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archs, and begin with the dynasty of the Temenidae. (Compare Clinton, Fast. Hell., vol. 1, p. 221.) Little is known of the reign of Perdiccas. On his deathbed he is said to have given directions to his son and successor Argaeus, where he wished his remains to be interred; and to have told him also, that, as long as the remains of the Macedonian kings should be deposited in the same place, so long the crown would remain in his family. (Justin, 7, 2.-Wid. Edessa II.)—II. The second of the name, was son of Alexander I. of Ma-cedon, and succeeded his father about 463 B.C. He was a fickle and dishonourable prince, who took an active part in the Peloponnesian war, and alternately assisted Athens and Sparta, as his interests or policy dictated. (Thucyd., 1, 57, seqq. —Id., 4, 79. —Id, 2, 99, &c.) There is great uncertainty about the beginning and the length of this monarch's reign. Dodwell makes it commence within B.C. 454; but Alexander I. lived at least to B.C. 463, when Cimon recovered Thasos. (Plut., Wit. Cim., 14.) Mr. Clinton makes the last year of Perdiccas to have been the third of the 91st Olympiad, or B.C. 414. (Fast. Hell., vol. 1, p. 223.)—III. The third of the name, who succeeded Alexander II., after having cut off Ptolemy Alorites, who was acting as regent, but who had abused his trust. Perdiccas, after a reign of five years, fell in battle against the Illyrians, B.C. 359. (Diod. Sic., 16, 2. — Clinton, Fast. Hell, vol. 1, p. 227.)—IV. Son of Orontes, was one of the generals of Alexander the Great, to whom that conqueror, on his deathbed, delivered his royal signet, thus apparently intending to designate him as protector or regent of his vast empire. Alexander's wife Roxana was then far advanced in pregnancy, and his other wife, Statira, the daughter of Darius, was supposed to be in the same situation. In the mean time, the Macedonian generals agreed to recognise as king, Aridaeus, a natural son of Philip, a youth of weak intellects, with the understanding that, if the child of Roxana should prove a son, he should be associated in the throne with Aridaeus. Perdiccas contented himself with the command of the household troops which guarded the person of King Aridaeus; but in that capacity he was in reality the guardian of the weak king and the minister of the whole empire. He distributed among the chief generals the government of the various provinces, or, rather, kingdoms, subject to Alexander's sway. Roxana being soon after delivered of a son, who was called Alexander, became jealous of Statira, from fear that the child she was pregnant with might prove a rival to her own son ; and, in order to remove her apprehensions, Perdiccas did not scruple to put Statira to death. He endeavoured to strengthen himself by an alliance with Antipater, whose daughter he asked in marriage, while, at the same time, he was aspiring to the hand of Cleopatra, Alexander's sister. Olympias, Alexander's mother, who hated Antipater, favoured this last alliance. Antipater, having discovered this intrigue, refused to give his daughter to Perdiccas, who, in the end, obtained neither. The other generals, who had become satraps of extensive countries, considered themselves independent, and refused to submit to Perdiccas and his puppet-king. Perdiccas, above all, fear. ing Antigonus as the one most likely to thwart his views, sought to destroy him; but Antigonus escaped to Antipater in Macedonia, and represented to him the necessity of uniting against the ambitious views of Perdiccas. Antipater, having just brought to a successful termination a war against the Athenians, prepared to march into Asia, and Ptolemy joined the confederacy against Perdiccas. The latter, who was then in Cappadocia, with Aridaeus and Alexander the infant son of Roxana, held a council, in which Antipater, Antigonus, and Ptolemy being declared rebels against the royal authority, the plan of the campaign against them was arranged. Eumenes, who remained faithful to

