of some size, near the junction of the two principal PHILE, an island and city of Egypt, south of Syene. The city appears to have owed its existence to the Ptolemies, who intended it as a friendly meetingplace and a common emporium for the Egyptians and the Ethiopians from Meroë. Hence, according to some, the name of the place. (Þíλaι, from piλoç.— Compare Servius, ad Æn., 6, 323, "locum quem Philas, hoc est amicas, vocant.") Others, however, derive it from the Egyptian Phi lakh, "the end" or "extremity" (i. e., of Egypt), and others, again, from the Arabic Phil, "an elephant," making Phila and Elephantina identical. (Consult Jablonski, Voc. Egypt., s. v. — ·Opusc., vol. 1, p. 455, seq., ed. Te Water.) The island contains at present many splendid remains of antiquity. In its immediate vicinity was a small rocky island called 'Abaroç (Abatos) by the Greeks, from the circumstance of its being permitted the priests alone to set foot on it, and its being hence inaccessible to others. In this place was the tomb of Osiris, Isis having here deposited his remains. (Tzetz. ad Lycophr., v. 212.-Zoega, de Obelisc., p. 286.-Description de l'Egypte, Antiq., vol. 1, p. 44.-Creuzer, Comment. Herod., p. 182, seqq.) The modern name is Gezirat-el-Birbe ("Temple-island"), in allusion to the remains of antiquity upon it. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 10, pt. 1, p. 235, seqq.) tions, p. 178, seqq.) In the Brandenburg collection, | delphia may be represented by Mout or Mood, a town there is a coin, described by Beger, which bears on one side a diota, with the inscription IAO, and on the other a Boeotian shield. This has been often taken for a coin of Phidon the Argive, but on no good grounds whatever. The known device of Egina is, almost without an exception, a tortoise, while the shield portrayed upon this coin is as exclusively a badge of Boeotia, and is too highly executed for so remote a period. It appears, also, that it was a common practice in Boeotia to inscribe the name of some magistrate upon their coins. (Beger, Thesaurus Brandenb., p. 279. Cardwell, Lectures on Ancient Coinage, p. 111.)-II. A native of Cumæ. (Vid. Phidon I.) PHILADELPHIA (Þiλadéλpɛia), I. a city of Lydia, southeast of Sardis. It stood on a root of Mount Tmolus, by the river Cogamus, and derived its name from its founder, Attalus Philadelphus, brother of Eumenes. The frequent earthquakes which it experienced were owing to its vicinity to the region called Catacecaumene. Even the city walls were not secure, but were shaken almost daily, and disparted. The inhabitants lived in perpetual apprehension, and were almost constantly employed in repairs. They were few in number, the people chiefly residing in the country, and cultivating the soil, which was very fertile. (Strabo, 628.) Tacitus mentions it among the cities restored by Tiberius, after a more than ordinary calamity of the kind to which we have just alluded. (Ann., 2, 47.) In the midst of these alarms, however, Christianity flourished in Philadelphia, and the place is mentioned in the Book of Revelations as one of the seven churches of Asia (3, 7). At a later day, the zeal of the Philadelphians showed forth conspicuously in the gallant defence they made against the Turks on more than one occasion. (G. Pachym., p. 290.) At length they were conquered by Bajazet in 1390. M. Duc., p. 70.-Chalcond., p. 33.) The place is now called Allah-sehr, and preserves some remains of Christianity, and also a few monuments of heathen antiquity. Chandler states, "that it is now a mean but considerable town, of large extent, spreading up the slopes of three or four hills. Of the walls which encompassed it, many remnants are standing, but with large gaps." (Travels, p. 310, seq.) Mr. Arundell, who visited this place in 1826, was informed by the Greek bishop that there were twenty-five churches PHILENI, two Carthaginian brothers, whose names in it, but that divine service was chiefly confined to have been handed down to modern times for a signal five only, in which it was regularly performed every act of devotion to their country. A contest, it seems, week, but in the larger number only once a year." had arisen between the Carthaginians and Cyreneans, (Visit to the Seven Churches of Asia, p. 170.) Mr. respecting the point where their respective territories Fellows, who visited the spot in 1838, remarks, "Of met, and this was the more difficult to be determined, the ancient city of Philadelphia but little remains; since the country on the borders of the two states was its walls are still standing, enclosing several hills, a sandy desert, and without anything that might serve upon the sides of which stood the town, but they as a common landmark. It was agreed at last, that are fallen into ruins. They are built of unhewn stone, two individuals