could have had any influence over him; but it seems | Persia, and he was appointed to command the national that Philip did not disdain to gain him for his own ends, forces with which it was to be waged. One object and to communicate his designs to him, and employ only now remained to detain Philip in the south of him as his agent. The manner in which Philip finally Greece: to fulfil the promises which he had made treated his conquered enemies excited general sur- some years before to his Peloponnesian allies, to aniprise, and has earned, perhaps, more praise than it de-mate them by his presence, and to make Sparta feel serves. He dismissed the Athenian prisoners without the effects of his displeasure, for having been the only ransom, several of them even newly clothed, and all Grecian state which did not send ministers to the conwith their baggage; and rent Antipater, accompanied, gress at Corinth. His march through the PeloponneJustin says, by Alexander, to bear the bones of their sus was for the most part a peaceful, triumphant progdead, whom he had himself honoured with funeral rites ress, and hence it may be that so few traces of it are (Polyb., 5, 10), to Athens, with offers of peace, on left in our historical fragments. It is chiefly by some terms such as an Athenian would scarcely have ven- casual allusions to it in Polybius and Pausanias that tured to propose to him. The commonwealth was re- the fact itself is ascertained. In Laconia Philip made quired, indeed, to resign a part of its foreign posses- a longer stay, and encountered some resistance. It sions, perhaps all but the Chersonesus, Lemnos, Im- appears, however, that in the end Sparta was combros, and Samos (Plut., Vit. Alex., 28); but it was pelled to submit to the terms which he prescribed. left in undisturbed possession of all its domestic re- The western states beyond the isthmus likewise acsources, and its territory was even enlarged by the ad- knowledged his authority: the leaders of the antidition of Oropus, which Thebes was forced to resign. Macedonian party in Acarnania were driven into exile, (Pausan., 1, 34.) The value of these concessions and Ambracia consented to receive a Macedonian garwas greatly enhanced by comparison with the condi- rison. (Diod. Sic., 17, 3.) Byzantium also, it seems, tions on which peace was granted to the Thebans. entered into an alliance with him, which was little more They were obliged to ransom not only their prisoners, than a decent name for subjection. Thus crowned but their dead. Not only Oropus, but the sovereignty with new honours, having overcome every obstacle, of the Boeotian towns was taken from them. Platea and having established his power on the firmest foundaand Orchomenus were restored to as many as could tion in every part of Greece, he returned in the autumn be found of their old inhabitants: at least they were of 338 B.C. to Macedonia, to prepare for the great enfilled with an independent population implacably hos- terprise on which his thoughts were now wholly bent. tile to Thebes. But this was the lightest part of her This brilliant fortune, however, was before long overpunishment. She lost not only power, but freedom. cast by a cloud of domestic troubles. Philip, not less She was compelled to admit a Macedonian garrison from temperament than policy, had adopted the Oriental into the citadel, and to recall her exiles. The gov- usage of polygamy, which, though repugnant to the anernment was lodged in their hands: a council of three cient Greek manners, did not in this age, as we find hundred, selected from them, was invested with su- from other examples, shock public opinion in Greece. preme authority, both legislative and judicial. (Jus- Thus, it seems, before his marriage with Olympias, he tin, 9, 4.) Philip's treatment of the Athenians has had formed several matrimonial alliances, which might been commonly accounted magnanimous. It may in- all contribute to strengthen his political interests. An deed be said, that in them he did honour to the manly Illyrian princess, a Macedonian lady, apparently of the resistance of open enemies, while in the case of the Lyncestian family, which had some remote claims to Thebans he punished treachery and ingratitude, and, the throne, and two from Thessaly, one a native of knowing the people to be generally hostile to him, he Phere, the other from Larissa, are mentioned before crushed the power of the state, and used the faction Olympias in the list of his wives. After his marriage which depended on him as the instrument of his ven- with Olympias, he did not reject the hand of a Thrageance. On the other hand, it must be remembered cian princess, which was offered to him by her father. that, when this was done, he had the less reason to In each of these cases, however, there was an appadread the hostility of Athens: he might safely concil- rent motive of policy, which may have rendered the iate the favour of the Greeks by a splendid example presence of so many rivals more tolerable than it would of lenity and moderation. It is not improbable that otherwise have been to Olympias, a woman of mascuthis was the course to which he was inclined by his line spirit and violent passions, and who, as a daughown prepossessions. But, had it been otherwise, there ter of the house of Epirus, which traced its pedigree were reasons enough to deter so wary a prince from to Achilles, no doubt regarded herself as far superior violent measures, which would have driven the Athe- to them all in rank, and as Philip's sole legitimate nians to despair. He had probably very early intelli- consort. But after his return to Macedonia from his gence of the preparations for defence which they had victorious campaign in Greece, perhaps early in the begun while they expected an invasion. He might, following spring, he contracted another union, for indeed, have ravaged Attica, and have carried on a which it does not appear that he had the same exDecelean war but it was by no means certain that cuse to plead. Cleopatra, the niece of Attalus one he could make himself master of the city and Piræus of his generals, had, it seems, attracted him by her and nothing but a very clear prospect of immediate beauty. He sought her hand, and their nuptials success could have rendered the attempt advisable. were celebrated, with the usual festivities, in the palThe danger of a failure, and even the inconvenience ace at Pella, where Olympias was residing. This of delay, was far greater than the advantage to be would not be stranger than it is that Alexander was reaped from it. Philip's offers were gladly, if not present at the banquet, which, according to the custom thankfully received at Athens; and he now saw his of the court, was prolonged until both Philip and his road open to the Peloponnesus. Proceeding to Cor- guests were much heated with wine. Attalus had inth, whither he had invited all the states of Greece secretly cherished the presumptuous hope, that his to send their deputies, he held a congress, as in the niece's influence over the king might induce him to time of the ancient league against Persia. The avow-alter the succession, and to appoint a child of hers heir ed object of this assemblage was indeed to settle the affairs of Greece, and to put an end to intestine feuds by the authority of a supreme council. But it was well known, that Philip meant to use it for the purposes of an enterprise, which he had long cherished, the invasion, namely, of the Persian empire. All his proposals were adopted. War was declared against