Perdiccas, was appointed to make head against Antipater and Antigonus, while Perdiccas, having with him the two kings, marched to attack Ptolemy in Egypt. He was, however, unsuccessful, owing to his ill-concerted measures; he lost a number of men in crossing a branch of the Nile, and the rest became discontented, and, in the end, Perdiccas was murdered in his tent, B.C. 321, after holding his power for two years from the death of Alexander. (Encycl. Useful Knowl., vol. 17, p. 435.) Pendix, nephew of Dadalus. He is said to have shown a great genius for mechanics; having, from the contemplation of a serpent's teeth, or, according to some, of the back bone of a fish, invented the saw. He also discovered the compasses. Daedalus, jealous of his skill, and apprehensive of the rivalry of the young man, cast him down from the Acropolis at Athens and killed him. The poets sabled that he was changed after death into the bird called Perdix or “partridge.” (Hygin., fab., 274.—Ovid, Met., 8, 241, seqq.) The cry of the partridge resembles very much the noise made by a saw in cutting wood, and this circumstance, in all likelihood, gave rise to the fable. (Buffon, Hist. Nat., vol. 6, n. 25.—Gierig, ad Ovid, l.c.) PERENNA. Wid. Anna Perenna. Perga or PERGE (IIápya or II&pym), a city of Pam. phylia, at the distance of sixty stadia inland from the mouth of the river Cestrus. It was renowned for the worship of Diana Pergaea. The temple of the goddess stood on a hill near the city, and a festival was annually celebrated in her honour. (Callim., H. in Dian., 187.-Strab., 667.) Alexander occupied Perga with part of his army after quitting Phaselis; and we are informed by Arrian that the road between these two places was long and difficult. (Erp. Al., 1, 26.) Polybius leads us to suppose that Perga belonged rather to Pisidia than Pamphylia (5,72, 9–Compare 22, 25. —Liv., 38,37). We learn from the Acts of the Apostles (14, 24, seq.), that Paul and Barnabas, having “passed throughout Pisidia, came to Pamphylia. An when they had preached the word in Perga, they went down into Attalia.” This was their second visit to the place, since they had come thither from Cyprus, It was here that John, surnamed Mark, departed from them ; for which he incurred the censure of St. Paul. (Acts 13, 13.) Perga, in the Ecclesiastical Notices, and in Hierocles (p. 679), stands as the metropolis of Pamphylia. (Compare Plin., 5, 28.-Steph. Byz., s. v. IIápym.) The ruins of this city are probably those noticed by General Köhler, under the name of Eski Kclesi, between Stauros and Adalia. (Leake's Asia Minor, p. 132.) Mr. Fellows says, “The first object that strikes the traveller on arriving here (at Perga) is the extreme beauty of the situation of the ancient town, lying between and upon the sides of two hills, with an extensive valley in front, watered by the river Cestrus, and backed by the mountains of Taurus.” He speaks also of the ruins here of an immense and beautiful theatre; and likewise of the remains of an enormous building, which he thinks can have been nothing but a palace of great extent. (Fellows’ Asia Minor, p. 191. —Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 2, p. 279) PERGKMus (gen. -i, in the plural Pergama, gen. -orum), the citadel or acropolis of Ilium (Hom, Il., 4, 508), and sometimes used by the poets as a term for the city itself. (Senec., Troad., 14. —Id., Agam., 421.—Virg., AEn., 1,466, &c.) The relationship of the word Pergamus to the Greek tropyoc and the Teutonic berg, is obvious. The names of the towns Berge in Thrace and Perge in Pamphylia, contain the same element berg. (Compare the Gothic baurgs; the German burg, “a castle, sort, citadel;” the Irish brog and brug, “a grand house or building; a fortified place; a palace or royal residence,” &c.) The writers on Linguistic seek to trace these and other cognate expressions to the Sanscrit root pār or *i. fill,” “to furnish,” but with no very great success. (Consult remarks under the article Mesembria.—Eichhoff, Parallèle des Langues, p. 348.-Kaltschmidt, Vergleichung der Sprachen, p. 238.)—II. or PERGAMUM (IIápyauoc or IIšpyauov), the most important city in Mysia, situate in the southern part of that country, in a plain watered by two small rivers, the Selinus and Cetius, which af. terward joined the Caicus. This celebrated city is mentioned for the first time in Xenophon's Anabasis (7,84). Xenophon remained here for some time as the guest of Gorgion and Gongylus, who appear to have been the possessors of the place. (Compare Hist. Gr., 3, 1, 4.) It would seem to have been at first a fortress of considerable natural strength, situate on the top of a conical hill, and, when the city began to be formed around the base of this hill, the fortress served as a citadel. In consequence of the strength of the place, it was selected by Lysimachus, Alexander's general, as a place of security for the reception and preservation of his great wealth, said to amount to the enormous sum of 9000 talents. The care of this treasure was confided to Philetaerus of Tium in Bithynia, in whom he placed the greatest confidence. Philetaerus remained for a long time faithful to his charge; but, having been injuriously treated by Arsinoë, the wise of Lysimachus, who sought to prejudice the mind of her 'husband against him, he was induced to withdraw his allegiance from that prince, and declare himself inde

