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spair of the future. Let no one fear that his a declaration denying to the Emperor of Russia, once recovers, he wonders how he ever caught country will not, sooner or later, come up to her the authority he had assumed, to act the part of the disorder. proper work, without presumption, but without universal legislator, and to impress his own will I have seen a great deal of this political perverhesitation. Our progress is from day to day, but upon the code of the public law of mankind, pros-sity, this unpatriotic predisposition which prompts the steps which mark our career before the world trating with his pen, preparatory to prostrating with many men always to take part against their counare the decennial periods, when the "numbering his sword, all the barriers that protect the political try, whatever be the position in which she is of the people" discloses results surprising even to rights of nations. Well, we shrunk also from this placed. I do not recollect a single controversy in ourselves, and almost incredible to the other na high duty. We got alarmed at the shadow of which we have been involved with a foreign Power, tions of Christendom. Eight of these I have something I do not know precisely what, whether since I have been on the stage of action, when lived to see, and the gigantic strides they mark Russian ukases, or “entangling alliances”-and the whole sentiment of the country was united in indicate a future which is almost appalling to the left the Czar to pass his own law, and to enforce the cause of the country. I doubt if there is another imagination. If this magnificent destiny, even it too. And hereafter, when the occasion comes, people on the face of the globe whose history now so gratifying to national pride, but in pros and it will come, for power, like the daughters of | presents so many instances of this want of true pect so boundless in its power for evil or for good, the horse-leech, always cries Give! Give!-he will national pride, patriotism rather, as our own, brings with it causes of gratulation for every true be able to quote his own precedent, submitted to Whether' it results from any peculiar political American, it brings also grave responsibilities, | in both hemispheres, and seek to regulate the idiosyncracy I know not; or whether our party which cannot be evaded, and ought not to be neg whole subject of international communication, and feelings are so strong that we are blinded by them, lected.
of national rights by a ukase, as he regulates the and led, in their vehemence, to think that all is It is thus we have a mission to fulfill, in the ex lives and fortunes of the sixty millions of people wrong our opponents do; or it may be, at any ample we may offer, and in all just efforts to pro who call him lord and master. In brief time we rate, so far as England is concerned, that some of mote the extension of freedom, the advancement shall abjure all this, as well our own subservience, the old colonial leaven remains, which leavens of knowledge, and the establishment of all the as his presumption, and assume our place in the much of the lump. Be it one or the other, or whatgreat principles on which public and private pros great legislative council of nations.
ever else, the deplorable consequence is certain, perity depends.
We have evidently reached one of those epochs and the sentiment of Decatur, not less poble than In looking baek upon our progress from infancy in the career of nations to which the historian of just,“ Our country right or wrong," which, being to maturity, it is obvious that we have submitted their decline and fall looks back, in his searching truly understood, felt rather, means, that when to much that was unjust and contumelious, be- l investigation, into the causes of their fate. Our embarked in a controversy with a foreign nation, cause we had not strength to resist, as we should duties are plain, noble indeed, and our position it becomes every true citizen, after the course of now do, pretensions not less remarkable for their invites us to fulfill them, firmly and fearlessly. his country has been decided by the constitutional injustice than for the presumption and pertinacity The progress and improvement in all the great authority, to submit to that decision and to supwith which they were urged. We had true pa branches of human industry, and especially in port her cause, and not the cause of her foes; this triots in those days of weakness to guide and those which relate to the intercommunication of noble sentiment finds many who repudiate it; counsel us, and well did they fulfill their trust. nations, and to the benefit that each may derive | many who possess the character without possessBut we had to bear much, because we could for from all by the interchange, as well of knowledge ing the feelings of American citizens. bear when we could not avert or avenge.
as of material products, have brought the human Mr. President, I trust our imperial neighbor on But old things have passed away, and with the family more closely into contact than at any former the other side of the Pacific, the mighty brother power has come the determination of the Ameri- | period, and have opened interests which, if not of the sun and moon, will set up no Chinese claims can people to protect their interests and their honor new, have become much more powerful in their to our new possessions unon that ocean; for if he wherever and whenever and however these may extent and operation, and which give some degree should, they might create much embarrassment, be assailed. Why, sir, it is difficult even for this of unity to the public feeling of the world. We as I fear there would not be found wanting those generation to believe, and to the next it would cannot withdraw from this great association. We among us ready to vouch for the validity of the appear perfectly incredible, unless established by cannot isolate ourselves from the common senti claim, and to impugn our title because it is ours. the irrefragable evidence of public records, that ment of the age, nor ought we to do so, if we But, returning from this digression, if it can be for twenty years we seriously argued with Eng. could. Our place is assigned to us by events called one, more immediately to the subject, I land, in labored diplomatic notes, whether her na almost beyond our control, and as we fill it, wor would observe that conservatism and progress, as val officers had a right to enter and search our thily or unworthily, the judgment of the future will they are called, designate principles, positions vessels, wherever these might be met on the ocean, pronounce us the inheritors of the spirit, as we rather, which are useful in their moderate, but inand to take thence, at their mere will, any person have been of the labors and sacrifices, of the men jurious in their extreme application. Like all they might find, and consign him to that worst of of the Revolution, or craven descendants, false to other antagonistic elements, which work together, slavery, the slavery of unlimited service on board their principles, as to our own honor. I am well and well and wisely, in the worlds of mind and a hostile ship to fight against his own country: aware, Mr. President, that such views expose a matter, these also may usefully coöperate, without Well, sir, we have exhausted that argument, and man to a great deal of obloquy in this country. I counteracting each other. It may be that we may shall supply its place by other means. We have have experienced all that, in common with many run too fast; but we have not yet committed that got far beyond discussion, and the first man im others. 