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of Petronius, found, according to him, in the library at St. Gall. (Repertoire de Litter. Anc., vol. 1, p. 239.)—A poem in 295 verses, on the fall of the Roman republic, forms a fine episode to the Satyricon of Petronius. The Satyricon itself, it may be remarked, in concluding, is admirable for the truth with which the author delineates the characters of his personages. It contains many pleasing pictures, full of irony; and it is characterized by great spirit and gayety of manner; but it is to be regretted that the author has employed his abilities on a subject so truly immoral and disgusting. The style is rich, picturesque, and energetic ; but often obscure and difficult, either from the unusual words which we meet with in it, or by reason of the corrupt state of the text. The best edition is that of Burman, 4to, Ultraj., 1709; to which may be added that of Reinesius, 1731, 8vo, and that of C. G. Anton, Lips., 1781, 8vo. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Rom., vol. 2, p. 416, seqq.—Bahr, Gesch. Röm. Lit., vol. 1, p. 577, seqq.) Peuck, a name applied to the land insulated by the two principal arms of the Danube at its mouth. The ancient appellation still partly remains in that of Piczina. It was called Peuce from Tetkm, a pine-tree, with which species of tree it abounded. From this island the Peucini, who dwelt in and adjacent to it, derived their name. We find them reappearing in the Lower Empire, under the names of Pieziniges and Patzinacites. (Lucan, 3, 202.-Plin., 4, 12.) Peuceti A, a region of Apulia, on the coast, below Daunia. The Peucetii, according to Dionysius of Halicarnassus, derived their name from Peucetius, son of Lycaon, king of Arcadia, who, with his brother OEnotrus, migrated to Italy seventeen generations before the siege of Troy. But modern critics have felt little disposed to give credit to a story, the improbability of which is so very apparent, whether we look to the country whence these pretended settlers are said to have come, or the state of navigation at so remote a period. (Freret, Mem. de l'Acad., &c., vol. 18, p. 87.) Had the Peucetii and the OEnotri really been of Grecian origin, Dionysius might have adduced better evidence of the fact than the genealogies of the Arcadian chiefs, cited from Pherecydes. The most respectable authority he could have brought forward on this point would unquestionably have been that of Antiochus the Syracusan ; but this historian is only quoted by him in proof of the antiquity of the OEnotri, not of their Grecian descent. (Dion. Hal., 1, 2.-Strabo, 283.—Plin., 3, 11.) The Peucetii are always spoken of in history, even by the Greeks themselves, as barbarians, who differed in no essential respect from the Daunii, Iapyges, and other neighbouring nations. (Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 2, p. 296.) PEU ciNt. Vid. Peuce. Phacás A, a town of Egypt, on the Pelusiac arm of the Nile. The ruins are found near the modern Tell Phakus (hill of Phacusa). (Steph. Byz., s. v.) PHAcuss A, one of the Sporades, now Gaiphonisi. (Plin., 4, 12.-Steph. Byz., s. v. Pákovaga.) PHAEAcíA, the Homeric name for the island of Corcyra. (Vid. Corcyra.) When visited by Ulysses, Alcinois was its king, and his gardens are beautifully described by the poet. The Phaeacians are represented as an easy-tempered and luxurious race, but remarkable for their skill in navigation. They were fabled to have derived their name from Phaeax, a son of Neptune. (Hom , 0d., 6, 1, seqq.—Id. ib., 7, 1, seqq.— Völcker, Homerische Geographie, p. 66.) PHA-DoN, a native of Elis, and the founder of the Fliac school. He was descended from an illustrious family ; but had the misfortune early in life to be de}. of his patrimony, and sold as a slave at Athens. t happened that Socrates, as he passed by the house where Phaedon lived, remarked in his countenance traes of an ingenuous mind, which induced him to per

suade one of his friends, Alcibiades or Crito, to redeem him. From that time Phaedon applied himself diligently to the study of moral philosophy under Socrates; and to the last adhered to his master with the most affectionate attachment. He instituted a school at Elis after the Socratic model, which was continued by Plistanus, an Elian, and afterward by Menedemus of Eretria. One of the dialogues of Plato is named after Phaedon, namely, the celebrated one respecting the immortality of the soul. (Diog. Laert., 2, 106.Aul. Gell., 2, 18.) Ph/Edra, a daughter of Minos and Pasiphaë, who married Theseus, by whom she became mother of Acamas and Demophoon. (Vid. Hippolytus I.) Phaedrus (or PHAEDER, for the genitive Phaedri admits of either of these forms being the nominative), a Latin fabulist. All that we know respecting him is obtained from his own productions, for no ancient writer down to the time of Avienus has made mention of him, except, perhaps, on one occasion, Martial. Avienus speaks of him in the preface to his own Fables, and his authority can only be combated by the erroneous assertion, that the Fables of this latter writer himself are the productions of more modern times. (Christ. Prolus., de Phaedro, p. 8.