to the throne. When the wine had thrown him off his guard, he could not refrain from disclosing his wishes, and called on the company to pray that the gods would crown the marriage of Philip and Cleopatra by the birth of a legitimate successor to the kingdom. Alexander took fire at this expression; and exclaiming, "Do you, then, count me a bastard?" hurled the gob

suspicious. It only remained, to take the precaution which he had meditated, for securing the peace of his dominions during his absence, by a closer alliance with the King of Epirus, which might also sooth Olympias. The day of the marriage was fixed, and Philip determined to celebrate the event with the utmost splendour. It afforded an opportunity which he never let slip, of attracting Greeks from all parts to his court, of dazzling them by his magnificence, and winning them by his hospitality. A solemn festival, either the national one of the Muses, or the Olympic games instituted by Archelaus, was proclaimed to be held in the ancient capital of Ege. Musical and dramatic contests were announced, for which artists of the greatest celebrity were engaged. When the time arrived, the city was crowded with strangers; not only guests invited by the king and his courtiers, but envoys deputed by most of the leading cities of Greece to honour the solemnity, and to offer presents, chiefly crowns of gold, to the king. A splendid banquet followed the nuptials. On the morrow an exhibition was to take place in the theatre: it was filled at an early hour with spectators. The entertainments began with a solemn procession, in which, among other treasures, were carried images of exquisite workmanship, and gorgeously adorned, of the twelve Olympian gods: a thirteenth, which seemed to be somewhat profanely associated with them, represented Philip himself. The shouts of an admiring, applauding multitude then announced the king's approach. He advanced in white robes and