'But neither the advent, nor the appré- error, nor do I believe we shall. When we do, pressed from an American vessel by a British offi hension of it, has deterred me at much earlier pe then it will be time enough to announce the dancer, whose act is recognized by his Government, riods of life, and certainly will not deter me now, ger and to propose the remedy. In the mean time, will be the signal of war. Nor shall we ever when that life is fast drawing to a close, from the we desire that we may be left free in our career, again discuss the legality of Berlin and Milan de expression of an earnest hope that the American rightfully free, unimpeded by tortuous European crees, and all the other schemes of rapacity by name and fame will be maintained by the Americ policy or project of aggrandizement upon this conwhich neutral property was stolen during the ter can people with the brightness of true glory, un tinent. And every American who participates in rible contests arising out of the French Revolution diminished by the neglect of a single deed, or the this sentiment, will be ready to proclaim it, as -schemes which were defended, in elaborate State commission of a single deed, which national honor these resolutions do, and abide by it, in safety and papers, upon a highwayman's plea, that he robs may require we should do, or leave undone. in dangers. We do not intend to be circumscribed you because you have been, or will be robbed, by There are men, American citizens even, who in our expansion, nor do we intend to have this some one else. All this, too, is with the things cannot appreciate sentiments like these—who hemisphere ruled by maxims suited neither to its that have been. And think you, sir, that the time disbelieve in their existence, and who deride and position nor to its interests, and divided into powill ever return when a third of the territorial ex denounce all those who avow them as demagogues litical communities, dependencies of European tent of one of the States of this Union will be —that is the term-and which, when truly trans monarchies, or under their influence, and, thereceded upon such pretexts as those which dismem lated from our party vocabulary into old-fashioned fore, liable to be involved in every war breaking bered the State of Maine? Never, in my opinion, English, means all who differ in great measures out in the Old World, and thus extending its danwas there a public claim urged upon grounds so from these standards of faith, and advocate them, gers and its difficulties to the New, and by which utterly indefensible as that; but we yielded, and even though they are acceptable to the people-a means we should be exposed, in all time to come, now let us make the best of it, and acquiring res fatal error, indeed, in a country like this. "I saw to have our lines of communication with our Paolution as we acquire strength, let us do just what the other day a specimen of this exclusive patriot- cific coast interrupted, our commerce cut in two, as is right-and demand it from others. That is our ism, which rails at all it does not accept, in a Buf- Lord George Bentinck said, and war entailed upon true policy, and as it is right that we should exer falo paper, the Commercial Advertiser, which, us, agreeably to the moral code of Blackwood, cise the same authority as the other Powers of the from its near relation to the present Administra- that impersonation of English Tory feeling, as a world, our coequals only in position, in the decla tion, I should have thought would have tried to " blessing to mankind,” together with all the other ration of great principles of international law, the elevate itself above this tone of affected modera- vexatious annoyances which such a state of things true sentiment of self-respect will teach us, ere tion, but of real subserviency, and which depre could not fail to bring with it. If this is not to long, to maintain its inviolability when threatened cates all these efforts to resist European encroach- be our destiny, we must be progressive, till the with dangerous innovations, hostile to the freedom ment, talks of the ghost of the Monroe doctrine, and great objects are accomplished, and then just as conand independence of nations, by the same solemn of palpable absurdities introduced into the Senate servative as may be necessary to maintain our high and authoritative procedure as that which an with owl-like wisdom, and in a spirit of demagog- position in the world, our free institutions, and all nounces its peril. If we choose that our Chief ism, and of the equality of the rights of European those elements of individual and national prosperMagistrate should wear a hat, and not a crown, monarchs with the United States upon this conti- || ity which God has given to us, and which, I trust, we desire it to be understood that we are just as nent, and much more of the same sort, little suited man will never be able to take away. This will jealous of our rights and honor, and have just as to the banks of the Niagara, but which would find be the truly American union of progress and conmuch of both, as the gaudiest monarch of them all. its proper home upon the banks of the Thames, as servatism.
We committed a great error, not a fatal one would'he who cherishes and utters such anti Mr.BUTLER. Mr. President, I do not rise to go that it would be difficult to do in our condition of American sentiments. But time will bring its into any general discussion of this joint resolution; elasticity-when, last session, we refused to pass cure for this Anglo mania, and when the patient l I rise rather to make some explanations in regard
320 CONG.....20 Sess.
Colonization in North America-Messrs. Butler and Cass.
for Cabinet deliberation.
to a doctrine which has often been brought into re danger in the United States backing out. I shall “than as manifestations of an unfriendly disposiview before the Senate; I mean the Monroe doc never fear that the spirit of the American people | tion towards the United States." I have not time trine. Many very important doctrines have been will quail, when it becomes our policy to maintain to go through the whole matter. I have not bediscussed within the scope of this debate, and I either our honor or our interests. I have not the fore me the
book at this moment; but the honorassure the honorable Senator from Michigan that least idea of it. But, sir, one of the real issues, able Senator will ascertain, by looking at it, that I fully sympathize with him in many of his pa which might bring one of the most desolating wars there are two points in the doctrine: one in respect triotic sentiments; I might concur with him in to both nations, would be a trespass to try title to to the attempt upon the South American States, many of his abstract opinions; and I do not know Cuba. I may be permitted to say, that in a John and the other in opposition to a colonization systhat I dissent from his doctrines in the main. Doe and Richard Roe action of trespass to try
tem on this continent by Europe. It is distinctly But he has taken a very enlarged view of very title to Cuba-for I believe England uses that form, stated by Mr. Rush, in his account of this mission, grave subjects, because I have no doubt he has instead of an action of ejectment—if Great Britain that when the latter part of it was communicated deliberated upon them, and in the maturity of his should think proper to be one of the parties, I will to the British Ministry it excited great dissatisfacown intellect he has brought them forward as answer for it thai the United States will maintain tion. While they agreed to the one, they utterly worthy of public attention. Before I undertake whatever declaration their interests may require disagreed to the other. The same with respect to to make the explanation which I have been in- | them to make. I do not choose to say that we are Mr. Polk, in 1845. He reaffirmed the same docduced to make by the suggestion of friends this to have Cuba either in this way or that. I may trine, without any peculiar application then to the morning—for I assure you I had no idea when I have occasion to say something upon that subject condition of South America. It was a general came into the Senate to-day of taking any part hereafter. I do not choose to say it now. I will reaffirmation of the American doctrine. As soon in this debate, or of saying a word upon any of say, however, I am indebted to the honorable Sen as I get " Mr. Rush's Residence at the Court of the subjects which might be brought into it--I ator from Michigan for one suggestion; and that London," I will hand it to the Senator, and he must undertake to say, that many of the subjects is, if Brother Jonathan grows as fast within the will see the distinction expressly laid down bereferred to (and in fact I do not know what has next thirty years, as, according to his past history, tween the two points, and to only one of which not been brought forward; the whole encyclope it is to be presumed he will, I am not very much the British Government agreed. dia of our foreign relations has been fully pre- afraid of old John Bull being much in his way in Mr. BUTLER. Let what I have sent to the Bented, and I have no doubt verv ably presented) his progress westward.