—Compare, on the opposite side of the question, the Nachträge zu Sulzer, p. 36, seqq.) Martial also alludes to a Phaedrus in one of his epigrams (3, 10), where some very erroneously refer the name to an Epicurean philosopher, one of Cicero's early instructers (Christ. Prolus., p. 6), and others to a certain writer of mimes. (Farnab. ad Martial., l. c.—Hulsemann, de Cod. Fab. Avian., Gött., 1807.) The whole question turns on the true force of the epithet “improbus,” as applied by Martial to Phaedrus, and this has been well discussed by Adry, who decides in favour of the Fabulist. (Dissertation sur les quatre MSS. de Phèdre, p. 195.-Phadrus, ed. Lemaire, vol. 1.) Phaedrus is generally supposed to have been a Thracian by birth; and two passages in his writings (Prol., lib. 3, 17, and 54) would seem to indicate this. Some of the later editors make him a Macedonian, but he can only be called so as far as the term Macedonian comprises that of Thracian also. (Schwabe, Wit. Phadr.) The year of his birth is unknown : it is not ascertained either whether he was born in slavery, or whether some event deprived him of his freedom. The year that Cicero was proconsul in Asia, C. Octavius, the father of Augustus, and propraetor in Macedonia, gained a victory over some Thracian clans. It has been conjectured that Phaedrus, still an infant, was among the captives taken on this occasion ; but, if this be true, then Phaedrus will have written a portion of his fables at the age of more than seventy years; which appears contrary to a passage in his work (lib. 4, epil. 8), in which he prays one of his patrons not to put off his favours to a period when, having reached an advanced age, he would be no longer able to enjoy them. However this may be, Phaedrus was brought to Rome at a very early age, where he learned the Latin tongue, which became as familiar to him as his native language. Augustus gave him his freedom, and the means of living comfortably without the necessity of exertion . Under the reign of Tiberius he was persecuted by Sejanus, who became his accuser and effected his condemnation. The cause of Sejanus's hatred, and the pretext for the accusation, are equally unknown. Some commentators, and, in particular, Brotier, think they have discovered the motive for this persecution in the sixth fable of the first book, on the marriage of the sun. They have supposed that by the sun Phaedrus meant to designate Sejanus, who aspired to the hand of Livilla, widow of the son of Tiberius; but in this fable the allusion is to a marriage, not to a project of marriage. It is more probable that, in order to render the poet suspected by Tiberius, some one had persuaded * who, since his retirement to the island of Caprea', was become an object of general contempt, that Phaedrus meant him, in the second fable of the first book, by the log given to the frogs as their king. But, if Phaedrus has indeed represented Tiberius under the allegory of a log, the hydra, which takes its place, will indicate the successor of the monarch, unless we suppose Sejanus to be intended by the reptile : this interpretation, however, appears extremely forced. Titze thinks that Phaedrus may have been at first a favourite of Sejanus, and afterward involved in his disgrace; and that Eutychus, in the reign of Caligula, had given him hopes of a restoration to imperial patronage. This theory, however, is contradicted by the prologue to the third book of the fables (v. 41.--Titze, Introduct. in Phaedr.—Id., de Phaedri vita, scriptis, et usu).Phaedrus composed five books of fables, containing, in all, ninety fables, written in Iambic verse. He has the merit of having first made the Romans acquainted with the sables of AEsop; not that all his own sables are merely translations of those of the latter, but because the two thirds of them that appear original, or, at least, with the originals of which we are unacquainted, are written in the manner of Æsop. Phaedrus deserves the praise of invention for the way in which he has arranged them ; and he is quite as original a poet as Fontaine, who, like him, has taken from other sources besides the fables of AEsop the materials for a large portion of his own. He is distinguished for a precision, a gracefulness, and a naiveté of style and manner that have never been surpassed. The air of simplicity which characterizes his pieces is the surest guarantee of their authenticity, which some critics have contested. His diction is at the same time remarkable for its elegance, though this occasionally is pushed rather too far into the regions of refinement. The manuscripts of Phaedrus are extremely rare. The one from which Pithou (Pithoeus) published, in 1596, the editio princeps of the fables, passed eventually, by marriage, into the hands of the Lepelletier family; and is now in the library of M. Lepelletier de Rosanbo (De Xiprey, ad. Phaedr., p. 23, seqq.