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in the island as promised to secure its peace and prosperity, he voluntarily resigned his power, which he had held for ten years, and retired to private life. —The following maxims and precepts are ascribed to him. The first office of prudence is to foresee threatening misfortunes, and prevent them. Power discovers the man. Never talk of your schemes before they are executed, lest, if you sail to accomplish them, you be exposed to the double mortification of disappointment and ridicule. Whatever you do, do it well. Do not that to your neighbour which you would take ill from him. Be watchful of opportunities. (Diog. Laert., in Vit. Plut., Conviv. Sap. Larcher, ad Herod., 1, 27.—Enfield, Hist. Phil., vol. 1, p. 144.) Pittheus, a king of Troezene in Argolis, son of Pelops and Hippodamia. He gave his daughter Æthra in marriage to AEgeus, king of Athens, and brought up Theseus at his court. (Vid. Theseus) He also reared Hippolytus, the son of Theseus. (Eurip, Hippol., 11.—Schol, ad loc.) Pittheus was famed for his wisdom, and Pausanias ascribes to him a work on the art of speaking, given to the world by a native of Epidaurus, and which he says he himself saw. He also states, that Pittheus taught this same art in a temple of the Muses at Troezene. The same writer likewise mentions the tomb of Pittheus, which was still seen in his day, and on which were three thrones or seats of white stone, on which the monarch and two assistants were accustomed to sit when dispensing justice. The whole story of this monarch, however, appears to be mythical in its character. (Pausan., 2, 31.—Plut., Wit. Thes.) Pityo NEsus, a small island off the coast of Argolis. It lay opposite to Epidaurus, and was situate six miles from the coast, and seventeen from AEgina. (Plin., 4, 11.) Pityūsa, a small island off the coast of Argolis, near Aristera. The modern name is Tulea. (Plin., 4, 12.) PityūsA., a group of small islands in the Mediterranean, off the coast of Spain, and lying to the southwest of the Baleares. They derived their name from the number of pine-trees (Titwo, a pine) which grew in them. The largest is Ebusus or Ivica, and next to it is Ophiusa or las Columbretes. (Mela, 2, 7.Plin, 3, 5.) PLAce Ntia, a city of Gallia Cisalpina, at the confluence of the Trebia and Padus. It is now Piacenza. This place was colonized by the Romans, with Cremona, A.U.C. 535, to serve as a bulwark against the Gauls, and to oppose the threatened approach of Hannibal. (Polyb., 3, 40.—Liv., 21, 25.-Vell. Paterc, 1, 14.) Its utility in this latter respect was fully proved, by its affording a secure retreat to the Roman general after the battle of Ticinus, and more especially after the disaster of Trebia. (Polyb., 3, 66–Liv., 21, 56.) Placentia withstood all the efforts of the victorious Hannibal, and also, eleven years after, the attempts which his brother Hasdrubal made to obtain possession of it. The resistance which it offered to the latter caused a delay that led to his overthrow, and thus eventually, perhaps, saved the empire. Aster the termination of the second Punic war, it was, however, taken and burned by the Gauls, headed by Hamilcar the Carthaginian (Liv., 31, 10), but soon after was restored by the consul Valerius, 557 A.U.C. (Liv., 34, 21 ) Placentia had acquired the rights of a municipal city in Cicero's time. (Or. in Pis., 1.) Strabo speaks of it as a celebrated town (216), and Tacitus extols it as a powerful and opulent colony. (Hist., 2, 17, scqq.) Its theatre, situate without the walls, was burned in the civil war between Otho and Vitellius. (Suet, Oth, 9–Plin., 3, 15.—Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p. 79, seqq.) Placidia, a daughter of Theodosius the Great, and sister to Arcadius and Honorius. She resided most

commonly at the court of the laster, and was present when Rome was first invested by the arms of Alaric, being then about twenty years of age. Placidia became a hostage in the hands of the victor, according to some a captive, and her personal attractions won. for her the hand of Ataulphus or Adolphus, the brother in-law of Alaric, and king of the Visigoths. After the death of Ataulphus, she married Constantius, and became the mother of Valentinian III. Having lost her second husband, she acted as guardian for her son, and reigned twenty-five years in his name, and the character of that unworthy emperor gradually countenanced the suspicion, that Placidia had enervated his youth by a dissolute education, and studiously diverted his attention from every manly and honourable pursuit. Amid the decay of military spirit, her armies were commanded by two generals, Aëtius and Boniface, who may be deservedly named as the last of the Romans. Placidia died at Rome, A.D. 450. She was buried at Ravenna, where her sepulchre, and even her corpse, seated in a chair of cypress wood, were preserved for ages. (Ducange, Fam. Byzant., p. 72 — Tillemont, Hist, des Emp., vol. 5, p. 260, 386, &c.