let out of which he was drinking at his head. The | 91), though the event renders this anecdote somewhat hall became a scene of tumult. Philip started from his couch, and, instead of rebuking Attalus, drew his sword and rushed at his son; but, before he reached him, stumbled and fell. Alexander, before he withdrew, is said to have pointed to his father as he lay on the floor, with the taunt: "See the man who would pass over from Europe to Asia, upset in crossing from one couch to another." (Plut., Vit. Alex., 9.-Athenaus, 13, p. 557.) The quarrel did not end with the ntoxication of the evening, as the offence which had been given to the prince was much deeper than the momentary provocation. He and his mother quitted the kingdom; she found shelter at the court of her brother Alexander, who, after the death of Arybas, had succeeded, through Philip's intervention, to the throne of Epirus, having supplanted acides, the lawful heir. Alexander took up his abode in Illyria, and Philip was obliged at last to employ the good offices of a Corinthian, named Demaratus, to induce his son to return to Macedonia. (Plut., Vit. Alex., 9.) It was not so easy to appease Olympias: and it was most likely with a view to baffle her intrigues that Philip negotiated a match between his brother-in-law and their daughter Cleopatra. When the brother-in-law had been gained by this offer, his sister saw that she must defer her revenge, and returned, apparently reconciled, to her husband's court. These unhappy differences, and perhaps the continued apprehension of hostile movements on the side of Illyria and Epirus, may have been the causes which prevented Philip from crossing over to Asia in person in 337 B.C. In the course of this year, how-festal chaplet, with his son and the bridegroom on eiever, he sent over a body of troops, under the command of Parmenio, Amyntas, and Attalus (whom, perhaps, he was glad to remove in this honourable manner from his court), to the western coast of Asia, to engage the Greek cities on his side, and to serve as a rallying point for all who were disaffected to the Persian government. It was in this same year that Pixodarus, the usurper of the Carian throne, sought the alliance of Philip, and proposed to give his eldest daughter to Aridæus, Philip's son by his Larissæan wife, Philinna, a youth of imbecile intellect. Olympias was, or affected to be, alarmed by this negotiation; several of Alexander's young companions shared her suspicions, and their insinuations persuaded him that the intended marriage was a step by which Philip designed to raise Aridæus to the throne. Under this impression he despatched Thessalus, a Greek player, who was exercising his profession at the Macedonian court, on a secret mission to Caria, to induce Pixodarus to break off the match with Aridaus and to transfer his daughter's hand to Alexander himself. Pixodarus joyfully accepted the prince's offer. But Philip, having discovered the correspondence, shamed his son out of his suspicions by an indignant expostulation, which he addressed to him in the presence of his young friend, Parmenio's son, Philotas, on the unworthiness of the connexion which he was about to form with a barbarian, who was not even an independent prince, but a Persian vassal. Alexander dropped the project, which had so strongly excited his father's resentment, that the latter wrote to Corinth to demand that Thessalus should be sent to him in chains, and banished four of Alexander's companions, Harpalus, Nearchus, Phrygius, and Ptolemæus, from Macedonia: to one of them the beginning of a wonderful elevation. So passed the year 337. Towards the end of the next spring, Philip's preparations for his Asiatic expedition were far advanced. He had summoned the Greek states to furnish their contingents, and, as became the general of the Amphictyonic council, had consulted the Delphic oracle on the event of his enterprise; and, it is said, had received an answer worthy of its ancient reputation for its politic ambiguity: "Crowned is the victim, the altar is ready, the stroke is impending" (Diod. Sic., 16,

ther side, a few paces behind him. His guards he had ordered to keep at a distance, that all might have a view of his person, and that it might not be supposed he doubted the universal good-will of the Greeks. This was the moment when a young man stepped forth from the crowd, ran up to the king, and, drawing a Celtic sword from beneath his garments, plunged it into his side. Philip fell dead. The murderer rushed towards the gates of the town, where horses were waiting for him. He was closely pursued by some of the great officers of the royal body-guard, but would have mounted before they had overtaken him if his sandal had not been caught by the stump of a vine, which brought him to the ground. In the first heat of their passion his pursuers despatched him. His name was Pausanias; and the motive that impelled him to the deed was, that he had suffered an outrage from Attalus for which Philip had refused to give him satisfaction. (Aristot., Polit., 5, 8, 10.) Both Olympias and Alexander were suspected of having been privy to the deed, but, as would seem, without any very strong grounds. Indeed, the character of Alexander instinctively recoiled from every species of baseness, and yet Niebuhr, in his lectures, expresses a suspicion, almost amounting to a full conviction, of Alexander's guilt!-Thus, in the 47th year of his age and the 24th of his reign, perished Philip of Macedon, at the end of one great stage of a prosperous career, near the outset of another which opened immeasurable ground for hope. A great man certainly, according to the common scale of princes, though not a hero like his son, nor to be tried by a philosophical model. But it was something great, that one who enjoyed the pleasures of animal existence so keenly, should have encountered so much toil and danger for glory and empire. It was something still greater, that one who was so well acquainted with the worst sides of human nature, and who so often profited by them, should yet have been so capable of sympathy and esteem. If we charge him with duplicity in his political transactions, we must remember that he preferred the milder ways of gratifying his ambition to those of violence and bloodshed: that he at least desired the reputation of mercy and humanity. If he once asked whether a fortress was so inaccessible that

