in-law of Alaric, and king of the Visigoths. After the are executed, lest, if you fail to accomplish them, you death of Ataulphus, she married Constantius, and bebe exposed to the double mortification of disappoint- came the mother of Valentinian III. Having lost her ment and ridicule. Whatever you do, do it well. second husband, she acted as guardian for her son, and Do not that to your neighbour which you would take reigned twenty-five years in his name, and the characill from him. Be watchful of opportunities. (Diog.ter of that unworthy emperor gradually countenanced Laert., in Vit. Plut., Conviv. Sap.- Larcher, ad Herod., 1, 27.-Enfield, Hist. Phil., vol. 1, p. 144.) PITTHEUS, a king of Trazene in Argolis, son of Pelops and Hippodamia. He gave his daughter Æthra in marriage to geus, king of Athens, and brought up Theseus at his court. (Vid. Theseus) He also reared Hippolytus, the son of Theseus. (Eurip, Hip-mans. pol., 11.-Schol., ad loc.) Pittheus was famed for his wisdom, and Pausanias ascribes to him a work on the art of speaking, given to the world by a native of Epidaurus, and which he says he himself saw. He also states, that Pittheus taught this same art in a temple of the Muses at Træzene. The same writer likewise mentions the tomb of Pittheus, which was still seen PLANASIA, a small island between Corsica and Ilva, in his day, and on which were three thrones or seats now Pianosa. Tacitus relates, that Augustus was of white stone, on which the monarch and two assist-persuaded by Livia to banish his nephew Agrippa ants were accustomed to sit when dispensing justice. Posthumus hither. (Ann., 1, 3—Ibid., 2, 39.) This The whole story of this monarch, however, appears to island is also noticed by Strabo (123) and Ptolemy be mythical in its character. (Pausan., 2, 31.-Plut., (p. 67). Vit. Thes.)

PITYONESUS, a small island off the coast of Argolis. It lay opposite to Epidaurus, and was situate six miles from the coast, and seventeen from Ægina. (Plin., 4, 11.)

PITYUSA, a small island off the coast of Argolis, near Aristera. The modern name is Tulea. (Plin., 4, 12.)

the suspicion, that Placidia had enervated his youth
by a dissolute education, and studiously diverted his
attention from every manly and honourable pursuit.
Amid the decay of military spirit, her armies were
commanded by two generals, Aetius and Boniface,
who may be deservedly named as the last of the Ro-
Placidia died at Rome, A.D. 450.
She was
buried at Ravenna, where her sepulchre, and even her
corpse, seated in a chair of cypress wood, were pre-
served for ages. (Ducange, Fam. Byzant., p. 72.
Tillemont, Hist. des Emp., vol. 5, p. 260, 386, &c.-
Id. ib., vol. 6, p. 240.-Gibbon, Decline and Fall, c.
31, 33, 35.)

-

PLANCINA, granddaughter of L. Munatius Plancus, and wife of Piso, governor of Syria in the reign of Tiberius. (Vid. Piso X.) She was supposed to have been an accomplice with her husband in shortening the days of Germanicus, but was saved by the influence of Livia, her protectress. As long as Piso, who had been put to his trial, had any hope of acquittal, her language was that of a woman willing to PITYUSA, a group of small islands in the Mediter-share all changes with her husband, and, if he was ranean, off the coast of Spain, and lying to the south- doomed to fall, determined to perish with him. But, west of the Baleares. They derived their name from when she had obtained safety for herself, she left him. the number of pine-trees (irvç, a pine) which grew to his fate. At a later period, however, she was about in them. The largest is Ebusus or Ivica, and next to being proceeded against for her criminal conduct, it is Ophiusa or las Columbretes. (Mela, 2, 7.—when, in despair, she laid violent hands on herself, and Plin, 3, 5.)