—Id. ib., p. 40, seqq.). A second manuscript, which Rigalt used in his edition of 1617, was destroyed by fire at Rheims in 1774; but we have remaining of this a very accurate colla. tion. A third one, or, rather, the remains of one, is now in the Vatican library, and is said to contain from the first to the twenty-first fable of the first book. (Notit. Literar. de Codd, MSS., Phaedri, No. 3, de Cod. Danielis.) This rarity of manuscripts is one cause of the doubts that have been entertained by some respecting the authenticity of the fables ascribed to him, and even the very existence of the poet. Some other circumstances lend weight to these doubts: the silence, namely, of the ancient writers concerning Phaedrus, and the positive declaration of Seneca, who remarks (Consol. ad Polyb., c. 27) that the Romans had never attempted to compose after the manner of the AEsopic fables. (“Non audeo te usque eo producere, ut fabellas quoque et AEsopeos logos, intentalum Romanis ingeniis opus, solita tibi venustate connectas.”) Another argument on this same side of the question is as follows: Nicolas Perotti, who, about the middle of the 15th century, was archbishop of Manfredonia, and one of the patrons of Greek literature in Italy, cites in his Cornu Copia, a fable which he says he took in his early days from the fables of Avienus. (“Allusit ad fabulam, quam nos ex Avieno in fabellas nostras adolescentes Iambico carmine transtulimus.” Cornu Cop, p. 963, 34, seqq., ed. Basil, 1532, fol.) The sable, however, is not in the collection of Avienus, but forms the 17th of the 3d book of Phaedrus ; and from this inaccuracy of citation, which was regarded as a falsehood, some concluded that Perotti was a plagiarist, while others regarded Phaedrus as a supposititious author. Both these opinions were a little too precip

itate; and the discovery that was made, at the begin. ning of the 18th century, of the manuscripts of the fables of Perotti, cleared up at once the whole mystery. One of the titles of this MS. is as follows: “Nicolai Perotti Epitome Fabularum AEsopi, Avieni, et Phaedri,” &c.; and to this are subjouned some verses, in which Perotti openly declares that the fables are not his, but taken from AEsop, Avienus, and Phaedrus. The fables taken from Phaedrus in this collection are the 6th, 7th, and 8th of the first book, together with the epilogue; a large number of the second book; from the 19th to the 24th of the fourth book, and the first five of the 5th book. Perotti, therefore, is by no means the plagiarist some suppose him to be, since he names the authors from whom he borrows. Two other arguments may also be adduced in favour of the opinion which makes the fables of Phaedrus much earlier than Perotti's time : one is afforded by a monumental inscription, found at Apulum, in Dacia, and consisting of a verse of one of the fables of Phaedrus (3, 17.—Mannert, Res Trajani ad Danub., etc., p. 78); the other argument is deduced from the age of the MSS., which is much earlier than the era of the Bishop of Manfredonia, and falls in the ninth or tenth century. It has been conjectured, and with great appearance of probability, that the . sables of Phaedrus were frequently taken by the writers of the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries, and converted into prose, and in this way we are to account for the great destruction of MSS.—There is, however, another question connected with this subject. The manuscript of Perotti, to which we have just alluded as having been discovered near the beginning of the eighteenth century, had, by some fatality or other, been again lost, and remained so until 1808, when it was rediscovered at Naples, and in 1809 a supplement of 32 new fables of Phaedrus (as they were styled) was published by Casitto and Jannelli. A literary warfare immediately arose respecting the authenticity of these productions, in which several eminent scholars took part ; and the opinion is now very generally entertained, that they are not, as was at first supposed, the composition of Perotti, but of some writer antecedent to his time, though by no means from the pen of Phaedrus himself. (Consult Adry, Ezamen des nourelles fables de Phedre, Paris, 1812. Phaedrus, ed. Lemaire, vol. 1, p. 197, seqq.)