— Id. ib., vol. 6, p. 240. – Gibbon, Decline and Fall, c. 31, 33, 35.) PLAN Asia, a small island between Corsica and Ilva, now Pianosa. Tacitus relates, that Augustus was persuaded by Livia to banish his nephew Agrippa Posthumus hither. (Ann., 1, 3 —Ibid., 2, 39.) This island is also noticed by Strabo (123) and Ptolemy (p. 67). PLANciNA, granddaughter of L. Munatius Plancus, and wife of Piso, governor of Syria in the reign of Tiberius. (Wid. Piso X.) She was supposed to have been an accomplice with her husband in shortening the days of Germanicus, but was saved by the influence of Livia, her protectress. As long as Piso, who had been put to his trial, had any hope of acquittal, her language was that of a woman willing to share all changes with her husband, and, if he was doomed to fall, determined to perish with him. But, when she had obtained safety for herself, she left him to his sate. At a later period, however, she was about being proceeded against for her criminal conduct, when, in despair, she laid violent hands on herself, and suffered at last the slow but just reward of a flagitious life. (Tacit., Ann., 2, 43, 55, 75; 3, 9, 15; 6, 26.) PLANcus, I. T. Bursa, a tribune of the commons, 52 B.C. He took part in the troubles excited by the death of Clodius, and, on the expiration of his office, was accused and condemned, notwithstanding the interest made by Pompey in his behalf. (Cic., Ep. ad Fam., 2, 9.)—II. L. Munatius, a native of Tibur, was in early life a pupil of Cicero's, and obtained considerable eminence in the oratorical art. He afterward commanded a legion under Caesar in Gaul. On the assassination of that individual, Plancus acted at first a very equivocal part, and frequently changed sides, attaching himself successively to each party according as it became powerful. Thus we find him, after the victory at Mutina, affecting the utmost zeal for the cause of Brutus and freedom ; and subsequently, when he saw Antony re-established in power, he went over to him with four legions which he had at the time under his command. He obtained upon this the consulship along with Lepidus, B.C. 42. Tired at last of Antony, he sided with Octavius, who received him with the utmost cordiality. It was Plancus who proposed in the senate that the title of Augustus should be bestowed on Octavius. The ancient writers reproach him, besides his political versatility, with a total forgetfulness on one occasion of all dignity and self-respect. This was at the court of Cleopatra, in Alexandrea, when he appeared on the public stage in the character of a sea-god, having his person painted green, and in a state of almost complete nudity; *:::: a crown

of reeds on his head, and with the tail of a fish attached to his body behind. Plancus, however, appears to have been a man of literary tastes, and we have an ode addressed to him by Horace on one occasion, when he had become suspected of disaffection by Augustus, and was meditating his departure from Italy. (Plut., Wit. Ant.—Well. Paterc., 2, 63.—Horat, Od., 1, 7, &c.) PlaNüpes, Maximus, a Greek monk, commonly designated “of Constantinople,” probably by reason of his having long resided there; for he was, in fact, a native of Nicomedia. He was a man of great learning and various acquirements, and flourished in the fourteenth century. In 1327, the Emperor Andronicus Palaeologus sent him as ambassador to the Venetian republic. He is said to have been the first Greek that made use of the Arabic numerals, as they are called. Planudes has given us, 1. A collection of AEsopic fables, together with a very absurd life of the ancient fabulist himself; 2. An Anthology, selected from that of Constantine Cephalas; 3. A poetical Eloge on Claudius Ptolemaus; 4. Some grammatical works; 5. A Greek translation of Caesar's Commentaries of the Gallic war; 6. A prose translation of the Metamorphoses and Heroides of Ovid ; 7. A translation of the Disticha of Cato into Greek verse ; 8. Various unedited works. 1, p. 252.) PLATA: A (gen. -at) and PLATA: E (gen. -arum), a town of Boeotia, of very ancient date, situate at the foot of Mount Cithaeron, and near the river Asopus, which divided its territory from that of Thebes. (Strabo, 412.) Homer writes the name in the singular (II24rata), but the historians use the plural (IIAarataí). The Plataeans, animated by a spirit of independence, had early separated themselves from the Boeotian confederacy, conceiving the objects of this political union to be hostile to their real interests; and had, in consequence of the enmity of the latter city, been induced to place themselves under the protection of Athens. (Herod, 6, 108.) Grateful for the services which they received on this occasion from that power, they testified their zeal in its behalf by sending a thousand soldiers to Marathon, who thus shared the glory of that memorable