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DE FOE PREDICTS THE REMOVAL OF THE TEST.

53 be burnt by the common hangman. Such a mode of dealing with an author, was answerable to the pretensions of the men who resorted to it. To attempt answering his work would have been the way to spread his opinions; and to confute them, was beyond their power. They were, therefore, quite right in smothering it, as a testimony of their diffidence in a cause that was not to be trusted to so dangerous a weapon as reason. De Foe, who handled most subjects that he touched with great force and acuteness, argued strongly against the Test, and looked forward to the day when the Church herself would be willing to abate the nuisance. "We have a great outcry against monopolies in trade; I wish those gentlemen who are making an exclusive monopoly of the Church and religion, would remember that these things are what they themselves will one day cast off as a deformity in practice."* His prophecy has been so far verified, that yielding to the force of public opinion, the Church has freely consented to the abrogation of the act, which fell with the concurrence of a Tory ministry.

* Review, v.-Pref.

CHAPTER III.

Bill for the Naturalization of Foreign Protestants.—Advocated by De Foe. -His Theory upon the Wealth of Nations.—Illustrated by Examples from History.-Attempt to tack the Sacramantal Test to the Bill.-De Foe's Remarks upon it.-The Project of Bishop Dawes.-Rejected by Parliament.-Fifth Volume of the "Review."—Subjects Discussed in it.—Affairs of Scotland.-His Picture of our Domestic Condition.-His Indifference to Party.-And Persuasions to Peace.-Negociations at the Hague.-De Foe lectures the Jacobites.—Mars stripped of his Armour.— Life and Adventures of Signor Rozelli.-Public Fasts.-Stage Plays Prohibited. De Foe's Remarks.-His Association of Toryism and MayPoles.-Estimate of Morals in the two Parties.--De Foe's Project for Suppressing the Theatre.-The Palatines come to England.-How Disposed of.-Clamour against them.-De Foe's Arguments for their Hospitable Reception. His Scheme for their Employment.--He again Visits Scotland. His Remarks upon the Country and the People.-He Defends the Presbyterians from the Charge of Persecution.-His Candour.-Innovations.—Introduction of the Liturgy.-Cuse of Greenshields.—Project for Perpetuating the Scottish Bishops.-Remarks upon the Proceedings of the Church of Scotland.—And upon Toleration.—The "Review" presented by the Grand Jury.-De Foe's Remarks upon it.-Liberty of the Press threatened.-De Foe's Sentiments upon it.--Bill for Securing Copy-right. --Leslie Threatened by the Scotch Members.-Drops the "Rehearsal”The "Rehearsal" Revived.-Novel and Scandal.

1709.

In the early part of 1709, the attention of our author was directed to the naturalization of foreign Protestants. A bill having been brought into parliament for the purpose, it met with great opposition. De Foe, who was a warm advocate for the measure, was not insensible to the private interests

NATURALIZATION OF FOREIGN PROTESTANTS.

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that might suffer by it, but these he thinks more than counterbalanced by its advantages to the public. One of his favourite maxims in politics was, that the wealth of a nation depends upon its trade; and that this prospers or declines as the population fluctuates. In his day, there was no complaint of the pressure of population against the means of subsistence; and even now, it may be worth inquiry by the advocates of this far-famed theory, whether the pressure is not, in reality, against the laws that regulate trade and property. De Foe contends, that Great Britain laboured under a want of people, the long wars and persecutions having depopulated the country. Nothing, therefore, could be more wise and politic, than to encourage the settlement of foreigners, who contributed largely to the manufactures, commerce, and wealth of the country. Addressing those who were in opposition to the Bill, he asks, Next to the justice, pray where is the wit of it? How came we to be rich and opulent; was it the mere goodness of the soil? Not at all. In spite of the goodness of the soil, we were a poor, miserable, enslaved and laird-ridden people, as they are in some parts to this day; with our vassalage and villenage, our wardships, knight-services, and Egyptian tenures; when the commons went dangling after their landlords, like hounds after the huntsman; and the tenant held the stirrup to the 'squire, the 'squire was but sword-bearer to the knight; the knight again carried the colours for the baron; and thus, the Lord-dane, was the great idol of the country. And whence came our liberty? You may talk of our ancestors fighting for it, and so they did; the tyrant barons against the tyrant kings. But who delivered us from the tyrant barons, whose bondage was worse than that of kings, and under whose bondage, a large part of Britain now groans, and calls to us to set her free? The increase of foreigners flocking into us from abroad. These increased trade, trade increased wealth, and wealth bought us liberty. And thus, we owe our pre