consent. They farther imposed a fine of one thousand talents, and demanded the surrender of all his galleys. (Liv., 33, 30) In the war which the Romans afterward carried on with Antiochus, king of Syria, Philip actively co-operated with the former; but, jealous of his talents, and aware also of his ambitious spirit, the Romans seized every opportunity of counteracting his efforts to restore the empire of Macedon to its former power and importance. Philip beheld this course of conduct with ill-disguised vexation and disgust, and it is probable that this mutual ill-will would have led to an open rupture if the death of Philip had no intervened. This event is said to have been hastened by the domestic troubles which concurred to imbitter the latter years of his life. Dis

seus and Demetrius; and, by the arts of the former, who was the elder, but illegitimate, a violent prejudice had been raised in the mind of Philip against the latter, who had resided at Rome for some years as a hostage, even after peace was concluded with that power. The unfortunate Demetrius fell a victim to his brother's treachery, and his father's credulity and

not even an ass laden with gold could mount to it, we may as well believe the anecdote which relates of him, that he replied to his counsellors who urged him to treat Athens with rigour, that they were advising him to destroy the theatre of his glory. (Plut., Reg. et Imp. Apophth., 11.) The many examples of generous forbearance reported in Plutarch's collection of his apophthegms cannot be all groundless fictions: and the less restraint he set on many of his passions, the more amiable appears, by contrast, the self-control which he exercised, when he was tempted to an unjust or harsh use of his power. He is one of the men of whom we wish to know more, whose familiar letters and conversation must have been worth preserving. But even the history of his outward life is like an ancient statue, made up of imperfect and ill-ad-sensions had long subsisted between his two sons Perjusted fragments. He left the task of his life unfinished, and his death must have appeared to his contemporaries premature. We must rather admire the peculiar felicity of the juncture at which he was removed to make room for one better fitted for the work. What he had done, his successor would perhaps not have accomplished so well. What he meditated was probably much less than his son effect-injustice. (Liv, 40, 24.) But Philip having discoved, and yet more than he himself would have brought ered, not long after, the fatal error into which he had to pass. If he had begun his enterprise, he would been betrayed, was so stung with remorse, that anmost likely have done little more than mar some guish of mind soon brought him to the grave. (Vid. splendid pages in the history of the world. (Thirl- Perseus.) He died B.C. 179, after a reign of fortywall's History of Greece, vol. 6, p. 69 — Cramer's two years. (Clinton, Fast. Hell., vol. 1, p. 243.)—– Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 174.)-III. The third of the VII. M. Julius, a Roman emperor, of an obscure name, was more commonly known by the name of family in Trachonitis, a province of Arabia, to the Aridæus. (Vid. Aridæus.)-IV. One of the sons of south of Damascus, and hence called the Arabian. Alexander, slain by order of Olympias.-V. The Zonaras (12, 19) and Cedrenus (vol. 1, p. 257) make fifth of the name, was the eldest son of Cassander, Bostra, the capital of the country, to have been his and succeeded his father on the throne of Macedon native city; but the language of Aurelius Victor would about 298 B.C. He was carried off by sickness after rather incline us to believe that he was born in the ena reign of one year. (Justin, 15, 4.-Id., 16, 1.)- virons of that city, since he calls him in one part VI. The sixth of the name, was still an infant at the "Arabs Trachonitis" (de Cas., 28), and in another death of his father, Demetrius III. of Macedon. He speaks of his father as having been "nobilissimus lawas left under the care of his uncle Antigonus Doson, tronum ductor." (Epit., 28.) His first act, also, on who, being guardian of his nephew, became, in fact, attaining to the empire, was to found a city not far the reigning sovereign. (Polyb., 2, 45.-Plut, Vit. from Bostra, which he dignified with the name of PhilArat. Justin, 28, 3.) Antigonus ruled over Mace- ippopolis. St. Jerome, who speaks of this foundation, don for the space of twelve years, when his exertions confounds with the Arabian city another of the same in defeating the Illyrians, who had made an inroad name in Thrace. Jornandes falls into the same error into his territories, caused the bursting of a blood- (p. 108). Burckhardt found in the environs of Bostra vessel, which terminated his existence. (Polyb., 2, a Greek inscription bearing the name Philippopolis, 70.) His nephew Philip, though only fifteen years of which sets the matter at rest. (Travels, p. 98.)age, now assumed the reins of government, and showed Philip entered the Roman armies, and soon distinhimself deficient neither in energy nor talents. Adopt-guished himself by his services, until he was at length ing the policy of his wise and able predecessor in pro- appointed commander of the body-guard, in the reign tecting the Achæans against the ambitious designs of of Gordian III., having succeeded Misitheus, whom the Etolians, who were now become one of the most he was suspected of having cut off. In taking the powerful states of Greece, he engaged in what Polyb-place of Misitheus, Philip became, in fact, as his preius has termed the Social War, during which he ob- decessor had been, the guardian of the young prince, tained several important successes, and effectually re- and the master of the empire. Gordian had, under pressed the daring spirit of that people. (Polyb., lib. the auspices of Misitheus, undertaken, the year previ 4 et 5.) The great contest which was now waging ous, an expedition against the Persians, which ended in Italy, between Hannibal and the Romans, naturally gloriously for the Roman arms; and he now prepared attracted the attention of the King of Macedon; and for a second campaign against the same foe, when it appears from Polybius and Livy that he actually Philip produced an artificial scarcity by intercepting entered into an alliance with the Carthaginian gen- the supplies of corn, and thus raised a spirit of diseral. By securing, however, the co-operation of the affection against the young emperor. These intrigues, Etolians, the Romans were enabled to keep in check however, did not delay the march of the army, which the forces of Philip; and, on the termination of the advanced into Mesopotamia, defeated the Persians, struggle with Carthage, sought to avenge the injury and compelled their king to take shelter in the very the prince had meditated by invading his hereditary heart of his dominions. Gordian returned triumphant, dominions. Philip, for two campaigns, resisted the when the partisans of Philip excited a commotion in attacks of the Romans and their allies, the Etolians, the camp, and finally compelled the emperor to reEumenes, king of Pergamus, and the Rhodians;ceive Philip as an associate in the empire. This difinally, however, he sustained a signal defeat at Cy-vision of power, consummated by forcible means, could noscephalæ, in the plains of Thessaly, and was compelled to sue for peace on such conditions as the victors chose to impose. These were, that Demetrius, his younger son, should be sent as a hostage to Rome, and that he should not engage in any war without their