day. (Herod., l.c.) The Plataeans also manned some of the Athenian vessels at Artemisium, and fought in several battles which took place off that promontory; though not at Salamis, as they had returned to their homes after the Greeks withdrew from the Euripus, in order to place their families and valuables in safety, and could not, therefore, arrive in time. (Herod., 8, 45.) They also fought most bravely in the great battle which took place near their city against Mardonius the Persian general, and earned the thanks of Pausanias and the confederate Greek commanders for their gallant conduct on this as well as other occasions. (Herod., 9, 28. Thucyd., 3, 53, seqq.) But it is asserted by Demosthenes that they afterward incurred the hatred of the Lacedæmonians, and more especially of their kings, for having caused the inscription set up by Pausanias, in commemoration of the victory over the Persians, to be altered. (In Naper., p. 1378.) Plataea, which was afterward burned by the army of Xerxes (Herod., 8, 50), was soon restored with the assistance of Athens, and the alliance between the two cities was cemented more closely than before. The attack made upon Plataea by a party of Thebans at night was the first act of aggression committed on the Peloponnesian side in the war which took place not long aster. The enterprise failed. (Thucyd., 2, 1; seqq.). The natural enmity of Thebes against this little republic was now raised to its height by this defeat, and pressing solicitations were made to the Spartan government to assist in taking signal vengeance on the Plataeans for their adherence to the Athenian interests. Accordingly, in the third year of

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the war, a large Peloponnesian force, under Archidamus, king of Sparta, arrived under the walls of Platoa, and, having summoned the inhabitants to abandon their alliance with Athens, proceeded, on their refusal, to lay siege to the town. The narrative of these operations, and the heroic defence of the Plataeans, the circumvallation and blockade of the city by the enemy, with the daring and successful escape of a part of the garrison, are given with the greatest detail by Thucydides, and certainly form one of the most interesting portions of his history. (Thucyd., 2, 71, seqq.—Id., 3, 20, seqq.). Worn out at length by hunger and fatigue, those Plataeans who remained in the town were compelled to yield to their persevering and relentless foes, who, instigated by the implacable resentment of the Thebans, caused all who surrendered to be put to death, and razed the town to the ground, with the exception of one building, constructed out of the ruins of the city, which they consecrated to Juno, and employed as a house of reception for travellers. From Pausanias we learn, that Plataea was again restored after the peace of Antalcidas; but when the Spartans seized on the Cadmean citadel, the Thebans, suspecting that the Plataeans were privy to the enterprise, took possession of the town by stratagem, and once more levelled its foundations to the ground (9, 1). Though it seems to have been the intention of Philip, and also of Alexander, to restore Plataea (Arrian, 1, 9.- Plut., Wit. Aler., c. 34), this was not carried into effect till the reign of Cassander, who is said to have rebuilt both Thebes and Plataea at the same time. (Pausan., 9, 3.) Dicaearchus, who lived about that period, represents the town as still existing, when he says, “The inhabitants of Plataea have nothing to say for themselves, except that they are colonists of Athens, and that the battle between the Persians and the Greeks took place near their town.” (State, Graec., p. 14.)—The ruins of Plataea, according to Dr. Clarke, are situated upon a promontory projecting from the base of Cithaeron.—The place has now the usual appellation bestowed upon the ruins of Grecian citadels; it is called Palaeo Castro. The walls are of the earliest kind of military structure, consisting of very considerable masses, evenly hewn, and well built. (Clarke's Travels, vol. 7, p. 106, Lond, ed.)—The walls of Platara, according to Sir MV. Gell, may be traced near the little village of Kockla in their circuit. The whole forms a triangle, having a citadel of the same form in the southern angle, with a gate towards the mountain at the point. The northwestern angle seems to have been the portion which was restored after the destruction of the city. The north side is about 1025 yards in length, It is about six geographical miles from the Cadmeia of Thebes. (Itin., p. 111.—Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 2, p. 212, seqq.) —As the battle of Plataea, between the Greeks and Persians, forms so important a feature in their history, some account of it may be here appended.