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could have lad any influence over him ; but it seems that Philip did not disdain to gain him for his own ends, and to communicate his designs to him, and employ him as his agent. The manner in which Philip finally treated his conquered enemies excited general surprise, and has earned, perhaps, more praise than it deserves. He dismissed the Athenian prisoners without ransom, several of them even newly clothed, and all with their baggage; and rent Antipater, accompanied, Justin says, by Alexander, to bear the bones of their dead, whom he had himself honoured with funeral rites (Polyb., 5, 10), to Athens, with offers of peace, on terms such as an Athenian would scarcely have ventured to propose to him. The commonwealth was required, indeed, to resign a part of its foreign possessions, perhaps all but the Chersonesus, Lemnos, Imbros, and Samos (Plut., Wit. Aler, 28); but it was left in undisturbed possession of all its domestic resources, and its territory was even enlarged by the ad

, dition of Oropus, which Thebes was sorced to resign.

(Pausan., 1, 34.) The value of these concessions was greatly enhanced by comparison with the conditions on which peace was granted to the Thebans. They were obliged to ransom not only their prisoners, but their dead. Not only Oropus, but the sovereignty of the Boeotian towns was taken from them. Plataea and Orchomenus were restored to as many as could be found of their old inhabitants : at least they were filled with an independent population implacably hostile to Thebes. But this was the lightest part of her punishment. She lost not only power, but freedom. She was compelled to admit a Macedonian garrison into the citadel, and to recall her exiles. The government was lodged in their hands: a council of three hundred, selected from them, was invested with supreme authority, both legislative and judicial. (Justin, 9, 4.) Philip's treatment of the Athenians has been commonly accounted magnanimous. It may indeed be said, that in them he did honour to the manly resistance of open enemies, while in the case of the Thebans he punished treachery and ingratitude, and, knowing the people to be generally hostile to him, he crushed the power of the state, and used the faction which depended on him as the instrument of his vengeance. On the other hand, it must be remembered that, when this was done, he had the less reason to dread the hostility of Athens : he might safely conciliate the savour of the Greeks by a splendid example of lenity and moderation. It is not improbable that this was the course to which he was inclined by his own prepossessions. But, had it been otherwise, there were reasons enough to deter so wary a prince from violent measures, which would have driven the Athenians to despair. He had probably very early intelligence of the preparations for defence which they had . while they expected an invasion. He might, indeed, have ravaged Attica, and have carried on a Decelean war : but it was by no means certain that he could make himself master of the city and Piraeus: and nothing but a very clear prospect of immediate success could have rendered the attempt advisable. The danger of a failure, and even the inconvenience of delay, was far greater than the advantage to be reaped from it. Philip's offers were gladly, if not thankfully received at Athens; and he now saw his road open to the Peloponnesus. Proceeding to Corinth, whither he had invited all the states of Greece to send their deputies, he held a congress, as in the time of the ancient league against Persia. The avowed object of this assemblage was indeed to settle the affairs of Greece, and to put an end to intestine feuds by the authority of a supreme council. But it was well known, that Philip meant to use it for the purposes of an enterprise, which he had long cherished, the invasion, namely, of the Persian empire. All his proposals were adopted. War was declared against