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HIS THEORY ON THE WEALTH OF NATIONS.

sent greatness to the very thing which the wise heads of this age pretend to oppose."*

In illustration of his argument, De Foe refers back to the reign of Henry VII., before which, the produce of the country, instead of being worked at home, was carried abroad to the more industrious Flemings, who returned it in a manufactured state, and grew rich at our expence. And this by the way, says he, was the rise of all the opulent cities in that fruitful country, and of their prodigious population; people flocking thither for the sake of their manufactures, from all parts of Europe. But by the prudent management of that politic prince, England grew wise, populous and rich; and the same policy being pursued by Queen Elizabeth, who encouraged settlers from the Low Countries, we became a considerable manufacturing nation. This was owing, in a great measure, says De Foe, to the ill-judged policy of Philip II. "The foolish Spaniard, blind to his own interest, and not content with commanding one of the greatest people in the world, sends the Devil among them, I mean his deputy, the Duke D'Alva, who falling foul upon the civil and religious liberties of the people, drove them to rebel; which ended in the dismemberment of the Spanish monarchy, and the flight of the Protestants to other countries. O, the advantage the Devil has done by that glorious thing called persecution! How are we beholden to him in these parts of the world! Queen Elizabeth entertained 200,000 foreigners, and where are they now? They are all run to seed: they were sown foreigners, and came up true-born Englishmen.+" (F)

* Review, v. 571, 2.

+ Ibid, 573-5.

(F) De Foe further illustrates the folly of persecution in the case of our James I., "that wise, learned, sober, just, and cleanly creature," whose policy was the very reverse of that of Queen Elizabeth. Beginning with persecution, 66 away ran the poor Puritans, some to France, some to Holland, others to New-England, and in such swarms, that the council

ATTEMPT TO TACK SACRAMENTAL TEST TO THE BILL. 57

Whilst the Bill was before parliament, an attempt was made to extend it to those only who were willing to take the Sacramental Test. So absurd a clause was consistent with the bigotry of the times, but comported better with the narrow conceptions of a sectarian clergy, than with the wise counsels of a national assembly. "And why," asks De Foc, "must the sacrament be a test of naturalization? Are there no Protestants in the world but of the Church of England? Or, is the Church of England afraid of all the Protestants in Europe, but such as are of her own opinion? But if you will examine truly, it is not the Church of England that promotes this, but rather a party of men, whose politics being ever destructive to the civil liberties of this nation, were always blended with their religion, in order to support them; and then calling themselves the Church of England exclusively, have reason indeed to be afraid of bringing in any other Protestants. For, it is most certain, none of them would be highchurchmen, unless the new faction of young Turretin at Geneva, whose high-church principles were infused into him at Oxford, and are daily cultivated, and some say, supported from thence. And where's the consistency of laying this iron yoke upon the neck of their consciences, to prompt men to prostitute their principles to their private interest? If they can conform with a good conscience, they will do it without this tacit compulsion; but if not, why lay a snare for them? Gentlemen of the church, have you not hypocrites enough among you already?"

De Foe continues, "These inconsistencies are so manifest, that I cannot but wonder any body should offer them at this

had it under consideration whether they would not stop them, for fear of depopulating the kingdom. No, says the old king, let them go; and so he lost, at least, 60,000 of his people, whereof 18,000 went to New-England in less than two years."-Review, v. 571.

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