—Mardonius, being informed by the Argives, who were secretly in his interest, that the Lacedæmonians were in motion, withdrew his army into Boeotia, for the sake of engaging near the friendly city of Thebes, and in a more level country, and, therefore, more favourable to his cavalry. Before leaving Athens he burned and demolished what remained of the city. The Athenians crossed from Salamis, and the confederate army being assembled at Eleusis, advanced to Erythrae, on the border of Boeotia, where it took up a position on the roots of Mount Cithaeron. The heavy-armed troops of the Grecian army amounted to 38,700, of whom the Iacedarmonians contributed 10,000. Of these 5000 were Spartans, from the city, each of whom was attended by seven light-armed Helots. In the rest of the army it is computed that to each heavy-armed soldier there was one light-armed attendant. Besides, there were 1800 light-armed Thespians, the remaining strength of that little state, all its heavy-armed troops having fallen at Thermopylae, and those who remained being probably the poorer citizens, who were unable to purchase the full armour, or to maintain themselves in distant warfare. With these the entire numbers were nearly 110,000. The army was led by Pausanias, the Spartan commander, who was cousin and guardian to the minor-king Pleistarchus, the son of Leonidas. The Athenian force of S000 heavy-armed men was led by Aristides. Mardonius's army consisted of 300,000 Asiatics and about 50,000 Macedonian and Greek auxiliaries—The first attack was made by the Persian cavalry, who, continually riding up in small parties, discharged their arrows and retired, annoying the Greeks without any retaliation. The Megarians being placed in the most exposed part of the line, sent to Pausanias to say that they could no longer maintain their ground, and a picked band of 300 Athenians vol. unteered to relieve them. They took with them some archers, a service which the Athenians cultivated with an attention and success unusual in Greece; and soon after their arrival, Masistius, the general of the Persian cavalry, his horse being wounded with an arrow, was dismounted and killed. All the horse now making a desperate charge, forced back the 300, till the rest coming up to support the Athenians, they were repulsed with great slaughter. The army was encouraged by this success, but its present position was inconvenient, particularly for want of water, and it was resolved to move into the territory of Plataea. A dispute arose between the Athenians and the Tegeans for the post of honour at the extremity of the left wing; but it was prevented from proceeding to extremity by the wise moderation of the Athenian commanders, who, still maintaining their claim of right, professed themselves willing, nevertheless, to take their place wherever the Lacedæmonians might appoint. The Lacedaemonians decided in their favour, placing them at the extremity of the left wing, and the Tegeans in the right, next to themselves.—Mardonius now drew up his army according to the advice of the Thebans, opposing the Persians to the Lacedaemonians and Tegeans, the Boeotians and other Greeks in his service to the Athenians, and to the other bodies that occupied the centre the Medes and the rest of the Asiatics. The soothsayers on each side predicted success to the party which received the attack; in compliance, probably, with the policy of the commanders, each of whom, being posted on ground advantageous to himself, was unwilling to leave it and enter on that which had been chosen by his adversary. Ten days were spent in inaction, except that the Persian horse were harassing the Greeks, and, latterly, intercepting their convoys; but, on the eleventh, Mardonius, growing impatient, called a council of war, and resolved, against the opinion of Artabazus, to attack the Greeks on the following day. The same night Alexander the Macedonian, riding alone and secretly to the Athenian encampment, asked to speak to the commanders, and gave then notice of the resolution taken —Pausanias, being informed of this by the Athenian generals, proposed a change in the order of battle, by which the Athenians should be opposed to the Persians, of whose mode of fighting they alone had experience, while in their place the Lacedæmonians should act against the Boeotian and other Grecian auxiliaries. The Athenians readily consented, and the troops began to move while the morn was breaking ; but Mardonius made a countermovement of his Greek and Persian troops, and the Lacedaemonians desisted from their purpose when they saw that it was known. Mardonius sent a herald to reproach them with their fear, and then commenced the action with his horse, who harassed the Greeks severely, and filled up the spring from which their water had been supplied. The Greeks now suffered - 6 U