not prove of very long duration, and the young monarch was soon after deposed and put to death. His ashes were conveyed to Rome, and a splendid monument was erected to his memory, near Circesium, on the Euphrates. Meanwhile the letters of Philip to the senate pur

Moon, and Earth" (ɛpì èкhɛíРewv, kai μɛyélovs λíov kai σɛλývns kai ys). The work is cited by Stobæus. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 3, p. 8.)-XIII. An epigrammatic poet, a native of Thessalonica, who flourished during the reign of Tiberius. He is sometimes called "the Macedonian," but more frequently" Philip of Thessalonica." We have eighty-five epigrams of his remaining. They display little originality, being for the most part imitations of preceding poets. (Jacobs, Catal. Poet. Epigr., p. 935.) Philip of Thessalonica is the compiler of what is termed the "Second Anthology," thus continuing the work commenced by Meleager. The interval between the two compilations was about 150 years. (Jacobs, l. c. — Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 4, p. 49, 55.)

PHILISCUS, I. an orator, and also an epigrammatic poet, one of whose effusions has been preserved by Plutarch, who speaks of him as a contemporary of Lysias, and a pupil of Isocrates. He was a native of Miletus in Ionia; and, besides his poetical pieces, left several harangues and a life of Lycurgus. (Ruhnken, Hist. Crit. Orat. Gr., p. lxxxiii.-Plut., X. Orat. Vit., p. 836.-Suidas, s. v. — Jacobs, Catal. Poet. Epigr., p. 936.)-II. or perhaps Philicus, a tragic Theocritus (270 B.C.). He gave his name, as inventor, to a particular species of Iambic verse (Metrum Philisceum or Philiceum). (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 3, p. 86.)-III. A tragic poet, a native of Egina, and contemporary with Philiscus of Corcyra. (Schöll, l. c.)-IV. A sculptor of Rhodes, whose era is uncertain. He made, among others, two statues, one of Apollo, the other of Venus, which were placed in the collection of Octavia. (Plin., 36, 5, 4.)