endent. The misfortunes of Lysimachus prevented #. from taking vengeance on the offender, and thus Philetaerus remained in undisturbed possession of the town and treasure for twenty years, having contrived, by dexterous management and wise measures, to remain at peace with all the neighbouring powers. He transmitted the possession of his principality to Eumenes, his nephew. An account of the reign of this monarch, and of the other kings of Pergamus, has been already given. (Vid. Eumenes II., III. ; Attalus I., II., III.)—After the death of Attalus III., who left his dominions by will to the Romans, Aristonicus, a natural son of Eumenes, the father of Attalus, opposed this arrangement, and endeavoured to establish himself on the throne ; but he was vanquished and made

risoner, and the Romans finally took possession of the

ingdom, which henceforth became a province of the empire under the name of Asia. (Strab., 624, 646.) Pergamus continued to flourish and prosper as a Roman city, so that Pliny (5, 32) does not scruple to style it “longe clarissimum Asia, Pergamum.” To the Christian the history of Pergamus affords an additional interest, since it is one of the seven churches of Asia mentioned in the Book of Revelations. Though condemnation is passed upon it as one of the churches infected by the Nicolaitan heresy, its faithful servants, more especially the martyr Antipas, are noticed as holding fast the name of Christ. (Rev. 2, 12, seqq.) —Pergamus was famed for its library, which yielded only to that of Alexandrea in extent and value. (Strab., 624.—Athenaeus, 1, 3.) It was founded by Eumenes II., and consisted of no less than 200,000 volumes. This noble collection was afterward given by Antony to Cleopatra, who transported it to Alexandrea, where it formed part of the splendid library in the latter city. (Plut. Wit. Ant., 58.) It was from their being first used for writing in this library that parchment skins were called “Pergamenae charta,” (Varro, ap. Plin., 13, 1 l), but it is erroneous to say that parchment was invented at Pergamus. What drove Eumenes to employing it for books, was the circumstance of Ptole

my's having forbidden the exportation of papyrus from ||

his kingdom, in order to check, if possible, the growth

of the Pergamenian library, and prevent it from rival

ling his own.—Pergamus was the native place of the

celebrated Galen. In the vicinity of the city was a

famous temple of Æsculapius, which, among other

privileges, o that of an asylum. The concourse of 1002

individuals to this temple was almost without number or cessation. They passed the night there to invoke the deity, who communicated remedies, either in dreams or by the mouths of his priests, who distributed drugs and performed chirurgical operations. The Emperor Caracalla, A.D. 215, repaired to Pergamus for the recovery of his health, but Æsculapius was uninoved by his prayers. When Prusias, second king of Bithynia, was forced to raise the siege of Pergamus, he nearly destroyed this temple, which stood contiguous to the theatre, without the city walls.-The modern town retains the name of Bergamah or Bergma, and is still a place of considerable importance. Mr. Fellows, who visited it in 1838, says that it is as busy and thriving as heavy taxation will allow, and has seven or eight khans. (Tour in Asia Minor, p. 34.) It contains many extensive ruins. Col. Leake informs us, that remains of the temple of Æsculapius, of the theatre, stadium, amphitheatre, and several other buildings, are still to be seen. (Journal, p. 266.) Mr. Fellows remarks, that the walls of the Turkish houses are full of the relics of marbles, with ornaments of the richest Grecian art (p. 34. — Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 1, p. 136, seqq.).

Perge. Wid. Perga.