PLACENTIA, a city of Gallia Cisalpina, at the confluence of the Trebia and Padus. It is now Piacenza. This place was colonized by the Romans, with Cremona, A.U.C. 535, to serve as a bulwark against the Gauls, and to oppose the threatened approach of Hannibal. (Polyb., 3, 40.-Liv., 21, 25.-Vell. Paterc, 1, 14.) Its utility in this latter respect was fully proved, by its affording a secure retreat to the Roman general after the battle of Ticinus, and more especially after the disaster of Trebia. (Polyb., 3, 66-Liv., 21, 56.) Placentia withstood all the efforts of the victorious Hannibal, and also, eleven years after, the attempts which his brother Hasdrubal made to obtain possession of it. The resistance which it offered to the latter caused a delay that led to his overthrow, and thus eventually, perhaps, saved the empire. After the termination of the second Punic war, it was, however, taken and burned by the Gauls, headed by Hamilcar the Carthaginian (Liv., 31, 10), but soon after was restored by the consul Valerius, 557 A.U.C. (Liv., 34, 21) Placentia had acquired the rights of a municipal city in Cicero's time. (Or. in Pis., 1.) Strabo speaks of it as a celebrated town (216), and Tacitus extols it as a powerful and opulent colony. (Hist., 2, 17, seqq.) Its theatre, situate without the walls, was burned in the civil war between Otho and Vitellius. (Suet., Oth., 9.-Plin., 3, 15.-Cramer's Anc. Italy, vo. i, p. 79, seqq.)

PLACIDIA, a daughter of Theodosius the Great, and sister to Arcadius and Honorius. She resided most

suffered at last the slow but just reward of a flagitious life. (Tacit., Ann., 2, 43, 55, 75; 3, 9, 15; 6, 26.)

PLANCUS, I. T. Bursa, a tribune of the commons, 52 B.C. He took part in the troubles excited by the death of Clodius, and, on the expiration of his office, was accused and condemned, notwithstanding the interest made by Pompey in his behalf. (Cic., Ep. ad Fam., 2, 9.)-II. L. Munatius, a native of Tibur, was in early life a pupil of Cicero's, and obtained considerable eminence in the oratorical art. He afterward commanded a legion under Cæsar in Gaul. On the assassination of that individual, Plancus acted at first a very equivocal part, and frequently changed sides, attaching himself successively to each party according as it became powerful. Thus we find him, after the victory at Mutina, affecting the utmost zeal for the cause of Brutus and freedom; and subsequently, when he saw Antony re-established in power, he went over to him with four legions which he had at the time under his command. He obtained upon this the consulship along with Lepidus, B.C. 42. Tired at last of Antony, he sided with Octavius, who received him with the utmost cordiality. It was Plancus who proposed in the senate that the title of Augustus should be bestowed on Octavius. The ancient writers reproach him, besides his political versatility, with a total forgetfulness on one occasion of all dignity and self-respect. This was at the court of Cleopatra, in Alexandrea, when he appeared on the public stage in the character of a sea-god, having his person painted green, and in a state of almost complete nudity; wearing a crown

of reeds on his head, and with the tail of a fish attached | the war, a large Peloponnesian force, under Archidato his body behind. Plancus, however, appears to have been a man of literary tastes, and we have an ode addressed to him by Horace on one occasion, when he had become suspected of disaffection by Augustus, and was meditating his departure from Italy. (Plut., Vit. Ant.—Vell. Paterc., 2, 63.—Horat., Od., 1, 7, &c.)