Persia, and he was appointed to command the national forces with which it was to be waged. One object only now remained to detain Philip in the south of Greece: to fulfil the promises which he had made some years before to his Peloponnesian allies, to animate them by his presence, and to make Sparta feel the effects of his displeasure, for having been the only Grecian state which did not send ministers to the congress at Corinth. His march through the Peloponnesus was for the most part a peaceful, triumphant progress, and hence it may be that so few traces of it are left in our historical fragments. It is chiefly by some casual allusions to it in Polybius and Pausanias that the fact itself is ascertained. In Laconia Philip made a longer stay, and encountered some resistance. • It appears, however, that in the end Sparta was compelled to submit to the terms which he prescribed. The western states beyond the isthmus likewise acknowledged his authority : the leaders of the antiMacedonian party in Acarnania were driven into exile, and Ambracia consented to receive a Macedonian garrison. (Diod. Sic, 17, 3.) Byzantium also, it seems, entered into an alliance with him, which was little more than a decent name for subjection. Thus crowned with new honours, having overcome every obstacle, and having established his power on the firmest foundation in every part of Greece, he returned in the autumn of 338 B.C. to Macedonia, to prepare for the great enterprise on which his thoughts were now wholly bent. This brilliant fortune, however, was before long overcast by a cloud of domestic troubles. Philip, not less from temperament than policy, had adopted the Oriental usage of polygamy, which, though repugnant to the an: cient Greek manners, did not in this age, as we find from other examples, shock public opinion in Greece. Thus, it seems, before his marriage with Olympias, he had formed several matrimonial alliances, which might all contribute to strengthen his political interests. An Illyrian princess, a Macedonian lady, apparently of the Lyncestian family, which had some remote claims to the throne, and two from Thessaly, one a native of Pherae, the other from Larissa, are mentioned before Olympias in the list of his wives. After his marriage with Olympias, he did not reject the hand of a Thracian princess, which was offered to him by her father. In each of these cases, however, there was an apparent motive of policy, which may have rendered the presence of so many rivals more tolerable than it would otherwise have been to Olympias, a woman of masculine spirit and violent passions, and who, as a daughter of the house of Epirus, which traced its pedigree to Achilles, no doubt regarded herself as far superior to them all in rank, and as Philip's sole legitimate consort. But after his return to Macedonia from his victorious campaign in Greece, perhaps early in the following spring, he contracted another union, for which it does not appear that he had the same excuse to plead. Cleopatra, the niece of Attalus one of his generals, had, it seems, attracted him by her beauty. He sought her hand, and their nuptials were celebrated, with the usual festivities, in the palace at Pella, where Olympias was residing. This would not be stranger than it is that Alexander was present at the banquet, which, according to the custom of the court, was prolonged until both Philip and his guests were much heated with wine. Attalus had secretly cherished the presumptuous hope, that his niece's influence over the king might induce him to alter the succession, and to appoint a child of hers heir to the throne. When the wine had thrown him off his guard, he could not resrain from disclosing his wishes, and called on the company to pray that the gods would crown the marriage of Philip and Cleopatra by the birth of a legitimate successor to the kingdom. Alexander took fire at this expression; and exclaiming, “Do you, then, count me a bastard!” hurled the goblet out of which he was drinking at his head. The hall became a scene of tumult. Philip started from his couch, and, instead of rebuking Attalus, drew his sword and rushed at his son; but, before he reached him, stumbled and sell. Alexander, before he withdrew, is said to have pointed to his father as he lay on the floor, with the taunt: “See the man who would pass over from Europe to Asia, upset in crossing from one couch to another.” (Plut., Wit. Alez., 9–Athenatus, 13, p. 557.) The quarrel did not end with the ontoxication of the evening, as the offence which had been given to the prince was much deeper than the momentary provocation. He and his mother quitted the kingdom; she found shelter at the court of her brother Alexander, who, after the death of Arybas, had succeeded, through Philip's intervention, to the throne of Epirus, having supplanted ACacides, the lawful heir. Alexander took up his abode in Illyria, and Philip was obliged at last to employ the good offices of a Corinthian, named Demaratus, to induce his son to return to Macedonia. (Plut., Wit. Aler, 9.) It was not so easy to appease Olympias: and it was most likely with a view to baffle her intrigues that Philip negotiated a match between his brother-in-law and their daughter Cleopatra. When the brother-in-law had been gained by this offer, his sister saw that she must defer her revenge, and returned, apparently reconciled, to her husband's court. These unhappy differences, and perhaps the continued apprehension of hostile movements on the side of Illyria and Epirus, may have been the causes which prevented Philip from crossing over to Asia in person in 337 B.C. In the course of this year, however, he sent over a body of troops, under the command of Parmenio, Amyntas, and Attalus (whom, perhaps, he was glad to remove in this honourable manner from his court), to the western coast of Asia, to engage the Greek cities on his side, and to serve as a rallying point for all who were disaffected to the Persian government. It was in this same year that Pixodarus, the usurper of the Carian throne, sought the alliance of Philip, and proposed to give his eldest daughter to Aridaeus, Philip's son by his Larissa'an wife, Philinna, a youth of imbecile intellect. Olympias was, or af. fected to be, alarmed by this negotiation; several of Alexander's young companions shared her suspicions, and their insinuations persuaded him that the intended marriage was a step by which Philip designed to raise Aridaeus to the throne. Under this impression he despatched Thessalus, a Greek player, who was exercising his profession at the Macedonian court, on a secret mission to Caria, to induce Pixodarus to break off the match with Aridaeus and to transfer his daughter's hand to Alexander himself. Pixodarus joyfully accepted the prince's offer. But Philip, having discovered the correspondence, shamed his son out of his suspicions by an indignant expostulation, which he addressed to him in the presence of his young friend, Parmenio's son, Philotas, on the unworthiness of the connexion which he was about to form with a barbarian, who was not even an independent prince, but a Persian vassal. Alexander dropped the project, which had so strongly excited his father's resentment, that the latter wrote to Corinth to demand that Thessalus should be sent to him in chains, and banished four of Alexander's companions, Harpalus, Nearchus, Phrygius, and Ptolemaeus, from Macedonia: to one of them the beginning of a wonderful elevation. So passed the year 337. Towards the end of the next spring, Philip's preparations for his Asiatic expedition were far advanced. He had summoned the Greek states to furnish their contingents, and, as became the general of the Amphictyonic council, had consulted the Delphic oracle on the event of his enterprise; and, it is said, had received an answer worthy of its ancient reputation for its politic ambiguity: “Crowned is the victim, the altar is ready, the stroke is impending” (Diod. Sic, 16,