both from the attacks of the cavalry, and from the want of water and food, their convoys being cut off; and it was resolved to proceed at night to a position nearer Plataea, where water abounded, and the ground was less favourable to horse. Accordingly, in the night the army was moved; but the Greeks of the centre had been so disheartened by the attacks of the cavalry, that, instead of taking up the appointed position, they fled to the city of Plataea. There remained on the one wing the Lacedæmonians (10,000 heavy-armed) and the Tegeans (1500); on the other, the Athenians (8000), with the Plataeans (600), who always accompanied them, and who had carried their zeal so far, that, though an inland people, they helped to man the Athenian ships at Artemisium. Including the lightarmed, those who stood their ground were, of the Lacedaemonians and Tegeans 53,000, of the Athenians ' and Plataeans about 17,200. The march of the Lacedamonians and Tegeans was delayed by the obstinacy of Amompharetus, a Spartan officer, who, viewing the intended movement as a flight, long refused to join in it. The day was dawning, and the Lacedæmonians, through fear of the horse, proceeded over the roots of Cithaeron. The Athenians, who had waited for the movement of the allies, went by the plain. Mardonius, on seeing the Greeks, as it seemed, retreating, was filled with exultation, and immediately led the Persians after them, while the other Asiatics followed tumultuously, thinking the day won. The Lacedaemonians, on the approach of the cavalry, sent to the Athenians for assistance, begging that, if they were unable to come, they would at least send the archers; but the Athenians, when preparing to comply with the summons, were prevented by the attack of the Greeks in the Persian service.—The battle was joined on both sides. The Persians fought with great bravery ; but neither bravery nor vast superiority in numbers could compensate for their inferiority in arms and discipline, and they were at length defeated with great slaughter, Mardonius being killed. The other Asiatics fled immediately, when they saw the Persians broken. Of the Grecian auxiliaries opposed to the Athenians, many were slack in their exertions, as not being hearty in the cause ; but the Boeotians, who formed the strongest body, were zealous for the success of Mardonius, and they fought long and hard before they were defeated. The Boeotians fled towards Thebes, the Asiatics to their intrenched camp, their flight being in some degree protected by the Asiatic and Boeotian cavalry. On hearing that their friends were victorious, the Greeks of the centre returned in haste and disorder to the field; and the Megarians and Phliasians, going by the plain, were charged and broken with con: siderable loss by some Theban horse.—The fugitives who escaped into the camp were in time to close the gates and man the walls against the Lacedæmonians and Tegeans; and, the assailants being unskilled in the attack of fortifications, they made a successful defence till the arrival of the Athenians, who went about the work more skilfully, and soon gained entrance. The passions of the Greeks were inflamed to the utmost by long distress and danger, and no mercy was shown. Of the 300,000 men who were lest with Mardonius, 40,000 had been led from the field by Artabazus when it first became evident that the Persians were losing the battle; but of the others not 3000 are said to have survived the battle and the subsequent massacre. (Herod, 9, 25, seqq.—Libr. Us. Knowl., Hist. Greece, p. 40, seqq.) Plato, I. a celebrated philosopher, by descent at Athenian, but the place of whose birth was the island of AEgina, where his father, Aristo, resided after that island became subject to Athens. His origin is traced back, on his father's side, to Codrus, and on that of his mother, Perictione, through five generations, to So

lon. (Proclus, ad Timaeum, p. 25.) The time of 1073

his birth is commonly placed in the first year of the 88th Olympiad (B.C. 428), but, perhaps, may be more accurately fixed in B.C. 429. (Clinton, Fast. Hellen, p. 63.) Fable has made Apollo his father, and has said that he was born of a virgin. (Plut., Sympos., 8, 1.—Hieron., adv. Jor. Op., vol. 4, p. 186, ed. Par.) He was originally named Aristocles, from his grandfather, and he received that of Plato (IIAaróv) from either the breadth of his shoulders or of his forehead, the appellation being derived from T2arúc, “broad.” This latter name is thought to have been given him in early youth. (Diog. Laert., 3, 4.— Senec., Ep., 58. Apuleius, de dogm. Plat.— Op., ed. Oudend., vol. 2, p. 180.) Plutarch relates that he was humpbacked, but this, perhaps, was not a natural defect; it may have first appeared late in life, as a result of his severe studies. (Plut., de Audiend. Poèt., 26, 53.) Other ancient writers, on the contrary, speak in high terms of his manly and noble mien. The only authentic bust that we have of him is at present in the gallery at Florence. It was discovered near Athens in the 15th century, and purchased by Lorenzo de Medici. In this bust, the forehead of the philosopher is remarkably large. \ (Visconti, Icon. Gr., vol. 1, p. 172, ed. 4to.)