Peri ANDER, son of Cypselus, tyrant of Corinth. He succeeded his father in the sovereign power, and in the commencement of his reign displayed a degree of moderation unknown to his parent. Having subsequently, however, contracted an intimacy with Thrasybulus, tyrant of Miletus, he is said by Herodotus to have surpassed, from that time, his father Cypselus in cruelty and crime. It is certain that, if the particulars which the historian has related of his conduct towards his own family be authentic, they would fully justify the execration he has expressed for the character of this disgusting tyrant (5, 92; 3, 50, &c.). Notwithstanding these enormities, Periander was distinguished for his love of science and literature, which entitled him to be ranked among the seven sages of Greece. (Diog. Laert., Wit. Periand.) According to Aristotle, he reigned 44 years, and was succeeded by his nephew Psammetichus, who lived three years only. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 3, p. 13.)— Herodotus relates, that Periander, having sent a messenger to Thrasybulus of Miletus, to ascertain from him in what way he might reign most securely, Thrasybulus led the messenger out of the city, and, taking him through a field of standing corn, kept interrogating him about the object of his mission, and every now and then striking down an ear of grain that was taller than the rest. After having passed through the field, he dismissed the man without any answer to his message. On his return to Corinth, the messenger reported to Periander all that had occurred, and the latter, quickly perceiving what Thrasybulus meant by nis apparently strange conduct, put to death the most prominent and powerful of the citizens of Corinth. (Herod., 5, 92.) Niebuhr thinks that this story furnished the materials for the somewhat similar one related of Sextus Tarquinius and the people of Gabii. (Rom. Hist, vol. 1, p. 450, Eng. transl.) Plutarch, however, makes Periander to have disapproved of the advice which Thrasybulus silently gave him, and not to have followed it. (Sept. Sap. Conviv.–0p., ed. Reiske, vol. 6, p. 558.) Aristotle, on the other hand, reverses the story, and says that Periander was applied to by Thrasybulus, and did what Herodotus makes the latter to have done. (Polit., 3, 11.—Id., 5, 10.-Consult Creuzer, ad Herod, 5, 92.)

Pericles (IIepukååc) was son of Xanthippus, who defeated the Persians at Mycale, and of Agariste, niece of the famous Clisthenes. (Herod., 6, 131.) He was thus the representative of a noble family, and he improved the advantages of birth by those of education. He attended the teaching of Damon, who communicated political instruction in the form of music lessons; of

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Zeno the Eleatic; and, most especially, of the subtle and profound Anaxagoras. Plutarch's account shows that he acquired from Anaxagoras moral as well as physical truths; and that, while he learned enough of astronomy to raise him above vulgar errors, the same teachers supplied him with those notions of the orderly arrangement of society which were afterward so much the object of his public life. But all these studies had a political end; and the same activity and acuteness which led him into physical inquiries, gave him the will and the power to become ruler of Athens. In his youth, old men traced a likeness to Pisistratus, which, joined to the obvious advantages with which he would have entered public life, excited distrust, and actually seems to have retarded his appearance on the stage of politics. However, about the year 469, two years after the ostracism of Themistocles, and about the time when Aristides died, Pericles came forward in a public capacity, and before long became head of a party opposed to that of Cimon the son of Miltiades. Plutarch accuses Pericles of taking the democratic side because Cimon headed that of the nobles. A popular era usually strengthens the hands of the executive, and is therefore unfavourable to public liberty; and the Persian war seems to have been emphatically so to Athens, as at its termination she found herself under the guidance of a statesman who partook more of the character of a general than of the prime minister. (Heeren's Polit. Antiq. of Greece.) Cimon's character was in itself a guarantee against aggrandizement, either on his own part or others; but we may perhaps give Pericles credit for seeing the danger of so much power in less scrupulous hands than Cimon's. Be this as it may, Pericles took the popular side, and, as such, became the opponent of Cimon. About the time when Cimon was prosecuted and fined (B.C. 461), Pericles began his first attack on the aristocracy through the side of the Areopagus; and in spite of Cimon, and of an advocate yet more powerful (the poet AEschylus), succeeded in depriving the Areopagus of its judicial powers, except in certain inconsiderable cases. This triumph preceded, if it did not produce, the ostracism of Cimon (B.C. 461). From this time until Cimon's recall, which Mr. Thirlwall places, though doubtfully, in the year 453, we find Pericles acting as a military commander, and by his valour at Tanagra preventing the regret which Cimon's absence would otherwise undoubtedly have created. What caused him to bring about the recall of Cimon is doubtful; perhaps, as Mr. Thirlwall suggests, to strengthen himself against his most virulent opponents by conciliating the more moderate of them, such as their great leader himself. After the death of Cimon, Thucydides took his place, and for some time stood at the head of the stationary party. He was a better rhetorician than Cimon ; in fact, more statesman than warrior; but the influence of Pericles was irresistible; and in 444 Thucydides was ostracized, which period we may consider as the turning point of Pericles' power, and after which it was wellnigh, absolute. We are unable to trace the exact steps by which Athens rose from the situation of chief among allies to that of mistress over tributaries; but it seems pretty clear that Pericles aided in the change, and increased their contributions nearly one third. His finishing blow to the independence of the allies was the conquest of Samos and Byzantium, a transaction belonging rather to history than biography; he secured his success by planting colonies in various places, so as to accustom the allies to look on Athens as the capital of a great empire, of which they themselves were component parts, but still possessed no independent existence. From this time till the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, Pericles appears engaged in peaceful pursuits. He constructed a third wall from Athens to the harbour of