PLANUDES, Maximus, a Greek monk, commonly designated "of Constantinople," probably by reason of his having long resided there; for he was, in fact, a native of Nicomedia. He was a man of great learning and various acquirements, and flourished in the fourteenth century. In 1327, the Emperor Andronicus Palæologus sent him as ambassador to the Venetian republic. He is said to have been the first Greek that made use of the Arabic numerals, as they are called. Planudes has given us, 1. A collection of Æsopic fables, together with a very absurd life of the ancient fabulist himself; 2. An Anthology, selected from that of Constantine Cephalas; 3. A poetical Eloge on Claudius Ptolemæus; 4. Some grammatical works; 5. A Greek translation of Cæsar's Commentaries of the Gallic war; 6. A prose translation of the Metamorphoses and Heroïdes of Ovid; 7. A translation of the Disticha of Cato into Greek verse; 8. Various unedited works. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 1, p. 252.)

mus, king of Sparta, arrived under the walls of Platea, and, having summoned the inhabitants to abandon their alliance with Athens, proceeded, on their refusal, to lay siege to the town. The narrative of these operations, and the heroic defence of the Plateans, the circumvallation and blockade of the city by the enemy, with the daring and successful escape of a part of the garrison, are given with the greatest detail by Thucydides, and certainly form one of the most interesting portions of his history. (Thucyd., 2, 71, seqq.-Id., 3, 20, seqq.) Worn out at length by hunger and fatigue, those Plateans who remained in the town were compelled to yield to their persevering and relentless foes, who, instigated by the implacable resentment of the Thebans, caused all who surrendered to be put to death, and razed the town to the ground, with the exception of one building, constructed out of the ruins of the city, which they consecrated to Juno, and employed as a house of reception for travellers. From Pausanias we learn, that Platea was again restored after the peace of Antalcidas; but when the Spartans seized on the Cadmean citadel, the Thebans, suspecting that the Plateans were privy to the enterprise, took possession of the town by stratagem, and once more levelled its foundations to the ground (9, 1). Though it seems to have been the intention of Philip, and also of Alexander, to restore Platea (Ar

PLATEA (gen. -æ) and PLATÆÆ (gen. -arum), arian, 1, 9.- Plut., Vit. Alex., c. 34), this was not town of Boeotia, of very ancient date, situate at the foot carried into effect till the reign of Cassander, who is of Mount Citharon, and near the river Asopus, which said to have rebuilt both Thebes and Platea at the divided its territory from that of Thebes. (Strabo, same time. (Pausan., 9, 3.) Dicæarchus, who lived 412.) Homer writes the name in the singular (112ά- about that period, represents the town as still existing, Tala), but the historians use the plural (λaraiai). when he says, The inhabitants of Platea have noThe Plateans, animated by a spirit of independence, thing to say for themselves, except that they are colhad early separated themselves from the Boeotian con- onists of Athens, and that the battle between the Perfederacy, conceiving the objects of this political union sians and the Greeks took place near their town." to be hostile to their real interests; and had, in con- (Stats, Græc., p. 14.)-The ruins of Platæa, accordsequence of the enmity of the latter city, been induced ing to Dr. Clarke, are situated upon a promontory to place themselves under the protection of Athens. projecting from the base of Citharon.-The place has (Herod., 6, 108.) Grateful for the services which now the usual appellation bestowed upon the ruins of they received on this occasion from that power, they Grecian citadels; it is called Palæo Castro. The testified their zeal in its behalf by sending a thousand walls are of the earliest kind of military structure, soldiers to Marathon, who thus shared the glory of consisting of very considerable masses, evenly hewn, that memorable day. (Herod., l. c.) The Plataans and well built.. (Clarke's Travels, vol. 7, p. 106, also manned some of the Athenian vessels at Artemi- Lond. ed.)- The walls of Platea, according to Sir sium, and fought in several battles which took place W. Gell, may be traced near the little village of off that promontory; though not at Salamis, as they Kockla in their circuit. The whole forms a triangle, had returned to their homes after the Greeks withdrew having a citadel of the same form in the southern anfrom the Euripus, in order to place their families and gle, with a gate towards the mountain at the point. valuables in safety, and could not, therefore, arrive in The northwestern angle seems to have been the portime. (Herod., 8, 45.) They also fought most brave- tion which was restored after the destruction of the ly in the great battle which took place near their city city. The north side is about 1025 yards in length, against Mardonius the Persian general, and earned the the west 1154, and the east 1120. It is about six gethanks of Pausanias and the confederate Greek com-ographical miles from the Cadmeia of Thebes. (Itin., manders for their gallant conduct on this as well as p. 111.-Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 2, p. 212, seqq.) other occasions. (Herod., 9, 23.- Thucyd., 3, 53, As the battle of Plata, between the Greeks and seqq.) But it is asserted by Demosthenes that they afterward incurred the hatred of the Lacedæmonians, and more especially of their kings, for having caused the inscription set up by Pausanias, in commemoration of the victory over the Persians, to be altered. (In Næer., p. 1378.) Platea, which was afterward burned by the army of Xerxos (Herod., 8, 50), was soon restored with the assistance of Athens, and the alliance between the two cities was cemented more closely than before. The attack made upon Platea by a party of Thebans at night was the first act of aggression committed on the Peloponnesian side in the war which took place not long after. The enterprise failed. (Thucyd., 2, 1, seqq.) The natural enmity of Thebes against this little republic was now raised to its height by this defcat, and pressing solicitations were made to the Spartan government to assist in taking signal vengeance on the Plateans for their adherence to the Athenian interests. Accordingly, in the third year of