—Plato first learned grammar, that is, reading and writing, from Dionysius. In gymnastics, Ariston was his teacher; and he excelled so much in these physical exercises, that he went, as is said, into a public contest at the Isthmian and Pythian games. (Diog Laert., 3, 4. — Apul., p. 184.— Olympiod., Wit. Plat.) He studied painting and music under the tuition of Draco, a scholar of Damon, and Metellus of Agrigentum. But his favourite employment in his youthful years was poetry. The lively fancy and powerful style which his philosophical writings so amply display, must naturally have impelled him, at an early period of life, to make some attempts at composition, which were assuredly not without influence on the beautiful form of his later works. After he had made use of the instruction of the most eminent teachers of poetry in all its forms, he proceeded to make an essay himself in heroic verse ; but when he compared his production with the masterpieces of Homer, he consigned it to the flames. He next tried lyric poetry, but with no better success; and finally turned his attention to dramatic composition. He elaborated four pieces, or a tetralogy, consisting of three separate tragedies and one satyric drama; but an accident induced him to quit for ever this career, to which he was not probably destined. A short time before the fes. tival of Bacchus, when his pieces were to be brought upon the stage, he happened to hear Socrates conversing, and was so captivated by the charms of his manners as from that moment to abandon poetry, and apply himself earnestly to the study of philosophy. (AElian, War. Hist., 10, 21, seqq.— Val. Mar., I, 6. —Plin., 11, 29.) But, though Plato abandoned his poetic attempts, yet he still attended to the reading of the poets, particularly Homer, Aristophanes, and Sophron, as his favourite occupation (Olympiod., Wit. Plat.); and he appears to have derived from them, in part, the dramatic arrangement of his dialogues. It was then customary for young men who were preparing for the polite world, or to distinguish themselves in any manner, to attend a course in philosophy. Plato had already heard the instructions of Cratylus, a disciple of the school of Heraclitus. (Aristot, Metaphys., 1, 6. —Apul, p. 185.) When Diogenes, Olympiodorus, and other writers assert that he did not become a scholar of Cratylus till after the death of Socrates, they give less credit to Aristotle and Apuleius than they deserve; the former a contemporary, the latter drawing his information from Speusippus. (Tennemann's Life of Plato, Edwards's transl., p. 316, seq.) Plato was 20 years of age when he became acquainted with Socra. tes, and he continued a stated disciple of that philos

opher for the space of eight years, until the death of the latter. During all this period, Socrates regarded him as one of his most faithful pupils. Light as must have been the task of education in respect to the mind, since Plato was quite teachable, and, in addition to his eminent talents, possessed of great susceptibility for moral studies, still, on the other hand, t was difficult for Socrates to satisfy the aspiring ard inquisitive spirit of his pupil. In all his conversations, he started questions, raised doubts, and always demanded new reasons, without allowing himself to be satisfied with those already given. (Wis. Plat., 13.− Bibliothek der Allen Lit.) This liveliness and activity of mind could not render Socrates displeased with his manner of thinking : so little, indeed, was this the case, that Plato already, in the lifetime of Socrates, wrote dialogues, in which he introduced his teacher as the principal person, and carried on the discussions in a method that was not entirely his own. Many writers think they have discovered that Socrates was by no means satisfied with the course of Plato, in falsely imputing to him so many things which he had never said. But they can adduce no satisfactory ground or competent testimony for their conclusion. The single thing to which they appeal can prove nothing for them, because it is ambiguous. It is said, that when Plato brought forward his Lysis in the presence of Socrates, the latter exclaimed, “By Hercules how many things does the young man falsely report of me !” (Diog. Laert, 3, 35.) The more probable opinion, however, is, that the story is incorrectly related, and that Socrates merely alluded to the rich and figurative style of Plato, as contrasted with his own simple manner of expression. (Tennemann, Life of Plato, Edw. trans., p. 324.) Plato always cherished a deep affection and esteem for his master, and, when the latter was brought to trial, undertook to plead his cause; but the partiality and violence of the judges would not permit him to proceed. After the condemnation, he presented his master with money sufficient to redeem his life, which, however, Socrates refused to accept. During