91), though the event renders this anecdote somewhat suspicious. It only remained, to take the precaution which he had meditated, for securing the peace of his dominions during his absence, by a closer alliance with the King of Epirus, which might also sooth Olympias. The day of the marriage was fixed, and Philip determined to celebrate the event with the utmost splendour. It afforded an opportunity which he never let slip, of attracting Greeks from all parts to his court, of dazzling them by his magnificence, and winning them by his hospitality. A solemn festival, either the national one of the Muses, or the Olympic games instituted by Archelaus, was proclaimed to be held in the ancient capital of AEgae. Musical and dramatic contests were announced, for which artists of the greatest celebrity were engaged. When the time arrived, the city was crowded with strangers; not only guests invited by the king and his courtiers, but envoys deputed by most of the leading cities of Greece to honour the solemnity, and to offer presents, chiefly crowns of gold, to the king. A splendid banquet followed the nuptials. On the morrow an exhibition was to take place in the theatre: it was filled at an early hour with spectators. The entertainments began with a solemn procession, in which, among other treasures, were carried images of exquisite workmanship, and gorgeously adorned, of the twelve Olympian gods: a thirteenth, which seemed to be somewhat profanely associated with them, represented Philip himself. The shouts of an admiring, applauding multitude then announced the king's approach. He advanced in white robes and festal chaplet, with his son and the bridegroom on either side, a few paces behind him. His guards he had ordered to keep at a distance, that all might have a view of his person, and that it might not be supposed he doubted the universal good-will of the Greeks. This was the moment when a young man stepped forth from the crowd, ran up to the king, and, drawing a Celtic sword from beneath his garments, plunged it into his side. Philip sell dead. The murderer rushed towards the gates of the town, where horses were waiting for him. He was closely pursued by some of the great officers of the royal body-guard, but would have mounted before they had overtaken him if his sandal had not been caught by the stump of a vine, which brought him to the ground. In the first heat of their passion his pursuers despatched him. His name was Pausanias; and the motive that impelled him to the deed was, that he had suffered an outrage from Attalus for which Philip had refused to give him satisfaction. (Aristot., Polit., 5, 8, 10.) Both Olympias and Alexander were suspected of having been privy to the deed, but, as would seem, without any very strong grounds. Indeed, the character of Alexander instinctively recoiled from every species of baseness, and yet Niebuhr, in his lectures, expresses a suspicion, almost amounting to a full conviction, of Alexander's guilt —Thus, in the 47th year of his age and the 24th of his reign, perished Philip of Macedon, at the end of one great stage of a prosperous career, near the outset of another which opened immeasurable ground for hope. A great man certainly, according to the common scale of princes, though not a hero like his son, nor to be tried by a philosophical model. But it was something great, that one who enjoyed the pleasures of animal existence so keenly, should have encountered so much toil and danger for glory and empire. It was something still greater, that one who was so well acquainted with the worst sides of human nature, and who so often profited by them, should yet have been so capable of sympathy and esteem. If we charge him with duplicity in his political transactions, we must remember that he preferred the milder ways of gratisying his ambition to those of violence and bloodshed : that he at least desired the reputation of mercy and humanity. If he once asked whether a fortress was so inaccessible that not even an ass laden with gold could mount to it, we may as well believe the anecdote which relates of him, that he replied to his counsellors who urged him to treat Athens with rigour, that they were advising him to destroy the theatre of his glory. (Plut., Reg, et Imp. Apophth., 11.) The many examples of generous forbearance reported in Plutarch's collection of his apophthegms cannot be all groundless fictions: and the less restraint he set on many of his passions, the more amiable appears, by contrast, the self-control which he exercised, when he was tempted to an unjust or harsh use of his power. He is one of the men of whom we wish to know more, whose familiar letters and conversation must have been worth preserving. But even the history of his outward life is like an ancient statue, made up of imperfect and ill-adjusted fragments. He left the task of his life unfinished, and his death must have appeared to his contemporaries premature. We must rather admire the peculiar felicity of the juncture at which he was removed to make room for one better fitted for the work. What he had done, his successor would perhaps not have accomplished so well. What he meditated was probably much less than his son effected, and yet more than he himself would have brought to pass. If he had begun his enterprise, he would most likely have done little more than mar some splendid pages in the history of the world. (Thirlwall's History of Greece, vol. 6, p. 69 — Cramer's Anc. Grecce, vol. 1, p. 174)—III. The third of the name, was more commonly known by the name of Aridaeus. (Wid. Aridaeus.)—IV. One of the sons of Alexander, slain by order of Olympias. – W. The fifth of the name, was the eldest son of Cassander, and succeeded his father on the throne of Macedon about 298 B.C. He was carried off by sickness after a reign of one year. (Justin, 15, 4.—Id., 16, 1.)— WI. The sixth of the name, was still an infant at the death of his father, Demetrius III. of Macedon. He was left under the care of his uncle Antigonus Doson, who, being guardian of his nephew, became, in fact, the reigning sovereign. (Polyb., 2, 45.-Plut, Vit. Arat.—Justin, 28, 3.) Antigonus ruled over Macedon for the space of twelve years, when his exertions in defeating the Illyrians, who had made an inroad into his territories, caused the bursting of a bloodvessel, which terminated his existence. (Polyb, 2, 70.) His nephew Philip, though only fifteen years of age, now assumed the reins of government, and showed himself deficient neither in energy nor talents. Adopting the policy of his wise and able predecessor in protecting the Achaeans against the ambitious designs of the AEtolians, who were now become one of the most powerful states of Greece, he engaged in what Polybius has termed the Social War, during which he obtained several important successes, and effectually repressed the daring spirit of that people. (Polyb., lib. 4 ct 5.) The great contest which was now waging in Italy, between Hannibal and the Romans, naturally attracted the attention of the King of Macedon; and it appears from Polybius and Livy that he actually entered into an alliance with the Carthaginian general. By securing, however, the co-operation of the AEtolians, the Romans were enabled to keep in check the forces of Philip ; and, on the termination of the struggle with Carthage, sought to avenge the injury the prince had meditated by invading his hereditary dominions. Philip, for two campaigns, resisted the attacks of the Romans and their allies, the AEtolians, Eumenes, king of Pergamus, and the Rhodians; finally, however, he sustained a signal defeat at Cynoscephala, in the plains of Thessaly, and was compelled to sue for peace on such conditions as the victors chose to impose. These were, that Demetrius, his younger son, should be sent as a hostage to Rome, and that he should not engage in any war without their

