,

out adding another word! I was quite in despair.-If there had been a fireplace at hand, I should instantly have thrown the MS. into the flames. Fortunately there was no fireplace, and the calamity was averted. I recovered my self-possession, yet I passed many painful days,' until Mephistophiles apologiz ed, by explaining, that at the time when the reading took place, he was in the most horrid situation in which any human being had ever been placed, '--and that he had not understood a word of the novel. Merk's horrid mystery remains unexplained; but we find that, on a second reading, he made ample amends for his provoking inattention- he deprecated all alterations'-the work, as he very properly observed, could not be improved;' and he wished most anxiously to see it in print exactly as it stood.' This friendly wish was soon accomplished. On the very day that my sister was married to George Schlosser, there came a letter from Weygand the Leipsick bookseller, requesting me to send him a work. That day was doubly auspicious to the house of Goethe. I considered this coincidence as a lucky omen, and sent Werther to Leipsick, '- who soon made his appearance, thanks to Weygand's patronage and the lucky omen. However flattering the reception of Goetz may have been, the success of the iron-handed hero was infinitely inferior to the applause commanded by Werther. Goethe says, the effect of this little work was great, nay astonishing-and parti cularly because, as it appeared in a proper season, it created an explosion amongst the public.' With a due feeling of its merits, he took little notice of the critics. Yet he wrote a satirical poem to expose the unlucky darkness of the ideas' of that Goth Nicolai, who busied himself with pursuits for which he was not qualified.' In this instance, the unfeeling wretch Nicolai had the barbarity to print a parody of the tragical tale, under the title of the Joys of Werther. Goethe is indignant at this want of sympathy for Werther, and his reclamations are really impressive. Nicolai did not feel that Werther's youth is shown to have been long cankered by the deadly worm: The author takes up my narration at page 214; and when the forlorn being prepares for the rash act, the intelligent phychological physician contrives to put a pistol, loaded with the clotted blood of a fowl, in the hands of his patient.' Being prepared for all that could be alleged against Werther, I did not find these attacks at all vexatious; but I did not expect the insupportable torture (unleidliche quaal) which was to be inflicted on me by the sympathetic and well-meaning souls,' who immediately recognized the faithful representation of the life, love, death, bluecoat, yellow waistcoat and breeches of young Jerusalem. The reading world, especially the sympathetic and well-meaning souls' imagined, that the whole doleful history of young

6

Jerusalem ought to be found in Werther's letters.' But they were not aware that Goethe's own life and sufferings' formed a material element of the book. The history, therefore, could not be made to agree in all its points; and he underwent such painful cross-examinations from the sympathetic and wellmeaning souls, that the natural serenity of his temper was disturbed, and he often answered the questions very uncivilly. Then again, the public curiosity was at work to discover the original of Charlotte. Like the Venus of Apelles, the beauties of Charlotte were collected from many charming young women,' although the leading features were taken from the dearest; so the inquisitive were able to discover a certain degree of resemblance in many ladies; and the ladies' thus honoured, were by no means anxious to contradict so flattering a report. These numerous Lottchens, i. e. little Charlottes, gave him endless torture,' because every body who merely looked at me, insisted on knowing where the identical Charlotte was to be found.' There was no escaping from their importu nities. He thought they would cease, but they proved eternal. He attempted to escape his tormentors when on his travels, by trying to preserve a strict incognito;' but this was in vain.Thus, it is Senor Don Quixote-as Don Antonio said to the worthy Hidalgo whilst he was riding through the streets of Barcelona, unconscious of the placard at his back-Thus, it is Senor Don Quixote.-Even as it is impossible that fire should remain concealed, so, merit never faileth to shine forth.

In the fourteenth book of these Memoirs, the chief actors are Lavater the physiognomist, and Basedow, the inventor of a celebrated system of education, with both of whom Goethe associated during a considerable period. Lavater was an amiable enthusiast in religion as well as in physiognomy. He was almost considered as a prophet by his circle of female devotees, whose visits elicited many a satirical remark from Mephistophiles Merk. Basedow was principally distinguished by his aversion to orthodoxy, and the most violent love for strong beer and bad tobacco. He also poisoned the air by lighting his pipe with a prepared fungus, which took fire remarkably well,' but which was so hateful to Goethe's nose, that he gave it the elegant appellation of Basedovian Stink schwamm." Lavater and Basedow were completely opposed to each other in opinions as well as in manners; but they took a journey to Coblentz and other places, in company with our author, without allowing their discordant doctrines to trouble the pleasures of the tour. At the table-d'hôte at Coblentz, Goethe VOL. XXVI. No. 52. Y