his imprisonment Plato attended him, and was present at a conversation which he held with his friends concerning the immortality of the soul, the substance of which he afterward committed to writing in the beautiful dialogue entitled Phaedo, not, however, without interweaving his own opinions and language. (Compare Cicero, de Nat. Deor., 3, 33.) Upon the death of his master he withdrew, with several other friends of Socrates, to Megara, where they were hospitably entertained by Euclid, and remained till the ferment at Athens subsided. Brucker says, that Plato received instruction in dialectics from Euclid. (Hist. Crit. Philos., vol. 1, p. 61 1,633.) But no other writer has any reference to it. It is rather probable that both, in their philosophical conversations, sought to enrich and to settle each other's knowledge. Hence Cicero relates, that the Megarean philosopher drew many of his opinions from Plato. (Academ. Quaest., 4, 42.) Desirous of making himself master of all the wisdom and learning which the age could furnish, Plato, after this, travelled into every country which was so far enlightened as to promise him any recompense of his labour. He first visited that part of Magna Graecia where a celebrated school of philosophy had been established by Pythagoras. According to Cicero, Quintilian, and Valerius Maximus, the particular object of this visit was to enrich his theoretical knowledge; but, according to Apuleius, it was with more especial reference to moral improvement. It is commonly believed that Plato became formally a scholar of the Pythagoreans, and many persons are expressly named as his teachers in the doctrines of that sect of philosophy. But this multitude of teachers is of itself sufficient to excite suspicion ; and, besides, Plato must then have been at least thirty years old, and was undoubtedly acquainted with the Pythagorean system long previous to his Italian voyage. How long Plato remained in Italy cannot be determined, since all the accounts relative to this point are deficient. But so much is certain, that he did not leave this country before he had gained the entire friendship of the principal Pythagoreans, of which they subsequently gave most unequivccal proofs. From Italy Plato went to Cyrene, a celebrated Greek colony in Africa. It is not certain whether he visited Sicily in passing. According to Apuleius, the object of his journey was to learn mathematics of Theodorus. This mathematician, whose fame, perhaps, surpassed his knowledge, had given instruction to the young in Athens in this branch of science; and Plato, in all probability, merely wished now to complete his knowledge on this subject. (Tennemann's Life of Plato, Edw. tr., p. 336.) From Cyrene he proceeded to Egypt, and, in order to travel with more safety upon his journey to the last-named country, he assumed the character of a merchant, and, as a seller of oil, passed through the kingdom of Artaxerxes Mnemon. Wherever he came, he obtained information from the Egyptian priests concerning their astronomical observations and calculations. It has been asserted that it was in Egypt that Plato acquired his opinions concerning the origin of the world, and learned the doctrines of transmigration and the immortality of the soul; but it is more than probable that he learned the latter doctrine from Socrates, and the former from the school of Pythagoras. It is not likely that Plato, in the habit of a merchant, could have obtained access to the sacred mysteries of Egypt; for, in the case of Pythagoras, the Egyptian priests were so unwilling to communicate their secrets to strangers, that even a royal mandate was scarcely sufficient in a single instance to procure this indulgence. Little regard is therefore due to the opinions of those who assert that Plato derived his system of philosophy from the Egyptians. (Iamblich, Myst. AEg., 1, 2, p. 3.) That Plato's stay in Egypt extended to a period of thirteen years, as some maintain, or even three years, as others state, is highly incredible; especially as there is no trace in his works of Egyptian research. All that he tells us of Egypt indicates at most a very scanty acquaintance with the subject; and, although he praises the industry of the priests, his estimate of their scientific attainments is far from favourable. (Repub., 4, p. 435.) Nor is there a better foundation for supposing that, during his residence in Egypt, Plato became acquainted with the doctrine of the Hebrews, and enriched his system with spoils from their sacred books. (Huet, Dem. Pr., 4, 2, § 15.