desk be read. have nothing to do with the Monroe doctrine. No, sir, after the valley of the Mississippi shall The Secretary read from the speech of Mr. Cal. That was not the way that Mr. Monroe regarded have been filled up, and our people shall have been houn, as follows: questions of this kind. He and his Cabinet were indurated, if I may so express it, by a mature “The Senator justified the course proposed by Mr. Monpractical statesmen, more practical statesmen than growth—if they maintain for the next fifty years
roe in 1823 and in 1824. The case was not analogous. I
do not remember whether the injunction of secresy was dialectic politicians. & progress equal to that which they have made in
removed. A friend said last evening it had been. HowSir, the Monroe doctrine, as I understand it, the history of the past—do you suppose that they ever, I presume, after so great a lapse of time, it will not was asserted upon a real issue an issue involving will give up a neighboring island, or any neighbor- be considered any violation of confidence to state briefly
ing possession? Why, sir, all the islands in the the question which led to the declaration. very deeply the interest, and the honor, and the
We all rememfuture character of American institutions. Now, Caribbean Sea, if under no other influence than
ber the Holly Alliance to overthrow Bonaparte. England refused to join it, although she acted with it.
In the proallow me to present that issue as I understand it, the attrition of opinion, cannot maintain for a very cess of time the Holy Alliance contemplated au interference and as it was presented in remarks of Mr. Cal long period—I cannot say how long, for I am with the affairs of South America, in order to restore the houn, to which I shall refer presently, upon this no prophet-their European connection. They
dominion of Spain over ber revolted provinces. Our Gov. subject. As I understand, from conversations with will becomede-Europeanized. Bayonets, military
ernment received an intimation from Mr. Canning, who
was then at the head of the British Ministry-a man of exMr. Calhoun, and from his remarks, as well as guards, are very poor sentinels against the innova- traordinary sagacity and talent-stating at the same time those of others, the allies, after the overthrow of tion of opinion. Why, sir, you might as well at that if the American Government would back the British
Government, she would discountenance such interference. Bonaparte, entered into what is known as the tempt to stop the progress of the Mississippi with
And this general declaration had reference to a specific Holy Alliance. Having combined for many oba bundle of hay, as to stop the progress of Amer
case, and stopped there. Mr. Monroe was a wise man, and jects, they felt their strength, and I have no doubt, ican influence upon this continent. But I say, had no design of burdening the country with a task it could in the arrogance of their policy, were perfectly and I say it with perfect confidence, that a real not perform. He knew there was a broader declaration willing to bring within the scope of it all that they issue must be presented before I determine whether made by the gentleman then Secretary of State ; but, as far
as my knowledge extends, it was never brought forward could. Among other things, they were disposed I will assert the Monroe doctrine or not. I do
It has been a long time since, and to restore the Spanish dominion to the South not understand it in a general sense, as the honor I will not be positive. I have no doubt that the gentleman American States. In other words, sir, offended able Senator from Michigan does; and Mr. Cal.
to whom reference has been made is entitled to the pater
nity. I say so, because out of this grew the Panama con. at the spirit of revolution, and at the progress of houn did not so understand it. I think Mr. Cal
vention, although it was not legitimately an offspring. But republican institutions, they were disposed to
houn asserted the true Monroe doctrine, and I will if this declaration was right, the Panama convention was crush these young Republics in their growth, and take the liberty of having Mr. Calhoun's views no bad conception, and the propriety of our sending a Minto substitute in their place the doctrines of legiti
presented, if the Clerk will read the document I ister could hardly be resisted." macy and absolutism. Castlereagh, who repre send to the Secretary's desk.
Mr. BUTLER. On the Yucatan question, too, sented the British Cabinet on that occasion, find
Mr. CASS. Will the honorable Senator, be
Mr. Calhoun, in connection with the same subing that these doctrines were not altogether agree fore it is read, permit me to make one explana- || ject, delivered his views, and so did the honorable able to the genius or spirit or taste of even British tion? I have sent for Mr. Rush's account of his
Senator from Michigan. Mr. Calhoun'e remarks statesmen, wrote to Mr. Canning, who was then embassy, which I have not before me. That will
are thus reported in the Congressional Globe: Premier, I suppose giving him, by a secret mes explain the whole matter. The whole thing was
" Mr. Calhoun rose, and referred to the ground on which sage, what had been proposed in this convention discussed in Mr. Calhoun's day.