—It remains but to add a few words in relation to the time when Phaedrus published his fables. The main difficulty here arises from the words of Seneca, already quoted, and which expressly state that the Romans had never attempted to compose after the manner of the AEsopic fables. Brotier thinks that Seneca makes no mention of Phaedrus, because the latter was a barbarian, not Romanborn. This reason, although given also by Fabricius and Vossius, is very unsatisfactory. What would we say of a writer who, having to speak of the Latin comic poets, should omit all mention of Terence because he was a native of Africa! Vavasseur thinks, that, as Phaedrus expresses himself with great freedom, his fables were suppressed under Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, and Nero, so that Seneca had never heard of them. “Perhaps,” he adds, “it was an act of pure forgetfulness on so part;” and he seems almost induced to believe, that Seneca, through jealousy towards an author who had written with so much simplicity, and so unlike his own affected manner, has purposely passed him over in silence. Desbillons, dissatisfied with both these reasons, believes that Phaedrus, who survived Sejanus, lived to the third year of the reign of Claudius, a period when Seneca, writing his work on “Consolation,” might easily say, that the Romans had not as yet any fabulist, since the productions of Phaedrus might not yet have been published. This explanation is not devoid of probability.—The best editions of Phaedrus are, that of Burmann, Amst., 1698

Lugd. Bad., 1727, 4to, and 1745, 8vo; that of Bentley, at the end of his Terence, Cantab., 1726, 4to, and Amst., 1727, 4to ; that of Brotier, Paris, 1783, 12mo ; that of Schwabe, Brunsp., 1806, 2 vols. 8vo; that of Gail, in Lemaire's collection, Paris, 1826, 2 vols. 8vo; and that of Orelli, Turici, 1831, 8vo. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Rom, vol. 2, p. 343, seqq.—Bahr, Gesch. Röm. Lit., vol. 1, p. 308, seqq.) Ph AEThoN (Pattov), son of Helios and the Oceannymph Clymene. His claims to a celestial origin being disputed by Epaphus, son of Jupiter, Phaethon journeyed to the palace of his sire, the sun-god, from whom he extracted an unwary oath that he wo grant him whatever he asked. The ambitious youth instantly demanded permission to guide the solar chariot for one day, to prove himself thereby the undoubted progeny of the sun. Helios, aware of the consequences, remonstrated, but to no purpose. The youth persisted, and the god, bound by his oath, reluctantly committed the reins to his hands, warning him of the dangers of the road, and instructing him how to avoid them. Phaethon grasped the reins, the flame-breathing steeds sprang forward, but, soon aware that they were not directed by the well-known hand, they ran out of the course; the world was set on fire, and a total conflagration would have ensued, had not Jupiter, at the prayer of Earth, launched his thunder, and hurled the terrified driver from his seat. He fell into the river Eridanus. His sisters, the Heliades, as they lamented his fate, were turned into poplar-trees on its banks, and their tears, which still continued to flow, became amber as they dropped into the stream. Cycnus, the friend of the ill-fated Phaethon, also abandoned himself to mourning, and at length was changed into a swan (kökvoc). (Ovid, Met , 1, 750, seqq.—Hygin., fab., 152, 154.—Nonnus, Dionys., 38, 105, 439. — Apoll. Rhod, 4, 597, seqq.—Wurg, Æn, 10, 190.Id., Eclog., 6, 62.) This story was dramatized by AEschylus, in the Heliades, and by Euripides in his Phaethon. Some fragments of both plays have been preserved. Ovid appears to have followed closely the former drama.—The legend of Phaëthon is regarded by the expounders of mythology at the present day as a physical myth, devised to account for the origin of the electron, or amber, which seems to have been brought from the Baltic to Greece in the very earliest times. The term #28kTpov, as Welcker observes, resembles #2.Éktop, an epithet of the sun. In the opinion of this last-mentioned writer, the story of Phaethon is only the Greek version of a German legend on the subject. The tradition of the people of the country was said to be (Apoll. Rhod. 4, 61 l), that the amber was produced from the tears of the sungod. The Greeks made this sun-god the same with their Apollo, and added that he shed these tears when he came to the land of the Hyperboreans, an exile sron heaven on account of his avenging upon the Cyclops the fate of his son Æsculapius. But, as this did not accord with the Hellenic conception of either Helios or Apollo, the Heliades were devised to remove the inconsistency. The foundation of the fable lay in the circumstance of amber being regarded as a species of resin, which drops from the trees that yield it. That part of the legend which relates to the Eridanus, confounds the Po with the true Eridanus in the north of Europe. (Welcker, Æsch. Trilogie, p. 566, seq.— Keightley's Mythology, p. 57, seq.) PHAEThoNti Ades or PHAEThostides, the sisters of Phaëthon, changed into poplars. (Vid. Heliades, and Phaëthon.) PHAL ANThus, a Lacedæmonian, one of the Partheniae, and the leader of the colony to Tarentum. (Vid. Partheniae.) PHALXR1s, a tyrant of Agrigentum in Sicily, whose age is placed by Bentley in the 57th Olympiad, or about 550 B.C. This, however, is done by that emi