consent. They farther imposed a fine of one thousand talents, and demanded the surrender of all his galleys. (Liv., 33, 30.) In the war which the Romans afterward carried on with Antiochus, king of Syria, Philip actively co-operated with the former; but, jealous of his talents, and aware also of his ambitious spirit, the Romans seized every opportunity of counteracting his efforts to restore the empire of Macedon to its former power and importance. Philip beheld this course of conduct with ill-disguised vexation and disgust, and it is probable that this mutual ill-will would have led to an open rupture if the death of Philip had not intervened. This event is said to have been hastened by the domestic troubles which concurred to imbitter the latter years of his life. Dissensions had long subsisted between his two sons Perseus and Demetrius; and, by the arts of the former, who was the elder, but illegitimate, a violent prejudice had been raised in the mind of Philip against the latter, who had resided at Rome for some years as a hostage, even after peace was concluded with that power. The unfortunate Demetrius fell a victim to his brother's treachery, and his father's credulity and injustice. (Lio, 40, 24.) But Philip having discovered, not long aster, the fatal error into which he had been betrayed, was so stung with remorse, that anguish of mind soon brought him to the grave. (Wid. Perseus.) He died B.C. 179, after a reign of fortytwo years. (Clinton, Fast. Hell., vol. 1, p. 243.)— VII. M. Julius, a Roman emperor, of an obscure family in Trachonitis, a province of Arabia, to the south of Damascus, and hence called the Arabian. Zonaras (12, 19) and Cedrenus (vol. 1, p. 257) make Bostra, the capital of the country, to have been his native city; but the language of Aurelius Victor would rather incline us to believe that he was born in the environs of that city, since he calls him in one part “Arabs Trachonitis” (de Caes., 28), and in another speaks of his father as having been “mobilissimus latronum ductor.” (Epit., 28.) His first act, also, on attaining to the empire, was to found a city not far from Bostra, which he dignified with the name of Philippopolis. St. Jerome, who speaks of this foundation, confounds with the Arabian city another of the same name in Thrace. Jornandes falls into the same error (p. 108). Burckhardt found in the environs of Bostra a Greek instription bearing the name Philippopolis, which sets the matter at rest. (Travels, p. 98.)— Philip entered the Roman armies, and soon distinguished himself by his services, until he was at length appointed commander of the body-guard, in the reign of Gordian III., having succeeded Misitheus, whom he was suspected of having cut off. In taking the place of Misitheus, Philip became, in fact, as his predecessor had been, the guardian of the young prince, and the master of the empire. Gordian had, under the auspices of Misitheus, undertaken, the year previous, an expedition against the Persians, which ended gloriously for the Roman arms; and he now prepared for a second campaign against the same foe, when Philip produced an artificial scarcity by intercepting the supplies of corn, and thus raised a spirit of disaffection against the young emperor. These intrigues, however, did not delay the march of the army, which advanced into Mesopotamia, defeated the Persians, and compelled their king to take shelter in the very heart of his dominions. Gordian returned triumphant, when the partisans of Philip excited a commotion in the camp, and finally compelled the emperor to receive Philip as an associate in the empire. This division of power, consummated by sorcible means, could not prove of very long duration, and the young monarch was soon after deposed and put to death. His ashes were conveyed to Rome, and a splendid monument was erected to his memory, near Circesium, on the Euphrates. Meanwhile the letters of Philip to the senate purking of Scythia, was encouraged to advance by the