should set out at the same time from massed and cemented together with fragments of old Carthage and Cyrene respectively, and that the spot edifices: some immense remains of buildings, huge where they might meet should be regarded as the square stone pillars, supporting brick arches, are also common boundary of the two communities. standing, and are called the ruins of the Christian ties accordingly set out, the two Philani having been Church. All the remains which have been pointed selected by the Carthaginians for this purpose; but the out to me as ruins of Christian churches appear to two Cyreneans travelled more slowly than their Carhave been vast temples, perhaps erected by imperial thaginian antagonists, and only met the Philæni after command, and dedicated to nominal Christianity, but the latter had advanced a considerable distance into showing, in the niches and brackets for statues and the disputed territory. The Cyreneans thereupon acarchitectural ornaments, traces of heathen supersti- cused the Philæni of unfairness, and of having started tion." (Tour in Asia Minor, p. 288.) The meaning before the appointed time. The Philæni, on their of the modern name, Allah-sehr, is "the city of God," part, offered to do anything to show that they had actan appellation which forms a strange kind of coinci-ed fairly, and the two Cyreneans then gave them their dence with the departed glories of the place. (Arun- choice, either to be buried alive on the spot where dell, p. 169.-Compare Milner's History of the Seven they were standing, or else to allow them, the CyreChurches, p. 317.)-II. A city of Cilicia Trachea, neans, to advance as far as they pleased into the dispuon the river Calycadnus, to the north of Seleucia ted territory, and there be buried alive on their part. Trachea. The site is thought by Leake to correspond The Philæni accepted the former part of the offer, and to the modern Ermenek. (Journal, p. 117.) Cap- were accordingly entombed. The Carthaginians erecttain Beaufort, on the other hand, supposes that Phila-ed two altars on the spot, which were thenceforth The par garded as the limits of their territory in this direction. | Propertius, and he is said to have given quite a new (Sall., Bell. Jug., 19. Id. ib., 79.) These altars character to this species of poetry, in his description stood in the innermost bend of the Syrtis Major, and of the joys and sorrows of love. He wrote also lyric not, as Sallust erroneously states, to the west of both and lighter poems. The ancients prized him very the Syrtes. The story of the Philani, moreover, as highly, and the inhabitants of Cos erected a brazen given by the Roman historian, seems to wear a doubt- statue to him. Quintilian ranks him next to Calliful appearance, from the circumstance of Cyrene's machus (10, 1, 58). We have only a few fragments being so much nearer the point in question than Car- remaining of his elegies, and some verses also in the thage. If the distance between these two cities be anthology. Philetas was remarkable for his devotion divided into eight equal parts, the Philani will be found to study, and reduced himself by his great application to have travelled six, and the deputies from Cyrene to so emaciated a habit of body, that, according to the only two, of these parts. The truth, therefore, was story told in Ælian, he used to wear leaden soles to probably this: the territory in dispute lay between his shoes or sandals (uoλíbdov πeñoiquéva ¿v toîÇ Hesperis on the Cyrenean side, and Leptis Magna on úжоdýμaσi éλuara) to prevent his being blown over the Carthaginian; and the deputies started from these by the wind! (Elian, V. H., 9, 14.) Athenæus two places, not from Carthage and Cyrene. (Man- says, that he wore balls of lead around his feet (opaínert, Geogr., vol. 10, pt. 2, p. 116.) ρας ἐκ μολύβου πεποιημένας ἔχειν περὶ τὰ πόδε, 12, p. 552, b.). The wonder is how he could have walked. Athenæus also states that he fairly wore himself away in fruitless endeavours to solve the sophism called by the ancients vevdóuevov (or vevdohóyos), and the epithet on his tomb, which this writer cites, corroborates the statement. (Athen., 9, p. 401, e.