sat between Lavater and Basedow, each of whom was occupied in edifying his neighbour. Lavater was discoursing with a country clergyman on the mysteries of the Apocalypsewhilst Basedow was attempting, but in vain, to convince an obstinate dancing-master, that the rite of baptism was not at all calculated for our enlightened times. Once, and once only, Lavater felt slightly offended by Basedow's Antitrinitarian zeal; and Goethe also owed him a grudge, because his coarseness had disturbed the harmony of a party, which, our author reported, would have been a sentimental one. On the way home, Lavater reproached him; but I punished him in a humorous manner. On their road, Basedow saw a public house at a distance. The weather was hot,' and he longed earnestly for a glass of beer;' for his mundungushad parched his mouth;' and when the vehicle came near the inviting and hospitable mansion, he commanded' the coachman to stop. Goethe had taken notice of the sign of the public house, and had bethought himself of the joke which might be grounded on it; so, at the moment that the coachman was going to drive up to the door, I holla'd out to him with a tone of authority to go on. Basedow, in astonishment, could hardly repeat his order with a hoarse voice;' but the coachman, who must have had his cue, obeyed Goethe. Basedow swore and cursed; and Goethe might have paid dearly for his waggery; for the thirsty pedagogue was ready to pommel him; but at this critical moment his wit saved him. I answered him with the greatest calmness,' notwithstanding the impending peril, Father, be quiet;-you ought to thank me. It is lucky that you did not see the sign of the alehouse. It is composed of two triangles. Now, one triangle generally makes you mad enough. If you had seen both, it would have been necessary to have put you in chains. Basedow broke out into loud laughter on hearing the joke. '-and friendship and hilarity was immediately restored. After this journey, he planned a dramatized life of Mahomet, whom he never considered as an impostor, and which was suggested by the earnestness of Lavater and Basedow in propagating their doctrines, at the same time that each had certain private objects of their own in view, which they carefully concealed. '

The fifteenth and concluding book contains a good deal of anecdote, besides Klopstock's opinion on skates and skating. That sublime poet earnestly recommended the low, broad, flat, polished skates of Friesland steel, which are the best for skating swiftly so, according to his directions, I bought a pair of broad skates, which I have used for many years, al

though they were productive of some inconveniences.' A little time after he bought his new pair of skates, he wrote Clavigo, which drama was composed for the purpose of gratifying his 'partner.' To understand the force of this epithet, it is necessary to mention, that Goethe and his acquaintance used to amuse themselves by playing at marriages; they used to draw lots, and each couple was bound to behave towards each as husband and wife' during a week. This way of enlivening their parties was first invented by a young Englishman who was pursu ing his studies in Pfeil's boarding school. Goethe gives a high character of this young gentleman-he conceals his name-but, as a full description of his person is advertized, we apprehend that his friends must immediately recognize him if these pages should chance to come before them.—He was tall and well made, slimmer than his sweetheart' (who was of the Madam van Brisket breed); his features were small, and his counte nance would have been really handsome,' if he had not been very much disfigured by the small pox; he had a high bold forehead; his manner was calm, precise, sometimes even cold and repulsive; but his heart was full,' &c. &c. Goethe drew the same partner three times successively; this sport of fortune became the town talk; and as the lady was unexceptionable, his family seemed to instigate him to form a more durable union.

We cannot inform our readers whether it took place or not,— as the work breaks off abruptly at this crisis. From the bulk of the three volumes we have now gone over, it is satisfactory to think how much pleasure we have yet to come, if, as we hope and trust, the work is to be continued by him on the same comprehensive plan. As far as it has been published, it just brings him to man's estate, and contains the history of one novel, two or three plays, and sundry odds and ends of verse and prose. About forty years more of his life remain to be given; and as his works do not fill much more than fifteen thick octavo volumes, these data will enable us to form a rough calculation of the proportion which the residue must bear to this iniatory fragment.

ART. IV. The Representative History of Great Britain and
Ireland, being a History of the House of Commons, and of the
Counties, Cities, and Boroughs of the United Kingdom, from
the earliest period. By T. H. B. OLDFIELD. 6 vol. 8vo.
London, Baldwin.

1816.

Historical Reflexions on the Constitution and Representative System of England, with Reference to the Popular Propositions for a Reform of Parliament. By JAMES JOPP, Esq. London, Hatchard. 1812. 8vo.

THE

THE two authors we have brought together, to form the subject of the present article, are not more in opposition to each other than at variance, as it appears to us, with every just view of our present, or correct notion of our antient constitution. Mr Oldfield is a zealous advocate of Parliamentary Reform, and as bitter an enemy of the Borough Faction, as the worthy member for Westminster himself. Inequality of representation,' he observes, in his dedication to the Hampden Club, is by far the worst feature of that complicated wrong, by which the liberty and property of the nation are given into the hands of the borough faction. The model he recommends to his reforming friends is the Saxon constitution, under which not only the legislative body, but every executive magistrate, from the tything man to the alderman, was elected by the respective hundreds annually assembled in the county courts.' How the hundreds came to perform their elections in the county court, Mr Oldfield has not condescended to explain to us; but in those halcyon days of representation, he assures us that every householder had a vote in the election of his representative; and he adds, if this original right of voting were fully restored, and vested in all the householders or heads of families, who principally defray the exigencies of the state, even if the franchise descended no farther, it would be amply sufficient to destroy the present detestable corruption of the representation, or more properly mock representation, of the Commons.' He then favours us with his scheme of Parliamentary Reform, acording to which 1,200,000 householders would elect 120,000 tything men, 12,000 constables, 1200 magistrates, and 600 representatives.' But as this plan might alarm the friends of universal suffrage, he has the precaution to calm their apprehensions, by hinting to them, that in case universal suffrage should be adopted, the same system would be equally practicable, though on a more extended basis.' On such crude plans and meagre speculations, it would be an insult on the understanding of our