the message of the President of the United States had placed
the proposition now before the Senate, to prevent Yucatan of the Holy Alliance. li was then that Mr. Can There are two principles, the honorable Senator from becoming a colony of a foreign Power, and to prevent ning wrote to the Cabinet of Mr. Monroe, and will observe, which are laid down in Mr. Rush's also the devastation of the country, and the destruction of said, We are involved in this alliance, and we want work. Mr. Rush was invited by European states
the white inhabitants. He had placed our proposed inter
ference on the ground of Mr. Monroe's declaration. Against a pretext, not to retreat, but to hold ourselves aloof; men, to form a Congress to regulate South Amer
all these points, against the message, and the report of the from a committal which may bring us into col ican matters. He declined very properly. There Committee on Foreign Relations, he had, after deep refleclision with you, and which, in our opinion, is was then an intimation that a declaration like that tion, made up his mind to record his vote. against the policy of the world. Therefore, if the about the Spanish-American Colonies, would be
“ He went on to show that the declaration of Mr. Monroe
was published in opposition to the designs of the Allied United States, or the Cabinet of the United States, acceptable to England. But Mr. Monroe, you Powers, called the Holy Alliance; and contended that the will take strong ground, make a strong assertion will observe, went much further than that. He case of Yucatan could not be brought within the range of that they will not suffer Spanish dominion to be did not stop there. You will see, by the account
that declaration. He stated what was the conduct of the restored to these American States, we will at once of Mr. Rush's embassy, which I will have here
Holy Alliance, and what were their designs, and the alarm
taken by England at the innovating principles laid dowu by say to the continental sovereigns, we have nothing in two or three minutes, that Mr. Monroe's doc He adverted to the information given by Mr. Rusk, to do with that subject, because, although we are trine, which had respect to the South American and the manner in which the Cabinet acted on it. The willing to go to some extent with you to restore States which had assumed and maintained their
schemes and the existence of the Holy Alliance had enthe harmony and peace of Europe, we are not wilindependence, was fully approved in England; | it was given by the recent revolutions in Europe. A more
tirely disappeared; and is a final blow had been necessary, ling to take a step which will embroil us in a col but ihey received with disapproval the doctrine especial declaration with regard to Spain was then agreed lision and war with the United States of America. that we could not allow them, or any other nation, on, and Yucatan cannot be comprehended in it."
That was the real occasion; that was the Mon to establish colonies upon this continent. The Now, I would refer the honorable Senator from roe doctrine. The Monroe doctrine had reference first was, in effect, to say, these nations are inde- | Michigan to his own remarks on the same subto an actual state of things, and an issue upon pendent, and we will support them; but Mr. Mon-ject. I shall not read them, or comment on them, which the institutions and policy of the country roe's doctrine went far beyond that.
because I might not understand them; but if I were deeply involved. And, sir, the Monroe doc It will be seen, on reference to Mr. Rush's ac- || did understand those remarks, I thought that he trine was asserted at the time to vindicate a prin count, that he says expressly that Mr. Canning in that debate distinctly concurred with Mr. Cal. ciple. As I understand our forefathers, they were and the English statesmen were very much dis houn. I will hand them to the honorable Senaa people of performance and not very long adver satisfied with the latter part of the Monroe dec tor. I will not read them. tisements. And I have observed that these long laration. They concurred in the first; that is, in Mr. CASS. There is not one word in them advertisements are generally followed by very
the refusal of the United States to permit the South which is not in conformity with what I have said short performances. When there is a real issue American States to again fall under Spanish do- | to-day. presented, involving the United States in a war minion; but they were utterly opposed io the anti
Mr. BUTLER. I dare say. with Great Britain, anything affecting our continent colonization doctrine, which gave notice to Europe Mr. CASS. I do not allude to the honorable or our policy, I will say to the Senator from New that we could not view any interposition in the Senator now, when I say that I defy the world to Hampshire, (Mr. Hale,)--and I concur with the affairs of this continent, for the purpose of con- find one word of them different from what I have Senator from Michigan, (Mr. Cass,)--there is no
trolling or interfering with them, in any other light ll said to-day.
320 Cong......20 Sess.
Colonization in North America-Messrs. Butler and Hale,
Mr. BUTLER. I made no imputation of the an amendment to this resolution, I intended at merce and navigation which goes into the Gulf of kind. I was only saying, in connection with my some fitting time, if it should be the pleasure of Mexico, and seeks the mouth of the Mississippi • explanation of Mr. "Calhoun's views, that the the Senate to hear me, to address myself some river. Well, sir, I suppose that this country is honorable gentleman seemed to concur, at least what at length to that amendment.
not so low, that its patriotism is not of that doubtto the extent that Mr. Calhoun went in his idea of Mr. CASS. Will the honorable Senator allow ful character, nor its bravery, of that spurious the Monroe doctrine.
ine to read a passage from Mr. Rush's " Resi- || kind, that will take a position before a weak naMr. CASS. You will observe, Mr. President, dence at the Court of London," to which I have tion which it will not assume before a strong one. that í stated at the time that I thought the subject || alluded ?
I use the words “ weak” and “strong" comparahad almost passed from Mr. Calhoun's memory. Mr. HALE. I have but little to say, and I tively, because I look upon Great Britain as a He himself stated that his recollection was indis- | shall soon be through.
much stronger nation than Spain. I ask if the tinct. I have, however, looked at the evidence; Mr. CASS. I will wait till you have finished. local position of Canada, in any aspect in which I have looked at Mr. Rush's statement; I have Mr. HALE. I would have waited until that you may view it, whether in relation to the interlooked at his own account of his mission, and I || fitting time had come, if direct allusion had not ests of peace or war, is not a thousand fold of will have it here in a few minutes. It will super- been made to so humble an individual as myself, more consequence than Cuba? sede the necessity of any controversy between the both by the honorable Senator from Michigan, and During the exciting political canvass of 1848 honorable gentleman and myself.
the honorable Senator from South Carolina. I am speaking historically now the candidate of Mr. BUTLER. I rose merely to make this On the 5th of March, 1770, several citizens of the great Democratic party of the nation, which explanation, and to state what I understand Mr. Boston were shot down in State street by the Brit has now swept the country, did not go to bed a Calhoun, who was a member of Mr. Monroe's ish soldiery. Of course, it sent a thrill of horror single night when he was not within the reach of Cabinet, to lay down as the position then taken; ; and indignation throughout the entire community, British shells, which might have been fired into his which was, that Mr. Monroe did not intend, in and the fact was announced to a certain patriotic, dwelling from the British possessions across the advance, to say what he would or would not do, warm-blooded, and impulsive old gentleman; in- river. or what American policy might not require the ' dignation stirred his heart and mantled his coun Mr. CASS. I slept very comfortably, though. American Government to do, on this or that occa tenance, and the emphatic expression which he Mr. HALE. Yes, sir. He slept very comfortsion. Mr. Calhoun, on the Yucatan question, uttered deserves to be remembered, and to be ably; and I suppose there were two consoling resaid that if Great Britain should take possession | painted in letters of light upon the walls of the flections which led him to do so. One was that he of that country, we would not be authorized, on Senate Chamber, that we may remember it; be was safe in all contingencies the Monroe doctrine, to interfere.