- Casaub., ad loc.) PHILAMMON, an ancient bard, belonging to the worship of Apollo at Delphi, and whose name was celebrated at that place. To him was attributed the formation of Delphian choruses of virgins, which sang the birth of Latona and of her children. (Müller, Hist. Gr. Lit., p. 24.) He is said to have taken part in the Argonautic expedition, and passed for a son of Apollo. (Plut., de Mus., p. 629, ed Wyttenb.) PHILIPPI, a city of Thrace, to the northeast of AmPHILEMON, I. a comic poet, the rival of Menander. phipolis, and in the immediate vicinity of Mount PanAccording to some authorities, he was a native of gæus. It was founded by Philip of Macedon, on the Syracuse (Suidas, s. v.), while others make him to site of an old Thasian settlement. The Thasians had have been born at Soli, in Cilicia. (Strabo, 671.) He been attracted by the valuable gold and silver mines seems to have been a writer of considerable powers. in this quarter, and the settlement formed by them was His wit, ingenuity, skill in depicting character, and called Crenides, from the circumstance of its being surexpression of sentiment, are praised by Apuleius rounded by numerous sources which descended from (Florid., 3, n. 16), while he pronounces him inferior, the neighbouring mountain (кpývn, a spring). Philip however, to his more celebrated antagonist. The of Macedon having turned his attention to the affairs popular voice, on the other hand, often gave Philemon of Thrace, the possession of Crenides and Mount Panthe prize over Menander (Aul. Gell., 17, 4), perhaps be- gaus naturally entered his views. Accordingly, he incause he studied more the tastes of the vulgar, or used vaded this country, expelled the feeble Cotys from his other adscititious means of popularity. This, at least, throne, and then proceeded to found a new city on the Menander gave him to understand, when on one occa- site of the old Thasian colony, as above mentioned, sion he met his rival and asked him: " Pr'ythee, Phi- which he named after himself, Philippi. (Diod. Sic., lemon, dost thou not blush when thou gainest the prize 16, 8.) When Macedonia became subject to the Roover my head?" (Aul. Gell, l. c.) We may see a mans, the advantages attending the peculiar situation favourable specimen of his construction of plots in the of Philippi induced that people to settle a colony there; Trinummus of Plautus, which is a translation from and we know from the Acts of the Apostles that it was his Onoavpós. (Prol. Trinumm., 18, seqq.) Tem- already at that period one of the most flourishing citics perance of body, with cheerfulness of mind, prolonged in this part of their empire (16, 12.-Compare Plin., his life to the great age of ninety-seven years (Lucian, 4, 10). It is, moreover, celebrated in history from the Macrob., 25), during which period he composed ninety- great victory gained here by Antony and Octavianus seven comedies. The manner of his death is vari- over the forces of Brutus and Cassius,, by which the ously related. The common account makes him to republican party was completely subdued. (Appian., have died of laughter on seeing an ass eat figs. The Bell. Civ., 4, 107, seqq.-Dio Cass., 47, 41.) Philstatement of Apuleius, however, is the most proba-ippi, however, is rendered more interesting from the ble, according to which he expired without pain or disease, from the pure exhaustion of nature (l. c.-Val. Max., 12, 6).—Philemon began to exhibit comedy during the reign of Alexander, a little earlier than Menander, and before the 113th Olympiad. He died in the reign of the second Antigonus, son of Demetrius. It has been said above that he lived to the age of ninety-seven years; Suidas, however, makes it ninety-six, and other authorities ninety-nine. (Diod., Eclog., lib. 23, ed. Bip., vol. 9, p. 318.-Clinton's Fasti Hellenici, 2d ed., p. 157.) The fragments of Philemon are usually printed along with those of Menander. The best edition of these conjointly is that of Meineke, Berol., 1823, 8vo. (Theatre of the Greeks, p. 121, ed. 4.)-II. A son of the preceding, also a comic poet, and called, for distinction' sake, Philemon the younger (ỏ vεwTɛpog.-Athen., 7, p. 291, d.). PHILETÆRUS, a eunuch made governor of Pergamus by Lysimachus. (Vid. Pergamus II.) PHILĒTAS, a native of Cos, and the only poet that we know of at the court of Ptolemy I., who made him preceptor to his son and successor Ptolemy Philadelphus. Philetas was both a grammarian and poet. He composed elegies, which were the model of those of circumstance of its being the first place in Europe where the Gospel was preached by St. Paul (A.D. 51), as we know from the 16th of the Acts of the Apostles, and also from the Epistle he has addressed to his Philippian converts (4, 15), where the zeal and charity of the Philippians towards their apostle received a just commendation. We hear frequently of bishops of Philippi, and the town is also often mentioned by the Byzantine writers. Its ruins still retain the name of Filibah. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 301, seqq.-Mannert, Geogr., vol. 7, p. 232.) PHILIPPOPOLIS, a city in the interior of Thrace, on the southeast side of the Hebrus, and some distance to the northwest of Hadrianopolis. It was situate in a large plain, on a mountain with three summits, and hence received also the appellation of Trimontium. It was founded by Philip of Macedon. In the Roman times it became the capital of the province of Thracia. The modern name is Filibe or Philipopoli. (Steph. Byz., s. v.