the Piraeus. He covered the Acropolis with magnificent buildings, and encouraged public taste by the surest of all methods, the accustoming the eye to statuesque and architectural beauty. At Athens, as is usually the case, poetry had the start of the kindred arts; but, during the age of Pericles, it attained to a greater height than had ever before been reached. The drama was then at perfection in the hands of Sophocles; and, by enabling the poor to attend theatrical representations, Pericles nurtured their taste, and increased his own popularity by thus throwing open the theatre to all. This precedent, whether made by Pericles or not, ultimately proved more ruinous to the state than any defeat. It made the people a set of pleasure-takers, with all that restlessness in the pursuit of pleasure which usually belongs to the privileged few. Another innovation, of which Pericles is supposed to have been the author, was equally injurious in its consequences, that, namely, of paying the dicasts in the courts. At first the pay was only moderate; but it operated as a premium on the attendance at lawsuits, the causes became a mode of excitement for a people whose intellectual activity made them particularly eager for anything of the kind, and thence resulted that litigious spirit which is so admirably ridiculed in the “Wasps” of Aristophanes. But we may well excuse mistakes of this kind, grounded probably on a false view of civil rights and duties, such as an Athenian, with the highest possible sense of the dignity of Athens, would be the most likely to fall into. Pericles, no doubt, had an honest and serious wish to establish such an empire for Athens as should enable her citizens to subsist entirely on the contributions of their dependant allies, and, like a class of rulers, to direct and govern the whole of that empire, of which the mere brute force and physical labour were to be supplied by a less noble race. Pericles was descended, as we have seen, by the mother's side from the family of Clisthenes, and he was thus implicated, according to the religious notions of those times, in the guilt of the murder of Cylon's partisans, which was committed at the very altars of the Acropolis. (Thucyd., 1, 126– Herod., 5, 70, &c.) The Lacedaemonians, before the actual commencement of the Peloponnesian war, urged on the Athenians the necessity of banishing the members of the family who had committed this offence against religion, which was only, an indirect way of attacking Pericles and driving him into exile. The Athenians retorted by urging the Lacedæmonians to cleanse themselves from the guilt incurred by the death of Pausanias. (Vid. Pausanias.) Pericles lived to direct the Peloponnesian war for two years. His policy was that of uncompromising though cautious resistance, and his great effort was to induce the Athenians to consider Attica in the light merely of a post, to be held or resigned as occasion required, not of hallowed ground, to lose which was to be equivalent to the loss of all. In the speech which he made before war was declared, as it is recorded by Thucydides, he impressed the Athenians with these opinions, representing the superiority of their navy and the importance of avoiding conflicts in the field, which, is successful, could only bring temporary advantage; if the contrary, would be irretrievable. At the end of the first campaign, Pericles delivered an oration upon those who had fallen in the war, as he had done before at the close of the Samian war. From that speech (at least if Thucydides reported well) we learn what Pericles considered to be the character of a good citizen, and we see in what strong contrast he placed the Spartan to the Athenian method of bringing up members of the state. This speech, the most remarkable of all the compositions of antiquity—the full transfusion of which into a modern language is an impossibility—exhibits a more complete view of the intellectual power and moral character of Pericles than o the histo ted by a noble severity. the objects which his ambition seeks to immortalize, and the whole world is the theatre and the witness of her glorious exploits. His philosophy teaches that life is a thing to be enjoyed; death a thing not to be feared. The plague at Athens soon followed, and its debilitating effects made restraint less irksome to the people; but, while it damped their activity, it increased their impatience of war. In spite of another harangue, in which he represented most forcibly how absurd it would be to allow circumstances like a plague to interfere with his well-laid plans, he was brought to trial and fined, but his influence returned when the fit was over. In the third year of the war, having lost his two legitimate sons, his sister, and many of his best friends, he fell ill, and, after a lingering sickness, died. Some beautiful tales are told of his deathbed, all tending to show that the calm foresight and humanity for which he was so remarkable in life did not desert him in death. It is an interesting question, and one which continually presents itself to the student of history, how far those great men, who always appear at important junctures for the assertion of some principle or the carrying out of some great national object, are conscious of the work which is appointed for them to do. It would, for instance, be most instructive, could we now ascertain to what extent Pericles foresaw that approaching contest of principles, a small part only of which he lived to direct. Looking srom a distance, we can see a kind of necessity imprinted on his actions, and think we trace their dependance on each other and the manner in which they harmonize. Athens was to be preserved by accessions of power, wealth, and civilization, to maintain a conflict in which, had she been vanquished, the peculiar character of Spartan institutions might have irreparably blighted those germes of civilization, the fruit of which all succeeding generations have enjoyed. But how should this be Her leader must have been a single person, for energetic unity of purpose was needed, such as no cluster of contemporary or string of successive rulers could have been expected to show. That ruler must have o according to the laws, for a tyrant would ave been expelled by the sword of the Spartans, as so many other tyrants were, or by the voice of the commonalty, every day growing into greater power. Moreover, without being given to change, he must have been prepared to modify existing institutions so as to suit the altered character of the times. He must have been above his age in matters of religious belief, and yet of so catholic a temper as to respect prejudices in which he had no share ; for otherwise, in so tolerant an age, he would probably have incurred the sate of Anaxagoras, and destroyed his own political influence without making his countrymen one whit the wiser. He must have been a man of taste, or he would not have been able to go along with and direct that artistic skill, which arose instantly on the abolition of those old religious notions forbidding any departure from traditional resemblances in the delineation of the features of gods and heroes, otherwise he would have lost one grand hold upon the people of Athens. If Pericles had not possessed oratorical skill, he would never have won his way to popularity; and later in life he must have been able to direct an army, or the expedition to Samos might have been fatal to that edifice of power which he had been so long in building. Lastly, had he not lived to strengthen the resolve of the wavering people while the troops of Sparta were yearly ravaging the Thriasian plain, the Peloponnesian war would have been prematurely ended, and that les. son, so strikingly illustrative of the powers which a frce people can * under every kind of misfortune, 100