Persians, forms so important a feature in their history, some account of it may be here appended.-Mardonius, being informed by the Argives, who were secretly in his interest, that the Lacedæmonians were in motion, withdrew his army into Boeotia, for the sake of engaging near the friendly city of Thebes, and in a more level country, and, therefore, more favourable to his cavalry. Before leaving Athens he burned and demolished what remained of the city. The Athenians crossed from Salamis, and the confederate army being assembled at Eleusis, advanced to Erythræ, on the border of Boeotia, where it took up a position on the roots of Mount Citharon. The heavy-armed troops of the Grecian army amounted to 38,700, of whom the Lacedæmonians contributed 10,000. Of these 5000 were Spartans, from the city, each of whom was attended by seven light-armed Helots. In the rest of the army it is computed that to each heavy-armed soldier there was one light-armed attendant. Besides, there were

1800 light-armed Thespians, the remaining strength of both from the attacks of the cavalry, and from the that little state, all its heavy-armed troops having fallen want of water and food, their convoys being cut off; at Thermopyla, and those who remained being proba- and it was resolved to proceed at night to a position bly the poorer citizens, who were unable to purchase nearer Platea, where water abounded, and the ground the full armour, or to maintain themselves in distant was less favourable to horse. Accordingly, in the warfare. With these the entire numbers were nearly night the army was moved; but the Greeks of the cen110,000. The army was led by Pausanias, the Spar- tre had been so disheartened by the attacks of the cavtan commander, who was cousin and guardian to the alry, that, instead of taking up the appointed position, minor-king Pleistarchus, the son of Leonidas. The they fled to the city of Platea. There remained on Athenian force of 8000 heavy-armed men was led by the one wing the Lacedæmonians (10,000 heavy-armAristides. Mardonius's army consisted of 300,000 ed) and the Tegeans (1500); on the other, the AtheAsiatics and about 50,000 Macedonian and Greek aux- nians (8000), with the Plateans (600), who always aciliaries.-The first attack was made by the Persian companied them, and who had carried their zeal so far, cavalry, who, continually riding up in small parties, that, though an inland people, they helped to man the discharged their arrows and retired, annoying the Athenian ships at Artemisium. Including the lightGreeks without any retaliation. The Megarians being armed, those who stood their ground were, of the Laplaced in the most exposed part of the line, sent to cedæmonians and Tegeans 53,000, of the Athenians Pausanias to say that they could no longer maintain and Platæans about 17,200. The march of the Lacetheir ground, and a picked band of 300 Athenians vol- dæmonians and Tegeans was delayed by the obstinacy unteered to relieve them. They took with them some of Amompharetus, a Spartan officer, who, viewing the archers, a service which the Athenians cultivated with intended movement as a flight, long refused to join in an attention and success unusual in Greece; and soon it. The day was dawning, and the Lacedæmonians, after their arrival, Masistius, the general of the Per- through fear of the horse, proceeded over the roots of sian cavalry, his horse being wounded with an arrow, Citharon. The Athenians, who had waited for the was dismounted and killed. All the horse now ma- movement of the allies, went by the plain. Mardoniking a desperate charge, forced back the 300, till the us, on seeing the Greeks, as it seemed, retreating, rest coming up to support the Athenians, they were was filled with exultation, and immediately led the repulsed with great slaughter. The army was encour- Persians after them, while the other Asiatics followed aged by this success, but its present position was in- tumultuously, thinking the day won. The Lacedæconvenient, particularly for want of water, and it was monians, on the approach of the cavalry, sent to the resolved to move into the territory of Platea. A dis- Athenians for assistance, begging that, if they were pute arose between the Athenians and the Tegeans unable to come, they would at least send the archers; for the post of honour at the extremity of the left wing; but the Athenians, when preparing to comply with the but it was prevented from proceeding to extremity by summons, were prevented by the attack of the Greeks the wise moderation of the Athenian commanders, in the Persian service.