—. -Itin. Ant., 136.-Hicrocl., p. 685.-Tacit., Ann., 3, 38.-Polyb., 5, 100.-Amm. Marc., 26, 10.) PHILIPPUS, I. one of the earlier kings of Macedo nia, and the first of the name. He succeeded his father Argæus, about 649 B.C. according to some or to doubt that he availed himself of them with all the chronologers, and reigned, as Eusebius states, thirty-energy and perseverance which belonged to his chareight years, but, according to Dexippus, thirty-five. acter. It is, perhaps, less probable that the house of (Euseb., p. 57.-Dexipp., ap. Syncell., p. 262, seq.) Polymnis, the father of Epaminondas, should have These numbers, however, are obviously manufactured been chosen for his residence, as Diodorus relates, by chronologers, upon no certain or positive testimony, than that of Pammenes, according to Plutarch's statesince none existed. (Clinton, Fast. Hell., vol. 1, p. ment: and the fable of his Pythagorean studies, wor221.)-II. The second of the name was the son of thy of Diodorus, is below criticism. But a certain Amyntas II. of Macedonia. This latter monarch left tincture of philosophy was at this time deemed almost three sons at the time of his death, under the care of an indispensable requisite in a liberal education. It their mother Eurydice. Of these, Alexander, the el- was undoubtedly, however, not the study of philosodest, had just attained to man's estate; but Perdiccas, phy, either speculative or practical, that chiefly occuand Philip the youngest of the three, were still under pied Philip's attention during the period of his resiage. Alexander, who appears to have been a prince dence at Thebes. To the society in which it was of great promise, had scarcely ascended the throne, passed, he may have been mainly indebted for that when he lost his life by the hand of an assassin. command of the Greek language, which enabled him (Diod. Sic., 15, 71.) During his reign, however, both to write and speak it with a degree of ease and short as it was, he was engaged in a contest with eloquence not inferior to that of the most practised Ptolemy of Alorus. We do not know whether Ptole- orators of the day. But the most important advanmy was in any way related to the royal family, nor tages which he gained from his stay at Thebes were whether he laid claim to the crown. But it seems probably derived from the military and political lesclear that he was favoured by the queen Eurydice, sons, with which the conversation of generals and the widowed mother, and was probably her paramour. statesmen like Epaminondas, Pelopidas, and their According to Diodorus and Plutarch, Pelopidas, the friends, could not fail to abound. It was by them Theban commander, came into Macedonia to arbitrate that the art of war had been carried to the highest between Alexander and Ptolemy, and Philip was one point it had yet reached in Greece; or rather they, of the hostages delivered on this occasion to the um- more particularly Epaminondas, had given it a new pire. As this, however, is expressly contradicted by form; and the details of their battles and campaigns the testimony of the contemporary orator Eschines, would be eagerly collected by an intelligent and ambiwho relates that Philip was still in Macedonia at the tious youth. Thebes was at this time the great centre time of his elder brother's death, Mr. Thirlwall in- of political movements: the point from which the conclines to the following opinion: According to Plu-dition, interests, and mutual relations of the Grecian tarch, after the murder of Alexander, which must have states might be most distinctly surveyed. Here, too, happened a very short time after the compromise, Pe- were gained the clearest ideas of the state of parties. lopidas, who was in Thessaly, on his second expedi- of the nature and working of republican, especially of tion against the tyrant of Phere, was invited into democratical, institutions: here probably Philip learned Macedonia by the friends of the deceased king, and many of those secrets which often enabled him to conobliged Ptolemy to enter into an engagement to pre- quer without drawing the sword. And as he was serve the crown for the younger brothers. Ptolemy, placed in one of the most favourable positions for it is said, gave fifty hostages as a security for the per- studying the Greek character, so the need which his formance of his promises, among whom was his own situation imposed on him, of continual caution and selfson Philoxenus. It seems more natural, according to control must have served very greatly to sharpen his Mr. Thirlwall, that Philip should have been committed natural sagacity, and to form the address which he afto the custody of the Thebans under these circum-terward displayed in dealing with men, and winning stances, than on