cause it seems to be a lesson that is so well prac Mr. CASS. Of the election, and from the Now, I agree with the Senator from Michigan, i ticed upon here. Said the old man: “ These sol other. that if Great Britain, or any other European i diers must be talked to.” That was what he Mr. HALE. Yes, sir, I have no doubt. Safe Power, were to make such an obvious demonstra said. That was the whole of it. That was the from an election, and from the British bomb. tion as to show that she designed to take posses-height to which he was worked up when Ameri With these convictions, I do not wonder that he sion of any of these islands, with a view to arrest can citizens were slaughtered by British troops in slept well. the progress of American institutions, or to make the streets of Boston. He said these British sol Canada, or the British possessions in North war upon them, that might be a practical ques-diers must be talked to. Well, sir, they were America, extend from the Atlantic to the Pacific tion upon which I would give a responsible judg. talked to; but it did not amount to anything. I ocean. They border on our inland lakes, and the ment.' I am no further responsible for my judg. I think this is one of our easily-besetting sins-talk commerce that finds its way to the Atlantic ocean ment, as a public man, than I can see the realing, everlastingly talking. 'Sir, talking would do over those lakes, and through the New York cajuncture of affairs upon which it might be invoked. some good if, when the occasion indicated by the nals, taking the whole of it, I think would be
As to the declaration which was made by Mr. || talking arrives, we would live up to our words. I found equal at least to half of our foreign comRush, he said that a much wider declaration had have a word or two to say upon this.
merce. been proposed to the Cabinet; that Mr. Monroe, Both the honorable Senator from Michigan and Mr. SEWARD and other SENATORS. More seeing that it was too wide a declaration, and the honorable Senator from South Carolina, al than all of it. mighỉ be delusive and too general for him to main- luded to a remark which I made the other day, Mr. HALE. The commerce of these lakes, tain, took what the honorable Senator and others that we should back ort. Sir, I trust I have as the internal commerce that is carried on them, and might regard, perhaps, as a narrower view of the high an appreciation of American patriotism, of through the canals, side by side with Great Britsubject than he should have done—but a safer, American bravery, and of American ability to ain, and liable to interruption, liable to be deand, in my view, a wiser one. He took the act defend her rights against Great Britain, or against | stroyed at any moment, exceeds, I am told by ual issue before the country, and met it in a way the world, as any man. It was not in reference to several Senators around me, to whose superior to make it practicable. He told the European | any such contingency that I spoke; and whoever wisdom I always bow with great deference, all Powers, that if they undertook to restore Spanish will read the debates which were entered into in our foreign commerce. Now, while we are looking authority, and to take possession of any portion | the Senate upon the occasion when I made the re with such anxious eyes at Cuba; while we are of the American continent in such a way as to in- mark, will see that it was not. It was in refer- speculating upon the possible and remote contingenvolve our interests-and I put that as the true test ence exactly to what the Senator from South Car cies of how that portion of our commerce which -if our interests were thus involved, it would be olina denominated these “ long advertisements." finds its way to the Gulf of Mexico and the mouth the duty of our Government to enforce the Mon And I believe it is universally found to be the case, of the Mississippi river, is to be affected by the acroe doctrine. But what will be the real occasion, | that the man who deals most in them, deals the quisition of the Island of Cuba, I ask gentlemen I am not permitted to say; for I think it is a very least in action. But, sir, I have not a doubt, and that live on the northern coast-I ask those gentleunwise course to advertise to the world what we never had, that on any question that affects the men that are liable to be waked up any night by will do in this or that contingency, when it may interest and honor of the country, where Ameri the sound of British cannon on British shores-íf never happen. I have no doubt ihat the general can pride, and American feeling, and American it is not worth while for us to turn our attention doctrines will be maintained, to some extent, but || patriotism are touched, this country. might bid to our northern borders, and see how the naval and how far we may, or may not, by making these proud defiance to the world, and that without the military resources of Canada, in case we have a declarations, bring upon ourselves the very evils prefatory admonition to the world of any resolu- | collision with the British Government, may affect which we profess to try to avoid, I will not under- tions about what we would do.
the position, the safety, and the prosperity of that take to say.