ported that Gordian had died of illness, and that the choice of the army had fallen upon him. Arganthis, king of Scythia, was encouraged to advance by the tidings of the death of Misitheus; but Philip, sacrificing the interests of the state to his own, and paying no regard to this new invasion, hastened to secure his election at Rome, where he professed to venerate the statues of Gordian, who had been deified by the senate. The fickle multitude were amused and conciliated by one of those juggles of public pageantry which are found to be so useful in turning the attention of the people from the flagitiousness of their rulers. The thousandth anniversary of the building of Rome was celebrated by splendid games, and by combats in the amphitheatre. But the claim of the "Arabian" to the empire of Rome was disputed by Decius, who had been sent to quell a sedition in Pannonia, and who joined the revolters. Philip lost a battle near Verona, and this event was to his soldiers the signal for his assassination (A.D. 249). His son was slain in the Prætorian camp. (Capitol., Vit. Gord. Tert., 29, seqq. Aurel. Vict., l. c.- Casaub., de iis qui post Gord. Tert., principes fuere, § iv.)—VIII. An Acarnanian, and physician to Alexander the Great. When that monarch had been seized with a fever, after ba-poet, a native of Corcyra, and contemporary with thing, while overheated, in the cold stream of the Cydnus, and most of his medical attendants despaired of his life, Philip, who stood high in his confidence, undertook to prepare a medicine which would relieve him. In the mean while, a letter was brought to the king from Parmenio, informing him of a report, that Philip had been bribed by Darius to poison him. Alexander, it is said, had the letter in his hand when the physician came in with the draught, and, giving it to him, drank the potion while the other read; a theatri- PHILISTUS, a wealthy native of Syracuse, who emcal scene, as Plutarch unsuspectingly observes, but ployed his riches in procuring the sovereign power for one which would not have been invented except for Dionysius the Elder. He became, subsequently, the such a character, and which Arrian was therefore in- confidant, minister, and general of the tyrant; but he duced, though doubtingly, to record. The remedy, lost his favour by having secretly married one of his or Alexander's excellent constitution, prevailed over nieces, and was driven into exile. He retired to the disease; but it was long before he had regained Adria, where he wrote on the "Antiquities of Sicily," sufficient strength to resume his march. (Plut., Vit. in seven books, which was carried down to the third Alex.-Arrian, Exp. Al., 2, 4, 12, seqq.) The whole year of the 83d Olympiad, and embraced a period of story is now regarded as a very apocryphal one. We eight centuries. He composed also a "Life of Diocannot very well understand what Parmenio was doing, nysius," in four books. Having been recalled from that he did not come himself instead of writing. One banishment by Dionysius the younger, he became the sees from Curtius (3, 6) how the narrative was em- antagonist of Dion and Plato, who had gained an asbellished. In Arrian, Parmenio's letter only mentions cendancy over the mind of that prince. Philistus a report which he had heard, that Philip had been commanded the fleet of Dionysius in the naval battle bribed. In Curtius, it is asserted that he had been with Dion and the Syracusans, which cost the tyrant promised one thousand talents, and the hand of the his throne, and his vessel having run aground, he was sister of Darius. There was certainly some confu- taken prisoner and put to an ignominious death. Besion between this story and that of Alexander the sides the two works already mentioned, Philistus Lyncestian. Seneca (de Ira, 2, 23) says, that it was wrote the life of Dionysius the younger, in two books. Olympias who sent the warning letter about Philip. These three productions being united, bore the com(Thirlwall's History of Greece, vol. 6, p. 173.)-IX. mon name of LIKEλikά. Cicero praises this historian, A pretender to the crown of Macedonia, after the and calls him "almost a little Thucydides" (pæne pu overthrow of Perseus. He is commonly known by sillus Thucydides.—Ep., ad Q. Fratr., 2, 13—Comthe appellation of " Pseudophilippus." His true pare de Divin., 1, 20). But Plutarch and Pausanias name was Andriscus. (Vid. Andriscus.)-X. The reproach him with having sacrificed truth to the deGreek translator of the work of Horapollo. From the sire of recovering the good graces of his master. internal evidence afforded by the translation itself, he Dionysius of Halicarnassus also observes, that if he is supposed to have lived a century or two later than has managed to resemble his model, Thucydides, it is Horapollo; and at a time when every remnant of ac- only in two respects, in having left behind him untual knowledge of the subject, on which Horapollo finished writings, and in the disorder which prevails treats, must have vanished. (Cory, Hieroglyphics of throughout his works. In point of sentiment and feelHorapollo, pref., p. ix.)-XI. A comic poet of Athens, ing, there is, according to Dionysius, no resemblance son of Aristophanes. He does not appear to have in- whatever between the two: Thucydides had a lofty herited any considerable portion of his father's won- and noble spirit; Philistus, on the other hand, yielded derful abilities. (Theatre of the Greeks, p. 115, 4th slavish obedience to tyrants, and sacrificed truth to ed.)-XII. A native of Opus, and a disciple of Plato. them. Dionysius confesses, however, that the style Diogenes Laertius informs us (3, 37), that Plato died of Philistus was clear, and marked by "roundness" before publishing his "Laws," and that Philip of Opus and energy, though without figures and ornament.gave to the world the manuscript of the work, which Alexander the Great is said to have greatly admired he found among his master's tablets. (Vid. Plato.) the works of Philistus, and they formed part of his Philip wrote "on Eclipses, and on the size of the Sun, portative library. The fragments of this writer have