the occasion of the contest between them for his ends. Nature had gifted him with almost Ptolemy and Alexander. (History of Greece, vol. 5, every quality that could fit him for the station which he p. 163.) Ptolemy kept possession of the government was destined to fill a frame of extraordinary robustthree years: Diodorus simply says that he reigned so ness, which was, no doubt, well trained in the exercises long probably, however, he never assumed any other of the Theban palæstras: a noble person, a commandtitle than that of regent, though he may have had no ing and prepossessing mien, which won respect and intention of ever resigning his power to the rightful inspired confidence in all who approached him: ready heir. And it was, perhaps, as much in self-defence, as eloquence, to which art only applied the cultivation reto avenge his brother's murder or his mother's shame, quisite to satisfy the fastidious demands of a rhetorical that Perdiccas killed him. Concerning the reign of age: quickness of observation, acuteness of discernPerdiccas III. we have but very scanty information. ment, presence of mind, fertility of invention, and dexHe was slain in battle by the Illyrians, in the fifth terity in the management of men and things. There year of his rule, leaving behind him an infant son by seem to have been two features in his character, which, the name of Amyntas. At the time of this event in another station or under different circumstances, Philip was twenty-three years of age. Diodorus sup- might have gone near to lower him into an ordinary perposes that he was still at Thebes, but that, on receiv- son, but which were so controlled by his fortune as to ing intelligence of his brother's death, he made his es- contribute not a little to his success. He appears to cape and suddenly appeared in Macedonia (16, 2). It have been by his temperament prone to almost every is not difficult to understand how the story may have kind of sensual pleasure. But as his life was too busy taken this form: a hostage so important, it might ea- to allow him often to indulge his bias, his occasional exsily be supposed by writers acquainted with his subse- cesses wore the air of an amiable condescension. So quent history, would not have been willingly surren- his natural humour would perhaps have led him too dered by the Thebans; it is certain, however, from often to forget his dignity in his intercourse with his inbetter authority, that he had been already restored feriors. But to Philip, the great king, the conqueror, to his country, and, it is probable, early in the reign the restless politician, these intervals of relaxation ocof Perdiccas, when the Thebans could have no mo- curred so rarely, that they might strengthen his influtive for detaining him. Extravagantly as some mod-ence with the vulgar, and could never expose him to ern writers have indulged their imagination with re-contempt. From that he was secured by the energy of gard to the manner in which his time was employed his will, which made all his faculties and accomplishduring his sojourn at Thebes, it is hardly possible to ments of mind and body, and even his failings, as well overrate the importance of the opportunities it afforded as what may be called, in a lower sense, his virtues, his him for the acquisition of various kinds of knowledge, affability, clemency, and generosity, always subservient to the purposes of his lofty ambition. A moral esti- | and the discipline of the army seem to have been in mate of such a man's character is comprised in the bare mention of his ruling passion, and cannot be enlarged by any investigation into the motives of particular actions; and it is scarcely worth while to consider him in any other light than as an instrument of Providence for fixing the destiny of nations.-It was in the 105th Olympiad, and about 360 B.C., that Philip took charge of the government of Macedonia, not as monarch, but as the nearest kinsman, and as guardian of the royal infant, the son of his brother Perdiccas. The situation in which he was now placed was one of great apparent difficulty and danger, and the throne which he had to defend was threatened by enemies in many quarters, by the victorious Illyrians as well as by the Pæonians, and lastly by an Athenian force, which was destined to place Argæus, a pretender to the crown, on the throne of Macedon. The Illyrians, happily, did not press their advantage; and the Paonians were induced to desist from hostilities by skilful negotiations, and secret presents made to their leaders. The Athenians were encountered in the field, and, after sustaining a defeat, were forced to surrender. (Diod. Sic., 16, 3.) Philip, however, generously granted them their liberty, and immediately sent a deputation to Athens with proposals of peace, which were gladly