nent scholar, in the course of his well-known controversy with Boyle and others, merely to give more force to his own refutation, since it is the latest period that history will allow, and, therefore, the most favourable to the pretended letters of Phalaris, which provoked the discussion. (Monk's Life of Bentley, p. 62.) It is from these same letters that Boyle composed a life of Phalaris; but the spurious nature of the productions from which he drew his information, and the absence of more authentic documents, cast an air of suspicion on the whole biography. According to this life of him, he was born in Astypalea, one of the Sporades, and was banished from his native island for allowing his ambitious views to become too apparent. Proceeding thereupon to Sicily, he settled at Agrigentum, where he eventually made himself master of the

place and established a tyranny. (Compare Polyanus,

5, 1.) He at first exercised his power with moderation, and drew to his court not only poets and artists, but many wise and learned men, whose counsels he promised to follow. Deceived by this state of things, the people of Himera were about to request his aid in terminating a war which they were carrying on with their neighbours, when Stesichorus dissuaded them from this dangerous scheme by the well-known fable of the horse and the stag. (Wid. Stesichorus.) The seditions which afterward took place in Agrigentum compelled Phalaris to adopt a severer exercise of his authority, and hence his name has come to us as that of a cruel tyrant. The instrument of his cruelty, also, namely the brazen bull made by the artist Perillus, is often alluded to by the ancient writers. (Wid. Perillus.) The manner of his death is variously given. Some make him to have been stoned to death for his cruelty by the people of Agrigentum ; others relate that his irritated subjects put him into his own bull and burned him to death. (Vid. Perillus.)—We have remaining, under the name of Phalaris, a collection of letters, supposed to have been written by him, but which Bentley has shown to be the mere forgeries of some sophist, who lived at a later period. The letters of Phalaris were first published by Bartholomaeus Justinopolitanus in 1498, Venet., 4to. This edition, which is very rare, ought to be accompanied by a Latin version; since Bartholomaeus promises one in his praesatory epistle to Peter Contarenus; but no copy occurs with one. (Laire, Index Libr.—Hoffmann, Ler. Bibliogr., vol. 3, p. 210.) The most es

teemed among subsequent editions is that of Van Lennep, completed by Valckenaer, Groming, 1777, 4to, republished under the editorial supervision of Schaefer, Lips., 1823, 8vo, maj. The edition of Boyle, which gave rise to the controversy between the Christ Church wits and the celebrated Bentley, was issued from the Oxford press in 1695, 8vo, and reprinted in 1718. It owes its only notoriety to the lashing which Bentley inflicted upon the editor, the Hon. Charles Boyle, brother to the Earl of Orrery, and, at the time of the first publication, a member of Christ-Church. In preparing this edition, Boyle was assisted by Mr. John Freind, one of the junior students of the &llege, afterward the celebrated physician, who officiated as his private tutor. The preface contained a remark, reflecting, though without any just grounds whatever, on Bentley's want of courtesy in not allowing a manuscript in the King's Library, of which he was keeper, to be collated for Boyle's edition. This drew from Bentley his first Dissertation on the Epistles of Phalaris, in the form of Letters to Mr. Wotton, a work which, though afterward eclipsed by the enlarged dissertation, is no less amusing than learned. The author is completely successful in proving the epistles spurious. His arguments are drawn from chronology, from the language of the letters, from their matter, and, finally, from their late disa place among royal or noble authors, Bentley examines certain other reputed pieces of antiquity, such as the Letters of Themistocles, of Socrates, and of Euripides; all which he shows not to be the productions of the individuals whose names they bear, but forgeries of some sophists many centuries later. The publication of this work excited a sensation in the literary and academical circles that was without example. The society of Christ-Church was thrown into a perfect ferment, and the task of inflicting a full measure of literary chastisement upon the audacious offender was assigned to the ablest scholars and wits of the college. The leaders of the confederacy were Atterbury and Smalridge, but the principal share in the attack fell to the lot of the former. In point of classical learning, however, the joint stock of the coaliton bore no proportion to that of Bentley : their acquaintance with several of the books on which