-The battle was joined on both who, still maintaining their claim of right, professed sides. The Persians fought with great bravery; but themselves willing, nevertheless, to take their place neither bravery nor vast superiority in numbers could wherever the Lacedæmonians might appoint. The compensate for their inferiority in arms and discipline, Lacedæmonians decided in their favour, placing them and they were at length defeated with great slaughter, at the extremity of the left wing, and the Tegeans in Mardonius being killed. The other Asiatics fled imthe right, next to themselves.-Mardonius now drew mediately, when they saw the Persians broken. Of up his army according to the advice of the Thebans, the Grecian auxiliaries opposed to the Athenians, opposing the Persians to the Lacedæmonians and Te- many were slack in their exertions, as not being heargeans, the Boeotians and other Greeks in his service ty in the cause; but the Baotians, who formed the to the Athenians, and to the other bodies that occu- strongest body, were zealous for the success of Marpied the centre the Medes and the rest of the Asiatics. donius, and they fought long and hard before they The soothsayers on each side predicted success to the were defeated. The Boeotians fled towards Thebes, party which received the attack; in compliance, prob- the Asiatics to their intrenched camp, their flight beably, with the policy of the commanders, each of whom, ing in some degree protected by the Asiatic and Boobeing posted on ground advantageous to himself, was tian cavalry. On hearing that their friends were vicunwilling to leave it and enter on that which had been torious, the Greeks of the centre returned in haste and chosen by his adversary. Ten days were spent in in-disorder to the field; and the Megarians and Phliasians, action, except that the Persian horse were harassing the Greeks, and, latterly, intercepting their convoys; but, on the eleventh, Mardonius, growing impatient, called a council of war, and resolved, against the opinion of Artabazus, to attack the Greeks on the following day. The same night Alexander the Macedonian, riding alone and secretly to the Athenian encampment, asked to speak to the commanders, and gave them notice of the resolution taken -Pausanias, being informed of this by the Athenian generals, proposed a change in the order of battle, by which the Athenians should be opposed to the Persians, of whose mode of fighting they alone had experience, while in their place the Lacedæmonians should act against the Boeotian and other Grecian auxiliaries. The Athenians readily consented, and the troops began to move while the morn was breaking; but Mardonius made a countermovement of his Greek and Persian troops, and the Lacedæmonians desisted from their purpose when they saw that it was known. Mardonius sent a herald to reproach them with their fear, and then commenced the action with his horse, who harassed the Greeks severely, and filled up the spring from which their water had been supplied. The Greeks now suffered

going by the plain, were charged and broken with con siderable loss by some Theban horse.-The fugitives who escaped into the camp were in time to close the gates and man the walls against the Lacedæmonians and Tegeans; and, the assailants being unskilled in the attack of fortifications, they made a successful defence till the arrival of the Athenians, who went about the work more skilfully, and soon gained entrance. The passions of the Greeks were inflamed to the utmost by long distress and danger, and no mercy was shown. Of the 300,000 men who were left with Mardonius, 40,000 had been led from the field by Artabazus when it first became evident that the Persians were losing the battle; but of the others not 3000 are said to have survived the battle and the subsequent massacre. (Herod, 9, 25, seqq.-Libr. Us. Knowl., Hist. Greece, p. 40, seqq.)