accepted. (Demosth. in Aristocr., 144.) By the death of the reigning prince of Pæonia that country was soon after annexed to the dominion of Philip, but whether by right of succession or by conquest we are not informed. He next directed his arms against the Illyrians, who were totally routed after a severe conflict. The loss of the enemy is said to have amounted to 7000 men; and they were compelled to accept the terms of peace imposed by the conqueror. They ceded to him all that they possessed east of the Lake of Lychnitis, and thus not only gave him the command of the principal pass by which they had been used to penetrate into Macedonia, but opened a way by which he might at any time descend through their own territory to the shores of the Adriatic. (Consult Leake's Northern Greece, vol. 3, p. 321.) It may safely be presumed that, after this brilliant success, Philip no longer hesitated to assume the kingly title. His usurpation, for such it appears to have been according to the laws of Macedon, was, however, most probably sanctioned by the unanimous consent of both the army and nation. How secure he felt himself in their affections is manifest from his treatment of his deposed nephew. He was so little jealous of him, that he brought him to his court, and, in time, bestowed the hand of one of his daughters upon him. (Polyan., 8, 60. — Arrian, Exp. Al., 1, 5.-Athenæus, 13, p. 557.) The transfer of the crown was so quiet and noiseless that it seems not to have reached the ears of the Athenian orators, whose silence may, at all events, be admitted as a proof that there was nothing in the transaction on which they could ground a charge against Philip.-His victory over the Illyrians is connected by Diodorus with the institution of the Macedonian phalanx, which he is said to have invented. The testimony of the ancients on this point has been very confidently rejected in modern times, without any just reason. We may indeed doubt whether this body, as it existed in the beginning of Philip's reign, differed in any important feature from that which was already fainiliar to the Greeks, or, at least, from the Theban phalanx. But it is another question whether the Macedonian armies had ever been organized on this plan; and there is nothing to prevent us from admitting the statement of authors, certainly better informed than ourselves, that it was first introduced by Philip. Nor is there any difficulty in believing, that he at the same time made some improvements in the arms or the structure of the phalanx, which entitled it to its peculiar epithet, and him to the honour of an inventor. Both the tactics a very low state under his predecessors; and this was, perhaps, the main cause of the defeats which they so often experienced from the neighbouring barbarians. Philip paid no less attention to the discipline than to the organization of his forces; and his regulations were enforced with inflexible severity.-In the course of about a year from his brother's death, Philip had freed himself from all his domestic embarrassments, and had seated himself firmly on the throne. In a summary account like the present, we must necessarily confine ourselves to a rapid sketch of the principal events of his reign. Allied with Athens, we find him, in conjunction with that power, carrying on operations against the republic of Olynthus, and seizing upon the city of Potidea; but, soon after, from some cause which is not apparent, he made peace with the Olynthians, and turned his arms against Amphipolis, which had preserved its independence ever since the days of Brasidas. After a siege of some duration, the place was taken and added to his dominions, and Philip next turned his attention to the acquisition of some valuable gold-mines on the Thracian coast, which belonged to the people of Thasos. For this purpose he crossed the Strymon, and, having easily overcome the resistance that was offered on the part of Cotys, king of Thrace, he took possession of Crenides, the Thasian mining establishment, where he founded a considerable town, and named it Philippi. The Athenians, meanwhile, incited the Thracians and Illyrians to take up arms against the King of Macedon, whose rising power inspired them with well-founded grounds for jealousy and alarm; but the latter were again defeated by Parmenio, and Philip easily repelled the former in person. The small republic of Methone, which had also shown a spirit of hostility at the instigation of Athens, was surrounded by a Macedonian army, and, though the town held out for more than a year, and Philip received during the siege a wound by which he lost an eye, it was at length compelled to surrender. At this period, the Thessalian towns, being threatened by the forces of Lycophron, tyrant of Pheræ, supported by the Phocians, urgently sought the aid