I regret that so distinguished a parliamentarian vast community which borders these lakes and If the United States should be engaged in a war as the honorable Senator from Michigan, should the waters that sie between us and Canada. Would for Cuba, for Honduras, or any portion of the have made the long and able speech which he has it not be as well to intimate to Great Britain that continent worthy of our possession, I am not afraid made, and to which I listened with so much pleas- || she shall not sell Canada ? It may be said she has, that Great Britain will take undue advantage of ure, without coming to the real question pending no idea of doing so. I do not know that, though. her position and assail us. I have no hesitation before the Senate. That question as announced She has never been offered $100,000,000 for Canin saying that in such a case as that, the gentle by the Chair, I understood to be upon an amend- || ada; and it will be time enough, I think, to sit man's doctrine is all right; but my great objection ment which I had the honor to propose. That down in safety and security under the impression has been on this occasion to our proclaiming in amendment was not that we should tell Spain that that she will for no consideration part with Canada advance, when there certainly is not any necessity sbe should not sell Cuba. Why, sir, Spain has when she has refused $100,000,000 for it. At for it, doctrines which we ought to maintain, per told us that she will not sell it, and what good will least, would it not be well, while serving a notice haps, without admonishing the world as to them. it do for us to say that she shall not? Spain says on all the world of what we mean and what we
I have gone very far beyond what I intended, she will not, and she has given the best evidence intend, to pick out somebody who, in such an and I have not been able to do justice to myself, or in the world that she is sincere in the determina- | event, will be very likely to be our antagonist? to the honorable Senator from Michigan, who has tion that she will not sell it, because she has re I have not time to go into the details and statisstudied this subject. I have supposed that on some fused a pretty liberal price which we offered her | tics of these measures, showing what the intimate future occasion, I would go rather more fully into for it; and I think in that she has made her act and exact state of our commercial relations with these topics. I have undertaken to say what was vindicate her words. She says she will not sell it. those people is; but it is very great and vast; and Mr. Calhoun's opinion, and I have declared to We offered her $100,000,000 for it. She says she I think while we are declaring to Spain what we the Senate that it was the opinion of English will not take it." And now you propose to fortify will, and what we will not submit io, in relation statesmen at the time, that the Monroe doctrine your position, by announcing to the world that she to Cuba, we ought at least to look north a little. applied to a definite and certain state of things; shall not sell it to anybody else. The honorable | I ask the citizens of New York, of Pennsylvania, and that it was not enlarged, notwithstanding the Senator thinks that we ought to repeat these dec of Ohio, of Indiana, of Illinois, of Wisconsin, and effort to make it more general. I think, therefore, | larations, because the peculiar circumstances of of all the States bordering on the lakes I have acquitted myself so far as to make the ex Cuba are such, that it commands the Gulf of Mex A SENATOR. And Michigan. planation."
ico and the outlet of the Mississippi river; that it Mr. HALE. Yes, sir; and Michigan. I had Mr. HALE. Mr. President, as I introduced is in a commanding position to obstruct our com liked to have forgotten Michigan. (Laughter.] New SERIES.-No. 7.
320 Cong....Rp Sess.
Colonization in North America - Messrs. Cass and Hale.
I ask, is it not time to appeal to the citizens of the coast. What did we do in regard to them
is the reason why my remarks are always so pracall those States, and ask them if it is not worth | Why, we gave the British Vancouver's Island, | tical. while to turn a little of that watchful vigilance, || which commands the mouth of the Oregon river. Mr. CASS. Powers of nature could no further which has been so freely extended South, to the That is all we did there.
go. North? The honorable Senator from Michigan is That is the history of the negotiations of this Mr. HALE. But, sir, there was one remark in favor of extension and annexation. So am I, country, so far as the North is concerned; and I which fell from the honorable Senator which pained sir; but I am in favor of having a little exten say now to the people of the North-to the rep me. All the rest I was gratified at. He says there sion northward. It is a very remarkable fact in resentatives of the North-that our commerce lies is no people on the globe that evinces such a want our history, whenever we have made a treaty re infinitely more at the mercy of Great Britain to of patriotism as the people of the United States. lating to our northern boundary, you always cut day, than it would if Great Britain owned every Mr. CASS. I beg the Senator's pardon. I off, and when we negotiate a treaty relative to our one of the West India Islands; and I wonder why ) said there was no country where there were so southern borders, we have taken on. That may those gentlemen who are so fond of looking at our many persons, unfortunately, wanting it. be accidental. Probably it is entirely so. (Laugh- | interests in contingencies that have not yet oc Mr. HALE. Then it amounts to this that no ter.) But, sir, there is one thing that may be said curred, do not look at the Bahamas. I understand country in the world has so many who evince a of it, it is a remarkable coincidence. Now let from those gentlemen who are conversant with want of patriotism as in this country. I confess me come to this Monroe doctrine. Is it a good the matter, that the Bahama Islands are situated I do not see the difference between that and what one?
in such a position as more effectually to command I stated as the position of the honorable Senator; Mr. CASS. Will the honorable Senator allow the commerce of the Caribbean Sea and the Gulf | but he does, and I therefore will give him the full me now to read the paragraph to which I referred of Mexico than even Cuba itself; and that the credit of it; but I think that in cooler moments, from Mr. Rush's book? He says:
course of the navigation is such as to bring the when the impulses of warm blood shall have sub“ But although no joint movement took place, my dis commerce that goes into and through those seas sided, and the reflection of maturity comes to that patches had distinctly put before our Government the inten more directly within the reach of the guns of the Senator, [laughter,] he will regret that remark, betions of England; with which, in the main, our policy har Bahamas than of Cuba. Why did we not notify cause it is an imputation on the motives of our monized ; and President Monroe, in bis opening message to Congress, which followed almost immediately afterwards,
Great Britain that she shall not sell the Bahamas? | fellow-citizens, in which I think he ought not to in December, 1823, put forth the two following declara
Mr. SHIELDS. Or Jamaica.
indulge. This is a country where freedom of opintions:
Mr. HALE. Yes, sir; Jamaica. Sir, the || ion is tolerated to a very alarming extent, as some “1. That it was impossible for the allied Powers to ex imagination can hardly conceive of what this gentlemen think. It is a country where the freetend their political system to any part of America without
country would be what an era of internal com dom of opinion finds a vent in freedom of words endangering our peace and happiness; and 'equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposi- || merce, and of progress, and of prosperity, would to a very remarkable extent, as we have had an tion with indifference."
open upon this continent, if the Canadas, border illustration to-day; and I would not be astonished, “2. Whilst alluding to discussions between the United | ing the lakes upon the north, were united to this if in this country of free thought, and free speech, States and Russia, tben commenced with a view to arran Union. Why, sir, it would lessen, in time of war, there should, at times, be sentiments uttered not ging the respective claims of the two nations on the northwest coast of Amcrica, the President also declared that
the necessity of our preparation full one half, if at all accordant to the opinions of the majority the occasion had been judged proper for asserting, as a
those lakes and that country belonged to us, in as to what patriotism may require; but, sir, I think principle, in which the right and interests of the United stead of belonging to Great Britain.