ported that Gordian had died of illness, and that the choice of the army had fallen upon him. Arganthis, kai aežňvng Kai yüc). (Scholl, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 3, p. 8.)—XIII. An epi

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tidings of the death of Misitheus; but Philip, sacri- grammatic poet, a native of Thessalonica, who flour

ficing the interests of the state to his own, and paying

ished during the reign of Tiberius. He is sometimes

no regard to this new invasion, hastelled to secure his called “the Macedonian,” but more frequently “Phil.

election at Rome, where he professed to venerate the statues of Gordian, who had been deified by the senate. The fickle multitude were amused and conciliated by one of those juggles of public pageantry which are found to be so useful in turning the attention of the people from the flagitiousness of their rulers. The thousandth anniversary of the building of Rome was celebrated by splendid games, and by combats in the amphitheatre. But the claim of the “Arabian” to the empire of Rome was disputed by Decius, who had been sent to quell a sedition in Pannonia, and who joined the revolters. Philip lost a battle near Verona, and this event was to his soldiers the signal for his assassination (A.D. 249). His son was slain in the Praetorian camp. (Capitol, Vit. Gord. Tert., 29, seqq. Aurel. Vict, l. c. Casaub., de iis qui post Gord. Tert, principes fuere, ) iv.)—VIII. An Acarmanian, and physician to Alexander the Great. When that monarch had been seized with a sever, after bathing, while overheated, in the cold stream of the Cydnus, and most of his medical attendants despaired of his life, Philip, who stood high in his confidence, undertook to prepare a medicine which would relieve him. In the mean while, a letter was brought to the king from Parmenio, informing him of a report, that Philip had been bribed by Darius to poison him. Alexander, it is said, had the letter in his hand when the É. came in with the draught, and, giving it to