of the King of Macedon. He accordingly entered Thessaly at the head of a powerful army, and in its plains encountered the enemy, commanded by Onomarchus, the Phocian leader. Here, however, the usual good fortune of Philip forsook him; and, being twice vanquished with great loss, he effected his retreat into Macedonia with considerable difficulty. Undismayed, however, by these reverses, and having quickly recruited his army, he once more entered Thessaly, whither also Onomarchus directed his march from Phocis. The two armies were again engaged at no great distance from Pheræ, when Philip gained a complete victory; six thousand of the enemy having perished on the field, among whom was Onomarchus, their general. This success was followed up by the capture of Pheræ, Pagasæ, and the whole of Thessaly, which henceforth warmly espoused the interests of Philip on every occasion. (Justin, 8, 2.—Polyb., 9, 33.) Meanwhile, the republic of Olynthus, which had recovered its strength under the protection of Macedonia, came to a rupture with that power, probably at the instigation of a party in Athens. War was, in consequence, determined upon, and the Olynthians, supported by a considerable Athenian force under Chares, twice ventured to attack the army of Philip, but, being unsuccessful on both occasions, were at length compelled to retire within the walls of their city, to which the enemy immediately laid siege. At variance among themselves, and open to treachery and defection, from the bribery employed, as it is said, on more than one occasion by Philip, the Olynthians were ultimately forced to surrender; when the King of Macedon, bent on the destruction of a state which had so often men aced the security of his dominions, gave up the town total discomfiture of the Athenians and their allies. to plunder, and reduced the inhabitants to slavery. This result might easily have been foreseen. Thebes Intimidated by these reverses, the Athenians, not long possessed at the time no general of sufficient note to after, sought a reconciliation with Philip, and sent a be even mentioned, except Theagenes, who is named deputation, consisting of eleven of their most distin- only to be branded as a traitor (Dinarchus in Dem., guished orators and statesmen, among whom were 75), and the names of Chares, Lysicles, and StratoEschines, Demosthenes, and Ctesiphon, to negotiate cles, who commanded the Athenians, could inspire a treaty. (Eschin., de Fals. Leg., p. 30.) These little confidence. In numbers, the confederates apambassadors were most graciously received by Philip, pear to have at least equalled the enemy; but though and on his sending envoys to Athens, with full power the Sacred Band still preserved its excellent discipline to settle the preliminaries, peace was concluded. (De- and spirit, the Athenians, who had now for many years mosth., de Leg., p. 414.) Philip was now enabled to been little used to military service, were ill-matched terminate the Sacred War, of which he had been in- with the Macedonian veterans led by their king, and vited to take the command, by the general voice of by the able officers formed in his school, and aniinated the Amphictyonic assembly. (Vid. Phocis.) Hav- by the presence of the young prince Alexander, whom ing passed Thermopyla without opposition, he entered his father intrusted with the command of one wing, Phocis at the head of a considerable army, and was where, however, some of his best generals were staenabled to put an end at once to this obstinate strug- tioned at his side. We know very little more of the gle without farther bloodshed. He was now unan- causes which determined the event of the battle, and imously elected a member of the Amphictyonic coun- these are amply sufficient to account for it. If we cil, after which he returned to Macedon, having reaped may believe Polyænus, Philip at first restrained the in this expedition a vast accession of fame and popu- ardour of his troops, until the Athenians had spent larity, as the defender and supporter of religion. The much of the vigour and fury with which they made success of Philip in this quarter was calculated, how their onset (4, 2, 7). Then it appears Alexander ever, to awaken the jealousy and fears of Athens, and made a charge, which broke the enemy's ranks, and the party which was adverse to his interests in that decided the fortune of the day. (Diod., 16, 86.) city took advantage of this circumstance to urge the Alexander was in the wing opposed to the Thebans, people to measures that could end only in a renew- and first charged the Sacred Band. The Thebans al of hostilities with Macedon. The Athenian com- seem to have kept their ground longest, and probably manders in Thrace were encouraged to thwart and suffered most. The Sacred Band was cut off to a oppose Philip in all