they comment appears only to have been begun upon this occasion; and sometimes they are indebted for their knowledge of them to the very individual whom they attack, and compared with whose boundless erudition their learning was that of schoolboys, and not always sufficient to preserve them from distressing mistakes. But profound literature was at that period confined to few ; while wit and raillery found numerous and eager readers. The consequence was, that when the reply of the Christ-Church men appeared, this motley production of theirs, which is generally known by the name of “Boyle against Bentley,” it met with a reception so uncommonly favourable as to form a kind of paradox in literary history. But the triumph of his opponents was short-lived. Bentley replied in his enlarged Dissertation, a work which, while it es. fectually silenced his antagonists, and held them up to ridicule as mere sciolists and blunderers, established on the firmest basis his own claims to the character of a consummate philologist. (Monk's Life of Bentley, p. 49, seqq.) PhaleroN, the most ancient of the Athenian ports; but which, after the erection of the docks in the Piraeus, ceased to be of any importance in a maritime point of view. It was, however, enclosed within the fortifications of Themistocles, and gave its name to the southernmost of the long walls, by means of which it was connected with Athens. Phaleron supplied the Athenian market with abundance of the little fish named Aphyae, so often mentioned by the comic writers. (Aristoph., Acharn., 901.-1d., Av., 96.— Athen., 7, 8.-Aristot., Hist. Am., 6, 15.) The lands around it were marshy, and produced very fine cabbages. (Hesych., s. v. Pazmpukal.—Xen., OEcon., c. 19.) The modern name of Phaleron is Porto Fanari. “Phalerum,” says Hobhouse (vol. 1, p. 301, Am. ed.), “is of an elliptical form, smaller than Munychia; and the remains of the piers on each side of the narrow mouth are still to be seen. The line of its length is from east to west, that of its breadth from north to south. On the northeast side of the port, the land is high and rocky until you come to the fine sweep of the bay of Phalerum, perhaps two miles in length, and terminated on the northeast by a low promontory, once that of Colias. The clay from this neighbourhood was preferred to any other for the use of the potteries.” PHANA., a harbour of the island of Chios, with a temple of Apollo and a palm-grove in its vicinity. Near it also was a promontory of the same name. (Strabo, 645.-Lip., 36, 43.-Id., 44, 28.) Phanae was in the southern part of the island, and the neighbourhood was remarkable for its excellent wine. (Virg., Georg., 2, 98.) The promontory is called at the present day Cape Mastico. (Mannert., Geogr., vol. 6, pt. 3, p. 326) Phanóte, a town of Chaonia in Epirus, corresponding to the modern Gardiki, a fortress once belonging to the Suliots. (Cramer's Greece, vol. 1, p. 99.)

covery. Having overthrown the claim of Phalaris to

PHAoN, a mariner of Lesbos, accustomed to serry passengers across from the island to the main land (toptuoc v 84%aaaa-Palaph., de Incred., 49). Lucian calls him a native of Chios. (Dial. Mort., 9, 2.) According to one legend, he was beloved by Venus, who concealed him amid lettuce. (AElian, W. H., 12, 18.) Another version of the fable stated, that Venus came to him on one occasion under the form of an aged female, and, having requested a passage, was ferried across to the main land by him, free from charge, such being his wont towards those who were in indigent circumstances. The goddess, out of gratitude, presented him with an alabaster box, containing a peculiar kind of ointment, and, when he had rubbed himself with this, he became the most beautiful of men. Among others, Sappho became enamoured of him, but, finding her passion unrequited, threw herself into the sea from the promontory of Leucate. (Wid. Sappho, and Leucate.—Palaph., l. c.—AElian, l. c.—Arsen. Violar., p. 461, ed. Walz.—Eudocia, p. 413.-Suid, s. v. Páov.) Phar A., I, a borough of Tanagra in Boeotia. (Strabo, 405.)—II. One of the twelve cities of Achaia, situate on the river Pirus, about 70 stadia from the sea, and 120 from Patrae. (Pausan., 7, 22.) It was annexed by Augustus to the colony of Patrae. The ruins were observed by Dodwell on the lest bank of the Camenitza (vol. 2, p. 310).-III. A town of Crete. (Steph. Byz., s. v. Papai.)—IV. A town of Messenia, on the Sinus Messeniacus, northwest of Cardamyla. Among other divinities worshipped here were Nicomachus and Gorgazus, sons of Machaon. They had both governed this city after the death of their father, to whom, as well as themselves, was attributed the art of healing maladies. (Steph. Byz, s. v.) Phar MAcús Ae, I. two islets a short distance from the Attic shore, in the Sinus Saronicus, east of Salamis. In the larger of these Circe was said to have been interred. (Strabo, 395.