im, drank the potion while the other read; a theatrical scene, as Plutarch unsuspectingly observes, but one which would not have been invented except for such a character, and which Arrian was therefore induced, though doubtingly, to record. The remedy, or Alexander's excellent constitution, prevailed over the disease; but it was long before he had regained sufficient strength to resume his march. (Plut., Wit. Aler.—Arrian, Erp. Al., 2, 4, 12, scqq.) The whole story is now regarded as a very apocryphal one. We cannot very well understand what Parmenio was doing, that he did not come himself instead of writing. One sees from Curtius (3, 6) how the narrative was embellished. In Arrian, Parmenio's letter only mentions a report which he had heard, that Philip had been bribed. In Curtius, it is asserted that he had been promised one thousand talents, and the hand of the sister of Darius. There was certainly some confusion between this story and that of Alexander the Lyncestian. Seneca (de Ira, 2, 23) says, that it was Olympias who sent the warning letter about Philip. (Thirlwall's History of Greece, vol. 6, p. 173.)—IX. A pretender to the crown of Macedonia, after the overthrow of Perseus. IIe is commonly known by the appellation of “Pseudophilippus.” His true name was Andriscus. (Vid. Andriscus.)—X. The Greek translator of the work of Horapollo. From the internal evidence assorded by the translation itself, he is supposed to have lived a century or two later than Horapollo; and at a time when every remnant of actual knowledge of the subject, on which Horapollo treats, must have vanished. (Cory, Hieroglyphics of Horapollo, pref., p. ix.)—XI. A comic poet of Athens, son of Aristophanes. He does not appear to have inherited any considerable portion of his father's wonderful abilities. (Theatre of the Greeks, p. 115, 4th ed.)—XII. A native of Opus, and a disciple of Plato. Diogenes Laertius informs us (3,37), that Plato died before publishing his “Laws,” and that Philip of Opus

ave to the world the manuscript of the work, which É. found among his master's tablets. (Vid. Plato.) Philip wrote “on Eclipses, and on the size of the Sun,