his undertakings, and secretly to man, but fighting where it stood. Demosthenes was favour those towns which might revolt from him. Ac- not a hero of this kind: but he was certainly reproachcordingly, when that monarch was engaged in besie-ed with cowardice, because he escaped in the general ging the cities of Perinthus and Selymbria, near the flight, only by those who wished that he had been left Hellespont, the Athenians on several occasions assist- on the field. Of the Athenians not more than 1000 ed them with supplies, and did not scruple even to were slain, but 2000 were taken prisoners: among make incursions into the Macedonian territory from these, Demades fell into the enemy's hands. The loss the Chersonese. These measures could not fail to of the Thebans is not reported in numbers, but the rouse the indignation of Philip, who, finally abandon- prisoners were probably fewer than the slain. It was ing his projects on the Hellespont, turned his thoughts not the amount of these losses, however, that gave entirely to the overthrow of the Athenian power. such importance to the battle of Cheronea, that it has Meanwhile another Sacred War had arisen, which, been generally considered as the blow which put an though of trifling magnitude in itself, produced very end to the independence of Greece, any more than it important results to two of the leading states of Greece. was the loss sustained by Sparta at Leuctra that deThe Amphissians, who belonged to the Locri Ozola, prived her of her supremacy. But the event of this had occupied by force, and cultivated a portion of the day broke up the confederacy which had been formed territory of Cirrha, which had been declared accursed against Philip, as it proved that its utmost efforts could by the Amphictyones, and unfit for culture. This act of not raise a force sufficient to meet him, with any chance defiance necessarily called for the interference of that of success, in the field. Each of the allied states was assembly; and as it was to be feared that the people therefore left at his mercy. The consternation which of Amphissa would be supported by Athens and other the tidings of this disaster caused at Athens was probstates, it was determined to elect Philip general of the ably greater than had ever been known there, except Amphictyonic council, and to commit to him the sole after the loss at Egos Potamos. As long as it reJirection of the measures to be pursued. (Eschin. mained uncertain what use Philip would make of his in Ctes., p. 71.-Dem., de Cor.) The Amphissians victory, there was certainly reason to fear the worst: were, of course, easily reduced and punished; but the and if it be true that at first he rejected the application Athenians, who had avowedly favoured their cause, of the heralds, who came from Lebadea to ask leave to found themselves too far implicated to recede with bury the slain (Plut., Vit. X., Orat. Hyperid, p. 849, a.), honour upon the near approach of Philip. Finding, we might suppose that he wished to keep the vanquishtherefore, that he had already occupied Elatea, which ed a while in suspense as to their fate. That he should commanded the principal pass into Phocis, the coun- even have forgotten himself for a time on the scene cil was summoned, and it was determined to mus- of his triumph, intoxicated by the complete success ter all the forces of the republic, and, if possible, to in- which had suddenly crowned the plans and labours of duce the Thebans to espouse their interests. An em- so many years, would not be at all inconsistent with his bassy was accordingly despatched to Thebes, at the character. He is said to have risen from the banquet head of which was Demosthenes; and such was the to visit the field of battle, and, as he moved in dance effect of their great orator's eloquence, that he suc- among the bodies of the slain, though the sight of the ceeded in persuading the Boeotians to join the Athe- Sacred Band drew from him an exclamation of symnians, notwithstanding all the arguments urged against pathy, to have parodied and sung the commencement this step by the deputy of Philip, who was present at of one of the decrees of Demosthenes. (Plut., Vit. the debate. The combined forces of the two repub- Demosth., 20.) This anecdote is more credible than lics took the field, and, marching towards the Phocian that he exposed himself to the rebuke of Demades by frontier, encamped at Charonea, in Boeotia. Here, his behaviour to his prisoners. (Diod. Sic., 16, 87.) after some partial and indecisive actions, a general en- It would be absurd to suppose, with Diodorus, that gagement at length took place, which was obstinately such a man as Demades, however the king might be contested on both sides, but finally terminated in the pleased at such a moment with his freedom and wit, |