rtar and oiographers have said of him. The form in would have been lost to posterity. (Encycl. Useful which the great orator and statesman has imbodied Knowl., vol. 17, p. 445, seqq.)—As regards the conhis lofty conceptions, is beauty chastened and eleva- |nexion that existed between Pericles and the celebra

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Athens and Athenians are ted Aspasia, consult remarks under the latter article.

Perillus, an ingenious artist, who made a brazen bull as an instrument of torture, and presented it to Phalaris, tyrant of Agrigentum. His native city has not been ascertained. In the pseudo-epistles of Phalaris he is called an Athenian; but it is more probable that he was a Sicilian, perhaps an Agrigentine. (Bentley on Phalaris, p. 382, ed. 1816.) The brazen image which he fabricated was hollow, and had an opening or door (Úvpic) on the upper part of the back, where the shoulder-blades approach each other (Tepi Tüç avvasilag.—Polyb., 12, 25). Through this opening the victim of the tyrant's cruelty was introduced into the body of the bull, and, a fire being kindled beneath the belly of the image, was slowly roasted alive; while the cry of the sufferer, as it came forth from the mouth of the bull, resembled the roaring of a living animal. Phalaris is said to have tried the experiment first upon the artist himself. He lost his own life, too, according to Ovid, in this same manner, having himself been burned in the bull when stripped of his tyranny, and having had his tongue previously cut out. (Val. Maz., 3, 3. –Phal, Epist., 103. — Plin., 34, 8, . —Lucian, Phalaris prior, 11.-Orid, Ibis, 441.) According to Lucian's account, pipes were to be inserted into the nostrils of the bull when a person was about to suffer, and the cry of the victim would come forth with a kind of low, moaning music (# 30i, 68 dud Tov aiov učān ārorežđast, oia Alywporata, Kai Tavzhget 9pm woodec, Kai Avkijo eral Yosporatov.–Lucian, l. c.). This, however, is all embellishment; and in the same light, no doubt, are we to regard what this writer also tells us, that Phalaris, after having punished the artist by means of his own work, sent the bull as an offering to Apollo at Delphi; unless, as Bentley inclines to believe, there was some tradition that the bull had been so sent, and that, having been rejected by the priests, it was carried back to Agrigentum. (Bentley on Phalaris, p. 383.)—Timaeus, the Sicilian historian, who wrote about the 128th Olympiad (B.C. 268–264), maintained, as we are informed by Polybius (12,25) and Diodorus Siculus (13,90), that the whole