—Steph. Byz., s. v. PapuaKoïcoa.) They are now called Kyra. (Chandler's Travels, vol. 3, p. 220.)—II. An island of the AEgean Sea, southwest from Miletus, and about 120 stadia distant from that place. It is known as the place where Julius Caesar was taken by the pirates. (Plut, Wit. Cars.) Phar NXces, I. grandfather of Mithradates the Great, and son and successor of Mithradates IV. of Pontus. He conquered Sinope and Tium (Strab., 545.—Diod. Sic, Frag.), and was engaged in a war with Eumenes, king of Pergamus, which lasted for some years, and was put an end to chiefly through the interference of Rome. (Polyb., Erc., 24, 4, seqq.). Polybius records of Pharnaces that he was more wicked than all the kings who had preceded him. (Polyb., 27, 15.)— II. Son of Mithradates the Great, proved treacherous to his father when the latter was forming his bold design of advancing towards Italy from Asia, and crossing the Alps as Hannibal had done before him. Although the favourite son of that celebrated monarch, he incited the army to open rebellion, disconcerted all his father's plans, and brought him to the grave. As a reward of his perfidy, Pharnaces was proclaimed King of Bosporus, and styled the ally and friend of the Roman nation. (Appian, Bell. Mithrad., c. 103, seqq.) During the civil war waged by Caesar and Pompey, Pharnaces made an attempt to recover his hereditary dominions, and succeeded in taking Sinope, Amisus, and some other towns of Pontus. But Julius Caesar, after the defeat and death of Pompey, marched into Pontus, and, encountering the army of Pharnaces near the city of Zela, gained a complete victory: the facility with which it was gained being expressed by the victor in those celebrated words, “ Veni, Vidi, Vici.” (Hirt., Bell. Aler, c. 72—Plut., Wit. Cats. —Sueton, Wit. Caes., 37.-Dio Cass., 42, 47.) Aster his defeat, Pharnaces retired to the Bosporus, where he was slain by some of his own followers. (Appian, Bell. Mithrad, c. 120–Dio Cass., l.c.) Phar Nacia, a city of Pontus, on the seacoast, and in the territory of the Mosynoeci. It is erroneously consounded with Cerasus by Arrian (Peripl., p. 17), while the anonymous geographer, though in this instance he copies that writer, yet afterward places Cerasus 530 stadia farther to the east (p. 13). It should be observed, also, that Strabo says that Cotyorum, and not Cerasus, had contributed to the foundation of Pharnacia (Strabo, 548); and he afterward names Cerasus as a small place distinct from that town and nearer Trapezus. Pliny, moreover, distinguishes Pharnacia and Cerasus, and he besides informs us that the former was 100 miles from Trapezus (6, 4). Xenophon and the Greeks were three days on their march from Trapezus to Cerasus, a space of time too short to accomplish a route of 100 miles over a difficult country. (Anab., 5, 3, 5.) It is apparent, therefore, that the Cerasus of Xenophon is not to be identified with Pharmacia, though it might be thought so in Arrian’s time; and it is remarkable that this erroneous opinion should have prevailed so strongly as to leave the name of Keresoun to the site occupied by the ancient Pharnacia. With respect to this latter place, it appears to have been founded by Pharnaces, grandfather of Mithradates the Great, though we have no positive authority for the fact. We know only that it existed in the time of the last-mentioned monarch, since it is spoken of in Plutarch's Life of Lucullus. Mannert is inclined to think, that Pharmacia was sounded on the site of a Greek settlement named Choerades, which Scylax places in this vicinity (p. 33). It is also noticed by Stephanus of Byzantium as a town of the Mosynaeci, on the authority of Hecatasus (s. v. Xotpádec.—Mannert, Geogr., vol. 6, pt. 2, p. 386.—Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 1, p. 281). Pharos, I. a small island in the bay of Alexandrea, at the entrance of the greater harbour, upon which was built, in the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus, a celebrated tower, to serve as a lighthouse. The architect was Sostratus, son of Dexiphanes. This tower, which was also called Pharos, and which passed for one of the seven wonders of the world, was built with white marble, and could be seen at a very great distance. It had several stories raised one above another, adorned with columns, balustrades, and galleries, of the finest marble and workmanship. On the top, fires were kept lighted in the night season, to direct sailors in the bay, which was dangerous and difficult of access. The building of this tower cost, the Egyptian monarch 800 talents, about 850,000 dollars. According to Strabo, there was on the tower the following inscrip. tion, cut into the marble, XQXTPATOX KNIAIOX AEEIqANOYX 6EOIX XQTHPSIN YIIEP TON IIAQIZOMENQN (“Sostratus the Cnidian, son of Deriphanes, to the gods, the preservers, for the benefit of mariners”). Pliny also speaks of the magnanimity of