ip of Thessalonica.” We have eighty-five epigrams of his remaining. They display little originality, being for the most part imitations of preceding poets. (Jacobs, Catal. Poet. Epigr., p. 935.) Philip of Thessalonica is the compiler of what is termed the “Second Anthology,” thus continuing the work commenced by Meleager. The interval between the two compilations was about 150 years. (Jacobs, l. c. Scholl, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 4, p. 49, 55.) Philiscus, I. an orator, and also an epigrammatic poet, one of whose effusions has been preserved by Plutarch, who speaks of him as a contemporary of Lysias, and a pupil of Isocrates. He was a native of Miletus in Ionia; and, besides his poetical pieces, left several harangues and a life of Lycurgus. (Ruhnken, Hist. Crit. Orat. Gr., p. lxxxiii. Plut., X. Orat. Wit., p. 836. —Suidas, s. v. —Jacobs, Catal. Poet. Epigr., p. 936.)—II. or perhaps Philicus, a tragic poet, a native of Corcyra, and contemporary with Theocritus (270 B.C.). He gave his name, as inventor, to a particular species of Iambic verse (Metrum Philisceum or Philiceum). (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 3, p. 86.)—III. A tragic poet, a native of .f.gina, and contemporary with Philiscus of Corcyra. (Schöll, l.c.)—IV. A sculptor of Rhodes, whose era is uncertain. He made, among others, two statues, one of Apollo, the other of Venus, which were placed in the collection of Octavia. (Plin., 36, 5, 4.) Philistus, a wealthy native of Syracuse, who employed his riches in procuring the sovereign power for Dionysius the Elder. He became, subsequently, the confidant, minister, and general of the tyrant; but he lost his favour by having secretly married one of his nieces, and was driven into exile. He retired to Adria, where he wrote on the “Antiquities of Sicily,” in seven books, which was carried down to the third year of the 83d Olympiad, and embraced a period of eight centuries. He composed also a “Life of Dionysius,” in four books. Having been recalled from banishment by Dionysius the younger, he became the antagonist of Dion and Plato, who had gained an ascendancy over the mind of that prince. Philistus commanded the fleet of Dionysius in the naval battle with Dion and the Syracusans, which cost the tyrant his throne, and his vessel having run aground, he was taken prisoner and put to an ignominious death. ... Besides the two works already mentioned, Philistus wrote the life of Dionysius the younger, in two books. These three productions being united, bore the common name of Xuce%uká. Cicero praises this historian, and calls him “almost a little Thucydides” (pane pusillus Thucydides.—Ep., ad Q. Fratr., 2.13 —Compare de Digin., 1, 20). But Plutarch and Pausanias reproach him with having sacrificed truth to the desire of recovering the good graces of his master. Dionysius of Halicarnassus also observes, that if he has managed to resemble his model, Thucydides, it is only in two respects, in having left behind him unfinished writings, and in the disorder which prevails throughout his works. In point of sentiment and feeling, there is, according to Dionysius, no resemblance whatever between the two: Thucydides had a lofty and noble spirit; Philistus, on the other hand, yielded slavish obedience to tyrants, and sacrificed truth to them. Dionysius confesses, however, that the style of Philistus was clear, and marked by “roundness” and energy, though without figures and ornamentAlexander the Great is said to have greatly admired the works of Philistus, and they formed part of his portative library. The fragments of ". writer have been collected by Göller, in his work “De situ et Origine Syracusarum,” p. 177. — M. Sevin, in his “Recherches sur la vie et les écrits de Philistus” (Mem. de l'Acad, des Inscr., vol. 13, p. 1, seqq.), maintains that Philistus was a pupil of Isocrates; Göller, howçver, shows very conclusively, that Sevin was misled by a corrupt passage in Cicero (de Orat., 2, 23), where, instead of “Philisti,” we ought to read “Philisci,” and where the reference can only be to Philiscus the Milesian. (Göller, Op. cit., p. 112, seqq.— Dion. Hall, De Vet. Script. cens. (Op., cd Reiske, vol. 5, p. 427).-Id., Epist, ad Cn. Pomp. (Op., vol. 6, p. 780).-Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr, vol. 2, p. 177, seqq.— Sainte-Croix, Eramen des Hist, d'Aler., p. 12.) Philo, I. a statuary, in the age of Alexander the Great. This is evident from the circumstance of his having made a statue of Hephæstion. (Tatian, Orat. adv. Gr., 55.) This artist is undoubtedly referred to in a well-known inscription given by Wheler (Itin., 209. — Compare Spohn, Misc. Erud. Antiq., 332.— Chishull, Antiq. Asiat., p. 59, seqq.—Jacobs, Anthol. Gr., 3, 1, p. 192.-Sillig, Dict. Art, s. v.)—II. A native of Byzantium, who flourished about 150 B.C. He must not be confounded with the architect Philo, who, in the time of the orator Lycurgus, built the arsenal in the Piraeus.-Philo of Byzantiuin was the author of a treatise having relation to mechanics, in five books, of which only the last two remain to us. These treat of the making of missile weapons (Beàototiká, or 'Opyavoirotiká), of the construction of towers, walls, ditches, as well as other works required for the siege of cities. There is ascribed to him also a work on the “Seven Wonders of the World” (IIepi rāv Errá 6cauátov). These wonders are, the gardens of Semiramis, the pyramids of Egypt, the statue of Jupiter at Olympia, the colossus of Rhodes, the walls of Bab'. the temple of Diana at Ephesus, and the Mausoeum. The last chapter of the work, however, is wanting, and the last but one is in a very mutilated state. It is a production of very little value, excepting the chapter which treats of the Colossus of Rhodes, and the fragment that remains of the description of the Ephesian temple, two monuments which Philo himself saw. As he no doubt had also beheld the tomb of Mausolus, we have to regret the loss of the last chapter, in which this was described. The style, however, of this work indicates a more recent writer than the author of the Bežototiká. The two books of the treatise relating to Missiles, &c., are to be found in the collection of the “Ancient Mathematicians” (Mathematici Veteres, Paris, 1693, p. 49–104). The first five chapters of the “Seven Wonders” were published, for the first time, by Leo Allatius, Rom., 1640, 8vo, with a very careless Latin version. A corrected edition was given by De Boissieu, who accompanied M. de Crequi in his embassy to Rome, and delivered a harangue before Urban VIII. This edition was corrected by the Vatican MS., and appeared at the end of the Ibis of Ovid published in 1661, at the Lyons press, 8vo. It is rarely met with, and was unknown to Bast, who, when the Vatican MS. was brought to Paris, published the variations contained in it, though they were already given in the edition of Boissieu. This edition of Boissieu swarms with typographical errors; but it is accompanied by a good Latin version. The edition of Allatius, corrected by Gronovi. us, was reprinted in the Thesaurus Antiq. Crit., vol. 7, with the fragment of the sixth chapter, which Holstenius had found. Teucher promised a new edition in 1811, but it never saw the light, the editor having died before he could complete it. In 1816, Orelli ublished a new edition, with the text corrected after }. and Bast, and with “Testimonia Vetcrum,” &c. This is the best edition: it contains also the fragments of the Sophist Callinicus, and of Adrian of Tyre. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr, vol. 3, p. 367–Hoff.