story of the bull of Phalaris was a mere fiction, though

it had been so much talked of by historians as well as poets. The two writers just mentioned, however, undertake to refute this assertion of Timaeus, and inform us that the brazen bull of Phalaris was carried off from Agrigentum by the Carthaginians; and that, when Carthage was taken by the younger Scipio, the image was restored to Agrigentum by the Roman commander, its identity having been fully proved by the opening on the back alluded to above. (Polybius, l. c. —Diod. Sic., l. c.) The scholiast on Pindar (Pyth., 1, 185) gives the narration of Timaeus in a different way; for he tells us, from this historian, that the Agrigentines cast the bull of Phalaris into the sea; and that the bull in Agrigentum, which in his (Timous') time was shown for that of Phalaris, was only an effigy of the river Gela. From this it would appear, that Timaeus did not deny that the tyrant had a brazen bull, but only censured the mistake of those who took a tauriform image of a river for it. Bentley thinks, however, that few will prefer the account of the scholiast to that of Polybius and Diodorus (Phal., p. 380), but perhaps the solution which Göller proposes is the best, namely, that the bull of Phalaris had been carried away to Carthage, and that the one which Timaeus saw at Agrigentum was actually a tauriform effigy of the river Gela. The only difficulty that remains is the statement respecting the bull of Phalaris having been cast into the sea, which may possibly be an error on the part of the scholiast. (Göller, de Situ et orig. Syracus., p. 274.—Compare * the remarks of Böckh, ad Schol, t. c., in not.— Pind, Op., vol. 2, p. 310.)—As regards the name of the artist himself, most authors adopt the form Perillus, as we have given it; Lucian, however, and the scholiast on Pindar have Perilaus, and Bentley also prefers this. The change, indeed, from IIEPIAAOX to TIEPIAAOX is so extremely easy, that one or the other must be a mere error of transcription. A similar name has been critically discussed by Hermann in his work entitled, “Ueber Bockhs Behandlung der Griech. Inschriften (p. 106.—Sillig, Dict. Art., s. v.). PERINThus, a city of Thrace, on the coast of the Propontis, west of Byzantium. It was originally colonized by the Samians (Scymn., Ch., v. 713.-Scylar, p.28), and was said to have received its name from the Epidaurian Perinthus, one of the followers of Orestes. Another account, however, assigned its foundation to Hercules, and the inhabitants themselves would seem to have believed this, from their having a figure of Hercules on the reverse of their coins. Perinthus soon became a place of great trade, and, surpassing in this the neighbouring Selymbria, eventually rivalled Byzantium. When this last-mentioned city, however, fell under the Spartan power, Perinthus was compelled to follow its example. It subsequently suffered from the attacks of the Thracians, but principally from those of Philip of Macedon, who besieged and vigorously pressed the city, but was unable to take it. The city was situate on a small peninsula, and the isthmus connecting it with the mainland was only a stadium broad, according to Ephorus, but Pliny (4, 11) makes it somewhat more. The place was built along the slope of a hill, and afforded to one approaching it the appearance of a theatre, the inner rows of dwellings being overtopped by those behind. (Diod, 16, 76.) Perinthus continued to be a flourishing city even under the Roman power, and received a great accession of power when its rival Byzantium fell under the displeasure of the Emperor Severus. The case was altered, however, when Constantine transferred the seat of empire to Byzantium ; and about this period we find Perinthus appearing with the additional name of Heraclea, without our being able to ascertain either the exact cause or period of the change. Ptolemy, it is true, says “Perinthus or Heraclea,” but this is evidently the interpolation of some later scholiast. The coins of this place reach upward to the time of Aurelian: they bear no other name but that of Perinthus. With the writers of the fourth century, on the other hand, the more usual name is Heraclea; though they almost all add that the city was once called Perinthus, or else, like Ammianus Marcellinus, join both names together. Hence it would appear that the change of appellation was a gradual one, and not suddenly made, in accordance with the command of any emperor, as in the case of Constantinople. After this last-mentioned place Perinthus was the most important city in this quarter of Thrace. Justinian rebuilt the ancient palace in it, and repaired the aqueducts. (Procop., AEilif., 4, 9.) It could not, indeed, be an unimportant city, as all the main roads to Byzantium from Italy and Greece met here. The mod. ern Erekli occupies the site of the ancient city. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. 7, p. 174, seqq.) PeripAt Erict (IIsputatorukot), a name given to the followers of Aristotle. According to the common account, the sect were called by this appellation from the circumstance of their master's walking about as he discoursed with his pupils (IIeputathtukot, àto Tow repurareiv). Others, however, more correctly, derive the name from the public walk (Tepitatos) in the Lycaeum, which Aristotle and his disciples were accustomed to frequent. (Brucker, Hist. Crit. Phil., vol. 1, p. 788.) A summary of the doctrine of this school will be sound under the article Aristoteles.— Before withdrawing from his public labours, Aristotle