Ptolemy, in allowing the name of Sostratus, and not his own, to be inscribed upon the tower. (Strab., 791. -Plan., 36, 12.) Lucian, however, tells a different story. According to that writer, Sostratus, wishing to enjoy in after ages all the glory of the work, cut the above inscription on the stones, and then, covering them over with cement, wrote upon the latter another inscription, which assigned the honour of having erected this structure to the author of the work, King Ptol. emy. The cement, however, having decayed through time, Ptolemy's inscription disappeared, and the other became visible. (Lucian, Quomodo hist. conscrib. sit, 62.) . Where Lucian obtained this story is not known ; it is certainly a most incredible narrative, and very probably an invention of his own. (Du Soul, ad Lucian, l.c.)—The island of Pharos was eight stadia from the main land, and connected with it by a cause

way, which had two bridges, one at either end. (Vos6 O

sius, ad Mel., 2, 7, p. 761.) Strabo, however, and Josephus call the mound or causeway &m Taarāétov xöpia, or one of seven stadia, referring probably to the work itself, exclusive of the bridges. (Strabo, l. c.— Joseph., Ant. Jud, 12, 2, 12.) Ammianus Marcelli. nus, and some other writers after him, make Cleopatra to have erected the tower and built the causeway (Amm. Marcell., 22, 16.-Tzetz.- Cedren.), and some critics suppose that the tower must have been destroyed by Casar in the Alexandrine war, and rebuilt by the Egyptian queen. This, however, can hardly have been the case, since Caesar merely speaks of his having ordered the private dwellings to be pulled down, but refers to the Pharos apparently as still standing. (Bell. Aler, 19.) As to the causeway itself, it is possible that Cleopatra may have continued it to the main land, after the bridge at that end had been destroyed. (Voss., ad Mcl., l.c.) The Nubian geographer, in a later age, gives the elevation of the Pharos as 300 cubits, from which it would appear that the tower must have lost a portion of its original height. (Falconer, ad Strab., l.c.) The name Pharos itself would seem to have been given to the tower first, and after that to the island, if the Greek etymology be the true one, according to which the term comes from the Greek påø, “to shine” or “be bright” (940, £40g, gaspéc, pópoc). Jablonski, however, makes the word of Egyptian origin, and deduces it from pharez, “a watch-tower” or “look-out place.” (Voc. AEgypt., s. r.—Opusc., vol. 1, p. 378, ed. Te Water.) The celebrity of the Egyptian Pharos made this a common appellation among the ancients for any edifice that was raised to direct the course of mariners either by means of lights or signals. The Emperor Claudius ordered one to be erected at Ostia, and there was another at Ravenna. (Voss., ad Plin., 36, 12.)—Instead of the ancient Pharos at Alexandrea, there is now only a kind of irregular castle, without ditches or outworks of any strength, the whole being accommodated to the inequality of the ground on which it stands. Out of the midst of this clumsy building rises a tower, which serves for a lighthouse, but which has nothing of the beauty and grandeur of the old one.— II. An island off the coast of Illyricum, to the east of Issa, and answering to the modern Lessina. It was settled by a colony from Paros (Scylar, p. 8–Scymn., Ch., v. 425), and was the birthplace of Demetrius the Pharian, whose name often occurs in the writings of Polybius. (Polyb, 2, 10, 8.—Id, 2, 65, 4, &c.) PHAR's ALIA, I, the region around the city of Pharsalus in Thessaly, celebrated for the battle fought in its plains between the armies of Caesar and Pompey. (Vid. Pharsalus.)—II. The title of Lucan's epic poem. (Vid. Lucanus.) PHAR's ALUs, a city of Thessaly, situate in that part of the province which Strabo designates by the name of Thessaliotis. It lay southwest of Larissa, on the river Enipeus, which falls into the Apidanus, one of the tributaries of the Peneus. Although a city of considerable size and importance, we find no mention of it prior to the Persian invasion. Thucydides reports that it was besieged by the Athenian general Myronides after his success in Boeotia, but without avail (1, 111). The same historian speaks of the services rendered to the Athenian people by Thucydides the Pharsalian, who performed the duties of proxenos to his countrymen at Athens (8, 92); and he also states that the Pharsalians generally favoured that republic during the Peloponnesian war. At a later period, the plains in the vicinity of this city became celebrated for the battle fought in them between the armies of Caesar and Pompey. (Vid. Pharsalia I.)–: Livy seems to make a distinction between the old and new town, as he speaks of Palaeo-Pharsalus (441.Compare Strabo, 431). Dr. Clarke (Trarels, vol. 7,

p. 328, Lond, ed.) observes, that there 3. few anti. 1

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