- Gale's Court of the Gentiles.) This opinion has, it is true, been maintained by several Jewish and Christian writers, but it has little foundation beyond mere conjecture; and it is not difficult to perceive that it originated in that injudicious zeal for the honour of revelation, which led these writers to make the Hebrew scriptures or traditions the source of all Gentile wisdom. After his Egyptian travels Plato came to Sicily, and visited Syracuse when he was about forty years of age, in the eightv-ninth Olympiad, and in the reign of Dionysius the Elder. According to the statement of all the writers who make mention of this tour, his only object was to see the volcano of Etna ; but, from the seventh letter ascribed to him, it would seem that higher objects engaged his attention, and that his wish was to study the character of the inhabitants, their institutions and laws. At the court of Dionysius Plato became acquainted with Dio, the brother-in-law of the tyrant, and Dio endeavoured to produce an influence upon the mind of Dionysius by the conversation of Plato. But the attempt failed, and had nearly cost the philosopher his life. Dionysius was highly incensed at the result of an argument in which he was worsted by Plato, who took occasion also to advance

in the course of it some bold and unpalatable truths, and, in the first heat of his passion, he would almost have punished the hardihood of the philosopher with death, unless Dio and Aristomenes had together restrained him from it. They conceived, therefore, that Plato could no longer stay at Syracuse without hazard, and accordingly secured a passage for him in a ship which was about to carry home Polis, a Lacedaemonian ambassador, or, according to Olympiodorus, a merchant of AEgina. Dionysius heard of it, and bribed Polis either to throw Plato overboard, or, if his conscience would not allow him to do that, to sell him as a slave. He was accordingly sold by the treacherous Polis on the island of Ægina, which was then involved in war with Athens. According to some writers, he was sold by the AEginetans. A certain Anniceris, from Cyrene, redeemed him for twenty or thirty minae. Plato's friends and scholars (according to some, Dio alone) collected this sum in order to indemnify Anniceris, who, however, was so noble minded, that with the money he purchased a garden in the Academy, and presented it to the philosopher. When Plato had completed his travels, and had reached the end of their various dangers and calamities, he returned to Athens, and began publicly to teach philosophy in the Academy. He had here a garden from paternal inheritance, which was purchased for five hundred drachmae; so that, if the story of Anniceris be true, Plato must have had two gardens in this place, which also a passage from Diogenes allows us to conjecture. This writer remarks, that Plato taught philosophy first in the Academy, but afterward in a garden at Colonus. (Diog., 3, 5.) His Academy soon became celebrated, and was numerously attended by high-born and noble young men: for he had before, by means of his travels, and probably by some publications, acquired a distinguished name. (Tennemann, Life of Plato, Edw. tra., p. 342, seq.) Plato taught in the Academy for a period of twenty-two years prior to his second journey to Syracuse, which he undertook at the instigation of Dio, who hoped, by the lessons of the philosopher, to influence the character of the new ruler of Syracuse. This prince, it is said, had been brought up by his father wholly destitute of an enlightened education, and it was now the task of Plato to form his mind by philosophy. It seems, at the same time, to have been the plan of Dio and Plato to bring about, by philosophical instruction, a wholesome reform of the Sicilian constitution, by giving it a more aristocratic character. But, whatever may have been their intentions, they were all frustrated by the weak and voluptuous character of Dionysius. Dio became the object of the tyrant's suspicion, and was conveyed away to the coast of Italy, without, however, forfeiting his possessions. In this conjuncture of affairs, Plato did not long remain in Syracuse, where his position would at best have been ambiguous. He returned to Athens, but, in consequence of some fresh disagreement between Dionysius and Dio, with respect to the property of the latter, he was induced to take a third journey to Syracuse. The reconciliation, which it was his object to effect, completely miscarried; he himself came to an open, rupture with Dionysius, and only obtained a free departure from Sicily through the active interposition of his Pythagorean friends at Tarentum. It does not appear that he took any part in the later conduct of Sicilian affairs, though his nephew and disciple Speusippus, and others of the Academy, rendered personal assistance to Dio, in a warlike expedition against Dionysius. From this time Plato seems to have passed his old age in tranquillity in his garden, near the Academy, engaged with the instruction of numerous disciples, and the prosecution of his literary labours. He died while yet actively employed about his philosophical compositions. Having enjoyed, the advantage of an athletic constitution, o lived all his

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