appointed Theophrastus his successor in the chair (rud. Theophrastus), and the latter was followed consecutively by Strato of Lampsacus, Lycon or Glycon of Troas, Ariston of Ceos, and Critolaus the Lycian. With Diodorus of Tyre, who came immediately after Critolaus, the uninterrupted succession of the Peripatetic school terminated, about the 140th Olympiad. The Peripatetic doctrines were introduced into Rome, in common with the other branches of the Greek philosophy, by the embassy of Critolaus, Carneades, and Diogenes, but were little known until the time of Sylla. Tyrannion the grammarian and Andronicus of Rhodes were the first who brought the writings of Aristotle and Theophrastus into notice. The obscurity of Aristotle's works tended much to hinder the success of his philosophy among the Romans. Julius Caesar and Augustus patronised the Peripatetic doctrines. Under Tiberius, Caligula, and Claudius, however, the adherents of this school, in common with those of other sects, were either banished or obliged to remain silent on the subject of their peculiar tenets. This was the case, also, during the greater part of the reign of Nero, although, in the early part of it, philos

great exertions to extend the authority of Aristotle; but about this time the Platonists began to study his writings, and prepared the way for the establishment of the Eclectic Peripatetics under Ammonius Sacas, who flourished about a century after Ammonius the Peripatetic. After the time of Justinian, philosophy in general languished. But in that mixture of ancient opinions and theological dogmas which constituted the philosophy of the middle ages, the system of Aristotle predominated. About the 12th century it had many adherents among the Saracens and Jews, particularly in Spain; and at the same period, also, it began to be diligently studied, though not without much opposition, among the ecclesiastics of the Christian Church. Out of this latter circumstance gradually arose the Scholastic philosophy, which took its tone and complexion from the writings of Aristotle, and which continued long to perplex the minds of men with its frivolous though subtile speculations. The authority of Aristotle received a severe shock at the Reformation, but it survived the fall of the scholastic system. His opinions were patronised by the Catholic Church on account of their supposed favourable bearing upon certain doctrines of faith ; and, although Luther and others of the Reformers determinedly opposed them, they were maintained by such men as Melanchthon, who himself commented on several portions of the works of the Stagirite. Many individuals, distinguished for their genius and learning, exerted themselves to revive the Peripatetic philosophy in its primitive purity; nor did it cease to have numerous illustrious supporters until the time of Bacon, Grotius, and Des Cartes. (Brucker, Hist. Crit. Phil.—Enfield, Hist. Phil., vol. 2, p. 95, seqq.—Tennemann, Hist. Phil., p. 121, 168, 275.) * Per Messus, a river of Boeotia, rising in Mount Helicon, and which, aster uniting its waters with those of the Olmius, flowed along with that stream into the Copaic Lake near Haliartus. Both the Olmius and Permessus received their supplies from the sountains of Aganippe and Hippocrene. The river Permessus, as well as the sountain Aganippe, were sacred to the Muses. (Strab., 407.—Propert., 2, 10, 26.) Pero, a daughter of Neleus, king of Pylos, by Chloris. She married Bias, son of Amythaon. (Wid. Melampus.) PERPENNA, I. M., was consul B.C. 130, and defeated and took prisoner Aristonicus in Asia. (Liv., 44, 27.-Ill., 44, 32.-Vell. Pat., 2, 4.)—II. M. Vento, was proscribed by Sylla, whereupon he passed into Spain, and became one of the lieutenants of Sertorius. Dissatisfied eventually with playing o.*

ophy was favoured. Ammonius the Peripatetic made .

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