PLATO, I. a celebrated philosopher, by descent ar Athenian, but the place of whose birth was the island of Egina, where his father, Aristo, resided after that island became subject to Athens. His origin is traced back, on his father's side, to Codrus, and on that of his mother, Perictione, through five generations, to So lon. (Proclus, ad Timæum, p. 25.) The time of

58.

opher for the space of eight years, until the death of the latter. During all this period, Socrates regarded him as one of his most faithful pupils. Light as must have been the task of education in respect to the mind, since Plato was quite teachable, and, in addition to his eminent talents, possessed of great suscep tibility for moral studies, still, on the other hand, t was difficult for Socrates to satisfy the aspiring and inquisitive spirit of his pupil. In all his conversations, he started questions, raised doubts, and always demanded new reasons, without allowing himself to be satisfied with those already given. (Vil. Plat., 13.— Bibliothek der Alten Lit.) This liveliness and activ

hrs birth is commonly placed in the first year of the 88th Olympiad (B.C. 428), but, perhaps, may be more accurately fixed in B.C. 429. (Clinton, Fast. Hellen., p. 63.) Fable has made Apollo his father, and has said that he was born of a virgin. (Plut., Sympos., 8, 1.—Hieron., adv. Jov. Op., vol. 4, p. 186, ed. Par.) He was originally named Aristocles, from his grandfather, and he received that of Plato (II2arúv) from either the breadth of his shoulders or of his forehead, the appellation being derived from πharúç, “broad.” This latter name is thought to have been given him in early youth. (Diog. Laert., 3, 4.- Senec., Ep., -Apuleius, de dogm. Plat.-Op., ed. Oudend., vol. 2, p. 180.) Plutarch relates that he was hump-ity of mind could not render Socrates displeased with backed, but this, perhaps, was not a natural defect; his manner of thinking: so little, indeed, was this the it may have first appeared late in life, as a result of case, that Plato already, in the lifetime of Socrates, his severe studies. (Plut., de Audiend. Poët., 26, 53.) wrote dialogues, in which he introduced his teacher as Other ancient writers, on the contrary, speak in high the principal person, and carried on the discussions in terms of his manly and noble mien. The only authen- a method that was not entirely his own. Many writic bust that we have of him is at present in the gal-ters think they have discovered that Socrates was by lery at Florence. It was discovered near Athens in no means satisfied with the course of Plato, in falsely the 15th century, and purchased by Lorenzo de Medi- imputing to him so many things which he had never ci. In this bust, the forehead of the philosopher is said. But they can adduce no satisfactory ground or remarkably large. \ (Visconti, Icon. Gr., vol. 1, p. 172, competent testimony for their conclusion. The single ed. 4to.)-Plato first learned grammar, that is, reading thing to which they appeal can prove nothing for them, and writing, from Dionysius. In gymnastics, Ariston because it is ambiguous. It is said, that when Plato was his teacher; and he excelled so much in these brought forward his Lysis in the presence of Socrates, physical exercises, that he went, as is said, into a pub- the latter exclaimed, "By Hercules! how many things lic contest at the Isthmian and Pythian games. (Di- does the young man falsely report of me!" (Diog. og. Laert., 3, 4.-- Apul., p. 184. — Olympiod., Vit. Laert, 3, 35.) The more probable opinion, however, Plat.) He studied painting and music under the tui- is, that the story is incorrectly related, and that Socration of Draco, a scholar of Damon, and Metellus of tes merely alluded to the rich and figurative style of Agrigentum. But his favourite employment in his Plato, as contrasted with his own simple manner of youthful years was poetry. The lively fancy and pow- expression. (Tennemann, Life of Plato, Edw. trans., erful style which his philosophical writings so amply p. 324.) Plato always cherished a deep affection and display, must naturally have impelled him, at an early esteem for his master, and, when the latter was brought period of life, to