mann, Lez. Bibliogr., vol. 3, p. 224)—III. Called, for distinction' sake, Judaeus ('Iovéalog) or “the Jew," was a native of Alexandrea, a member of a sacerdotal family, and flourished about 40 A.D. He belonged to the sect of the Pharisees, and was a great zealot for the religion of his fathers. On occasion of a tumult which had taken place at Alexandrea, the Hellenistic Jews of this city sent him to Rome to carry their justification before the Emperor Caligula; but the latter refused to receive him into his presence. Philo was a man of great learning. He had carefully studied all the Grecian systems of philosophy, and he made an admirable use of this knowledge in accomplishing the object which he had in view, of presenting the pagans, namely, with the sacred Scriptures of his nation as the perfection of all human wisdom. Of all the systems of profane philosophy, no one suited his views so well as the Platonic. His inclination towards a contemplative life was nurtured by the perusal of Plato's writings, while their mysterious tendency served to inflame his imagination. The ideas of Plato were amalgamated with Philo's doctrine respecting the Scriptures, and he may thus be regarded as the precursor of that strange philosophy which, one hundred and fifty years after his time, developed itself in Egypt. The style of Philo is expressly modelled aster that of Plato. A perusal of his works, which are quite numerous, is not only interesting for the study of the New-Platonic philosophy, but extremely important for understanding the Septuagint and the books of the New Testament. Mai discovered, in 1816, some unedited fragments of this writer. An Armenian translation was also found at Lemberg, in Galicia, by Zohrab, an Armenian, in 1791, which contained thirteen productions of Philo, of which eight no longer exist in Greek. (Maii de Philonis Judaei et Eusebil Pamphili scriptis ineditis Dissertatio, Mediolani, 1816, 8vo.) The best edition of Philo is that of Mangey, Lond, 1742, 2 vols. fol. : the latest is that of Richter, forming the second part of the “ Bibliotheca Sacra,” Lips., 1828–1830, 8 vols. 12mo. It contains merely the text. The two works found by Mai were published at Milan in 1818, 8vo, and Aucher published at Venice, in 1822, a Latin translation of the three works of Philo, of which Zohrab had found the Armenian text. The Hebrew Lexicon of Philo, which exists only in a Latin version, and which is found in no edition of his works, is contained in the second volume of the works of St. Jerome, published in Paris, 1633. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 5, p. 65, *{{T, Hoffmann, Ler. Bibliogr., vol. 3, p. 225, seq.)—IV. An epigrammatic poet, who flourished from the reign of Nero to that of Hadrian. He celebrated, in a separate production, the reign of the latter. Eudocia states (p. 424), that he composed four books of epigrauns. Only one small distich remains. (Jacobs, Catal. Poet. Epigr., p. 936.)—V. A native of Larissa, the pupil and successor of Clitomachus in the chair ..} the New Academy. He also taught at Rome, having retired to that city from Athens during the Mithradatic war, B.C. 100. By some he has been considercd the founder of a Fourth Academy. Philo confined septicism to a contradiction of the metaphysics of the Stoics and their pretended criteria of knowledge: he contradicted the sphere of logic; made moral philosophy merely a matter of public instruction; and endeavoured to prove that the Old and New Academies equally doubted the certainty of speculative knowledge. Cicero was one of his auditors, and often makes mention of him in his writings. (Tennemann, Manual Hist, Philos., p. 154– Compare Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 5, p. 198) Philoctetes, a Thessalian prince, son of Poeas or Poean, king of Melboea. According to the account of Apollodorus and others, which we have followed in the narrative of the death of Hercules, that hero gave his bow and arrows to Potas, father of Philoctetes, as

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