been collected by Göller, in his work "De situ et Ori- | mann, Lex. Bibliogr., vol. 3, p. 224)-III. Called, gine Syracusarum," p. 177.-M. Sevin, in his "Re- for distinction' sake, Judæus ('lovdaioç) or "the Jew," cherches sur la vie et les écrits de Philistus" (Mem. was a native of Alexandrea, a member of a sacerde l'Acad. des Inscr., vol. 13, p. 1, seqq.), maintains dotal family, and flourished about 40 A.D. He bethat Philistus was a pupil of Isocrates; Göller, how-longed to the sect of the Pharisees, and was a great ever, shows very conclusively, that Sevin was misled zealot for the religion of his fathers. On occasion of by a corrupt passage in Cicero (de Orat., 2, 23), where, a tumult which had taken place at Alexandrea, the instead of "Philisti," we ought to read " Philisci," Hellenistic Jews of this city sent him to Rome to carand where the reference can only be to Philiscus the ry their justification before the Emperor Caligula; but Milesian. (Göller, Op. cit., p. 112, seqq.-Dion. the latter refused to receive him into his presence. Hal., De Vet. Script. cens. (Op., ed Reiske, vol. 5, Philo was a man of great learning. He had carefully p. 427).-Id., Epist. ad Cn. Pomp. (Op., vol. 6, p. studied all the Grecian systems of philosophy, and he 780).-Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 2, p. 177, seqq.— made an admirable use of this knowledge in accomSainte-Croix, Examen des Hist. d'Alex., p. 12.) plishing the object which he had in view, of presenting PHILO, I. a statuary, in the age of Alexander the the pagans, namely, with the sacred Scriptures of his Great. This is evident from the circumstance of his nation as the perfection of all human wisdom. Of all having made a statue of Hephaestion. (Tatian, Orat. the systems of profane philosophy, no one suited his adv. Gr., 55.) This artist is undoubtedly referred to views so well as the Platonic. His inclination toin a well-known inscription given by Wheler (Itin., wards a contemplative life was nurtured by the peru209. Compare Spohn, Misc. Erud. Antiq., 332. sal of Plato's writings, while their mysterious tendenChishull, Antiq. Asiat., p. 59, seqq.-Jacobs, Anthol. cy served to inflame his imagination. The ideas of Gr., 3, 1, p. 192.-Sillig, Dict. Art., s. v.)—II. A Plato were amalgamated with Philo's doctrine respectnative of Byzantium, who flourished about 150 B.C. ing the Scriptures, and he may thus be regarded as He must not be confounded with the architect Philo, the precursor of that strange philosophy which, one who, in the time of the orator Lycurgus, built the ar- hundred and fifty years after his time, developed itself senal in the Piræus.-Philo of Byzantium was the au- in Egypt. The style of Philo is expressly modelled thor of a treatise having relation to mechanics, in five after that of Plato. A perusal of his works, which are books, of which only the last two remain to us. These quite numerous, is not only interesting for the study treat of the making of missile weapons (Beλorоlikά, of the New-Platonic philosophy, but extremely imporor 'Oруavonоtiká), of the construction of towers, walls, tant for understanding the Septuagint and the books of ditches, as well as other works required for the siege the New Testament. Mai discovered, in 1816, some of cities. There is ascribed to him also a work on unedited fragments of this writer. An Armenian transthe "Seven Wonders of the World" (IIεpì тwν 'Еnтà lation was also found at Lemberg, in Galicia, by Zoh→ɛaμúτwv). These wonders are, the gardens of Se-rab, an Armenian, in 1791, which contained thirteen miramis, the pyramids of Egypt, the statue of Jupiter productions of Philo, of which eight no longer exist in at Olympia, the colossus of Rhodes, the walls of Bab- Greek. (Maii de Philonis Judæi et Eusebii Pamphili ylon, the temple of Diana at Ephesus, and the Mauso- scriptis ineditis Dissertatio, Mediolani, 1816, 8vo.) leum. The last chapter of the work, however, is want- The best edition of Philo is that of Mangey, Lond., ing, and the last but one is in a very mutilated state. 