that a decent degree of candor and charity will States were involved, that the American continent, by the "free and independent condition which they had assumed
Why not make some timely effort? Why not induce all to do credit to those who differ from us; and maintained, were henceforth not to be considered as utter some word of warning? Why not give some and if they do not think as we do, we may, at .subjects for future colonization by any European Power.' notice in regard to this country, where we have a least, with charity, if we cannot with candor, be
“ ''he first of these declarations was probably expected real, vital interest—where the danger is not re lieve, that although they do not see as we do, they by England, and was well received. Everybody saw at once that it referred to the hostile plans of the allied Powers
mote and contingent, but where it is close at hand, are yet none the less friends of our country, true, against the late Spanish Provinces. and where we have felt it once?
just, and patriotic. " The second declaration was unexpected and not ac In a war with Great Britain we have felt some Both the honorabie Senator from South Caroquiesced in, as accounts I am yet to give of negotiations thing of the evils of the contiguity of Canada to lina and the honorable Senator from Michigan, with the British Government will make known.”
the United States. It is in this view that I want have referred to a remark which I made in relaThat, I think, settles the question.
to call the attention of the Senate, and the coun tion to this country backing out. I wish to say Mr. HALE. I was saying that it was a re try, and the people, to our relations with Canada | something in reference to that. Whenever the markable fact, that in all our negotiations about as well as Cuba. Why, sir, are we going off the emergency does come that calls upon the people territory, whenever we had negotiations about continent: Why are we going abroad? Why are of this country to throw aside the pursuits of peace, territory on the North, we gave up; whenever it we going to the islands of the sea, when here at and go out rendering themselves, it may be the was about territory on the South, we took all. our doors, in our very midst, there is a country victims for their country's good—whenever the And I will make another remark: in this continual that possesses the means of annoying us infinitely | defense of our firesides and our homes shall call looking at the military aspects of these questions, | more than Cuba ever can? I will not put myself for the true-hearted and the brave, they will be why did you sell out a part of the State of Maine? || in a position by which I may be subjected to the ready to go out and to die in their country's beWhat did Great Britain want with it? Did she suspicion of intimating thai it is because Great half. My word for it, you will not always find want to colonize it? She stated she only wanted Britain has more means and ability to defend her the most self-denying patriot amongst those who a military road; she only wanted the means of | possessions than Spain has. No, sir, it must be have made the loudest professions; but in the quiet annoying this country in time of war, whenever something else.
retirement of life—in the shades of privacy-you there was a conflict between the two nations. We are not so much bully and braggart that will find the true hearts that have never given utAnd we, I suppose, in the exercise of that Chris we will presume upon the weakness of a nation, terance to noisy sentiments-men who have not tian meekness which becomes a Christian people, to tell her that she shall not do a thing, when we speculated nor acted upon the course of political sold out our territory on this side of the St. Law- ) dare not tell another nation that is stronger than events which has had so important an interest rence, to which every department of this Govern- her, that she may not do a like thing which would upon the destiny of their country, and therefore ment was pledged that it was ours; and it was so injure us infinitely more.
have not been heard to utter sentiments of what palpably ours that we could not negotiate it away, Mr. President, the honorable Senator from was, or what was not becoming the country-you but we sold it to Great Britian, who, at the time | Michigan says we have reached an epoch in our will find from them many and many a man come she bought it of us, told us she wanted it for a country. Sir, I have heard of epochs before. Let || forward, who will, by eloquent action, put to siroad between her provinces on the Atlantic and me tell him an anecdote on that subject. I hap- lence the declamation of those whose hot-headed Canada. If there ever was a time to maintain | pened once to be present at a small party of gen counsels have plunged the country into what may the Monroe doctrine, I think that was a good tlemen in the city of Boston, and there was a very be an unnecessary war. I think that will be the
sagacious old gentleman present. It was about history: But that is not the whole of the history of the the time of the removal of ihe deposits by General Sir, I have but very little to say for myself. I negotiation in reference to the North. The North | Jackson. A young man was in the company,
do not know but that when the emergency, may is a large country, although it does not make much who was full of indignation at it. He denounced || come, as Falstaff said, on another occasion, I noise on this floor. How was it on the Oregon || it as an act at war with every principle of govern shall be found to be little better than a coward; I question? Our title to that, I suppose, nobody ment, and one likely to overthrow it. The old will not say that I shall not, but I will say this, will deny, unless he means to deny the Polk and gentleman rather threw cold water upon the thing: || that if I should, I would be an unfit representative Monroe doctrine. Our title to that was clear || * But, sir,” said the young man, bristling up, "! of the people that sent me here. The little State and indisputable." What did we do in that case consider this the very crisis of our experiment. that I nave the honor in part to represent for a lit
e gave Great Britain three hundred thousand “Why," said the old man, “I have been living tle while although it is not large, and although its square miles of our indisputable territory, for the in crises all my life.”. (Laughter.] Well, sir, | people are not wealthy, nor numerous, I believe it is very purpose of colonizing it. Now, according to that is just the way with this country. We have | generally admitted, has acted well her part in the the doctrines which have been proclaimed this been living in epochs. I think we may be de great drama of the country's history. I believe that morning, if Mexico, or any other country on
nominated the people of epochs. They come upon amongst the patriotic men that have maintained our earth which had possession of this country, had us every day and every hour. The epoch of to rights in the field, or vindicated them upon the floor undertaken to sell three hundred thousand square | day will be succeeded by the epoch of to-morrow, of the Senate, while at least the Senator from miles of territory on this continent, and Great and one will make about as much impression as Michigan has a place in the memory of the peoBritain had bought it, it would have been a cause the other.
ple, New Hampshire may not be ashamed of her of war on the part of the United States against The honorable Senator has found food for some history. And, sir, I will tell the honorable Senathe country that had bought it. We did not sell of his remarks in some comments which he has tor, that in all convulsions and trials of war to it. We are clear of that offense. We only gave seen in a Buffalo newspaper. I do not read news. which the country has been subjected, I believe it to her.
papers, and that is the reason I do not make so of the “Old Thirteen" she is the only State whose Once more in regard to the islands that lie off || many visionary speeches as some people. That | soil was never impressed by the footsteps of an
Colonization in North America-Mr Hale.