make some attempts at composition, to trial, undertook to plead his cause; but the partialiwhich were assuredly not without influence on the ty and violence of the judges would not permit him to beautiful form of his later works. After he had made proceed. After the condemnation, he presented his use of the instruction of the most eminent teachers of master with money sufficient to redeem his life, which, poetry in all its forms, he proceeded to make an essay however, Socrates refused to accept. During his imhimself in heroic verse; but when he compared his prisonment Plato attended him, and was present at a production with the masterpieces of Homer, he con- conversation which he held with his friends concernsigned it to the flames. He next tried lyric poetry, ing the immortality of the soul, the substance of which but with no better success; and finally turned his at- he afterward committed to writing in the beautiful ditention to dramatic composition. He elaborated four alogue entitled Phædo, not, however, without interpieces, or a tetralogy, consisting of three separate tra- weaving his own opinions and language. (Compare gedies and one satyric drama; but an accident in- Cicero, de Nat. Deor., 3, 33.) Upon the death of his duced him to quit for ever this career, to which he was master he withdrew, with several other friends of Socnot probably destined. A short time before the fes- rates, to Megara, where they were hospitably entertival of Bacchus, when his pieces were to be brought tained by Euclid, and remained till the ferment at upon the stage, he happened to hear Socrates conver- Athens subsided. Brucker says, that Plato received sing, and was so captivated by the charms of his man- instruction in dialectics from Euclid. (Hist. Crit. ners as from that moment to abandon poetry, and ap- Philos., vol. 1, p. 611, 633.) But no other writer has ply himself earnestly to the study of philosophy. any reference to it. It is rather probable that both, in (Elian, Var. Hist., 10, 21, seqq.-Val. Max., 1, 6. their philosophical conversations, sought to enrich and -Plin., 11, 29.) But, though Plato abandoned his po- to settle each other's knowledge. Hence Cicero reetic attempts, yet he still attended to the reading of the lates, that the Megarean philosopher drew many of his poets, particularly Homer, Aristophanes, and Sophron, opinions from Plato. (Academ. Quæst., 4, 42.) Deas his favourite occupation (Olympiod., Vit. Plat.); sirous of making himself master of all the wisdom and and he appears to have derived from them, in part, the learning which the age could furnish, Plato, after this, dramatic arrangement of his dialogues. It was then travelled into every country which was so far enlight customary for young men who were preparing for the ened as to promise him any recompense of his labour. polite world, or to distinguish themselves in any man- He first visited that part of Magna Græcia where a ner, to attend a course in philosophy. Plato had al- celebrated school of philosophy had been established ready heard the instructions of Cratylus, a disciple of by Pythagoras. According to Cicero, Quintilian, and the school of Heraclitus. (Aristot., Metaphys., 1, 6. Valerius Maximus, the particular object of this visit —Apul., p. 185.) When Diogenes, Olympiodorus, and was to enrich his theoretical knowledge; but, accordother writers assert that he did not become a scholar ing to Apuleius, it was with more especial reference of Cratylus till after the death of Socrates, they give to moral improvement. It is commonly believed that less credit to Aristotle and Apuleius than they deserve; Plato became formally a scholar of the Pythagoreans, the former a contemporary, the latter drawing his in- and many persons are expressly named as his teachers formation from Speusippus. (Tennemann's Life of in the doctrines of that sect of philosophy. But this Plato, Edwards's transl., p. 316, seq.) Plato was 20 multitude of teachers is of itself sufficient to excite years of age when he became acquainted with Socra- suspicion; and, besides, Plato must then have been tes, and he continued a stated disciple of that philos- at least thirty years old, and was undoubtedly ac