1742, 2 vols. fol.: the latest is that of Richter, formIt is a production of very little value, excepting the ing the second part of the "Bibliotheca Sacra," Laps., chapter which treats of the Colossus of Rhodes, and 1828-1830, 8 vols. 12mo. It contains merely the text. the fragment that remains of the description of the The two works found by Mai were published at Milan Ephesian temple, two monuments which Philo himself in 1818, 8vo, and Aucher published at Venice, in 1822, As he no doubt had also beheld the tomb of a Latin translation of the three works of Philo, of Mausolus, we have to regret the loss of the last chap- which Zöhrab had found the Armenian text. The ter, in which this was described. The style, however, Hebrew Lexicon of Philo, which exists only in a Latin of this work indicates a more recent writer than the version, and which is found in no edition of his works, author of the Βελοποιϊκά. The two books of the trea- is contained in the second volume of the works of St. tise relating to Missiles, &c., are to be found in the Jerome, published in Paris, 1633. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. collection of the Ancient Mathematicians" (Mathe- Gr., vol. 5, p. 65, seqq.— Hoffmann, Lex. Bibliogr., matici Veteres, Paris, 1693, p. 49-104). The first vol. 3, p. 225, seq.)-IV. An epigrammatic poet, who five chapters of the "Seven Wonders" were published, flourished from the reign of Nero to that of Hadrian. for the first time, by Leo Allatius, Rom., 1640, 8vo, He celebrated, in a separate production, the reign of with a very careless Latin version. A corrected edi- the latter. Eudocia states (p. 424), that he composed tion was given by De Boissieu, who accompanied M. four books of epigrams. Only one small distich rede Crequi in his embassy to Rome, and delivered a mains. (Jacobs, Catal. Poet. Epigr., p. 936.)—V. harangue before Urban VIII. This edition was cor- A native of Larissa, the pupil and successor of Clirected by the Vatican MS., and appeared at the end tomachus in the chair of the New Academy. He of the Ibis of Ovid published in 1661, at the Lyons also taught at Rome, having retired to that city from press, 8vo. It is rarely met with, and was unknown Athens during the Mithradatic war, B.C. 100. By to Bast, who, when the Vatican MS. was brought to some he has been considered the founder of a Fourth Paris, published the variations contained in it, though Academy. Philo contined s epticism to a contradicthey were already given in the edition of Boissieu. tion of the metaphysics of the Stoics and their pretendThis edition of Boissieu swarms with typographical ed criteria of knowledge: he contradicted the sphere errors; but it is accompanied by a good Latin ver- of logic; made moral philosophy merely a matter of The edition of Allatius, corrected by Gronovi- public instruction; and endeavoured to prove that the us, was reprinted in the Thesaurus Antiq. Crit., vol. Old and New Academies equally doubted the certain7, with the fragment of the sixth chapter, which Hol- ty of speculative knowledge. Cicero was one of his stenius had found. Teucher promised a new edition auditors, and often makes mention of him in his wriin 1811, but it never saw the light, the editor having tings. (Tennemann, Manual Hist. Philos., p. 154.died before he could complete it. In 1816, Orelli Compare Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 5, p. 198.) published a new edition, with the text corrected after Boissieu and Bast, and with "Testimonia Veterum," &c. This is the best edition: it contains also the fragments of the Sophist Callinicus, and of Adrian of Tyre. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 3, p. 367.-Hoff

saw.

sion.

PHILOCTETES, & Thessalian prince, son of Paas or Poan, king of Melibea. According to the account of Apollodorus and others, which we have followed in the narrative of the death of Hercules, that hero gave his bow and arrows to Paas, father of Philoctetes, as