32D Cong.....20 Sess.
enemy, although she runs from the Atlantic ocean throne of Omnipotence, and asking that one more we cannot maintain successfully everything which to Canada. It may be that the country was too experiment might be tried; and then, when the full is our right, against any and all the Powers of the poor to attack; I do not say that it was not, but I ness of time had come, there was revealed to the earth? I believe not." claim the fact of history. Let it go for what it is eye of sense this new continent; and the pilgrims I desire to call the attention of the Senate to anworth. I think, however, considering the char of patriotism and piety came over here, that they other fact before I leave this subject, and that is acter of the soil and the people, that those who might lay anew the foundations of the great Tem the one alluded to by the honorable Senator from would make the attempt would find it a bad bar ple of Liberty, and build upon its foundation a Florida (Mr. MALLORY) the other day. Why do gain to undertake to invade it.
superstructure wide enough for the oppressed of you want to repeat this declaration? If you really Now, I have a single word more to say and all nations to enter in and be at rest.
mean what you say; if you mean that no Power when I say "sword,” I use the term in a Pick Sir, this is the experiment which we are to try, of Europe shall colonize any part of the American wickian sense, the sense in which it is generally and this is the experiment which we are to perfect. rontinent, or the islands adjacent thereto, there is used in the Senate-a meaning which I believe a Our fathers were aware of the great trust that was a fact, “ a fixed fact," of which we are notified by distinguished friend of ours, no longer here, and committed to their hands; and when they cut loose the proclamation of the British authorities, which whose absence I regret, gave to the term “word.” from the country which had sent them heresent will put you to the test. Great Britain has--you I refer to the honorable Senator from Missis them here, not by its fostering care, but by its | do not want any inquiry about it-established a sippi, (Mr. Foote.) I have a word to say about oppression they proclaimed certain great funda colony of the “ Bay of Islands.” If the declarathe destiny of the country, in reference to which mental and eternal principles as the basis of their tion of Mr. Monroe has the broad meaning which so much has been said. The honorable Sen action in all time to come; and these are eloquently the honorable Senator from Michigan gives to it, ator from Michigan qualified it, and said he and forcibly embodied in the Declaration of Inde there is no occasion for repeating it over again. would not speak about " manifest destiny;" but pendence. But our fathers pledged everything The time has come for acting; the fact has transhe went on to say that we do not want to be cir they had. They pledged life, fortune, and honor pired; the issue is before you. Great Britain is cumscribed; that we want room; that there is to the maintenance of the principles which they here on the continent; she has colonized the “ Bay hardly room enough for us in this narrow space then avowed and put forth.
of Islands;" she has instituted a Government between the Atlantic on the one side and the Pa Sir, that pledge is binding upon us. We are in there; and, şir, she has done that, not only in viocific on the other, with the Gulf of Mexico for a the possession and enjoyment of the privileges lation of the Monroe doctrine, but, if I understood wash-basin. He thought these were rather cir. which they obtained; and the part that we have to the honorable Senator from Michigan, in violation cumscribed limits for such a progressive people as perform is, to see that those principles characterize of her solemn treaty obligations. Then, here is a we are.
our action and policy, and are carried out to a full case. We need not make any profession of what Sir, I dissent from those sentiments. I do not development and perfection. That, I look upon is right for a free and independent nation to do; think that our progress should be in getting more as the mission of this country. That, I look upon for the resolution says that " it will leave us free territory until we have improved what we have as the destiny of this country, if it is true-true to to adopt such measures as any independent nation got. And I do not think our desire should be to its principles, and true to the purposes of a benef- | may justly adopt in defense of its rights and get more people until we have educated, and re icent Providence, in planting us here. If we forget honor." If the resolution has that meaning, the fined, and improved those whom we have already, this; if we are led away and dazzled by the halo Case is before you—the time has come. If you and until we have given homes to those, all those, of military renown; if our judgments are warped mean what you have said, this is the time, not for who are homeless, from the vast and immense ter by the graspings of covetousness which will never resolution but for action; and you should satisfy ritory which we now possess. We do not want be satisfied as long as anybody else owns land yourselves with no vague declarations that you will any more territory; our business and our mission contiguous to us, then, I have been accused of do what an independent nation is free to do, when, is at home, and it is to improve upon our advan prophesying—it needs no prophet, it needs no | if that means, what it has been contended it does tages; it is to advance, to elevate, and ameliorate other prophecy than that which the light of expe I mean, it has been violated, the Monroe doctrine the condition of mankind. It is to show to the rience gives us, to foretell us that we shall fail, ut trampled under foot, the faith of a treaty violated, despots of the Old World, by the practical results terly fail, and we shall go the way of the republics and Great Britain, in the face of all this, has estab which are to follow from the experiment which that have preceded us. Some gentlemen think we lished a colony upon this continent. we are making, that the institutions under which have built our fortress so strong that it cannot be For these reasons I am opposed to passing this we live are those which are most eminently calcu shaken; that we have established ourselves upon joint resolution, unless you include Canada in it. lated to advance the highest interests of man, and a foundation so strong that we cannot be moved. If you will put that in-and, sir, I will not object subserve the great purposes of social and civilized Sir, how old are we? Not a hundred years yet. if anybody else should add to the resolution an society. It is by the arts of peace, by the multi How old was the Roman Republic when it was amendment notifying all the other Governments plication of the means of internal communication, overthrown? I think more than six hundred of the earth which own any islands about our conby railroads and canals, by commerce, by educa years. When we have lived half that time; when tinent. I do not pretend to be so good a geogration, by the general diffusion of information, and the wisdom of our institutions and the character pher as some gentlemen. I would be willing to by all the means which are abundant, and which of our citizens have been tested by an experience have it amended as broadly as that, and let it be wealth and power give us, of doing what we can one half as long as that to which the Roman Re a general notice to all the kings and potentates of to demonstrate to the world, that so far as the il public was subjected, it will be time enough for us the earth, that we have money enough to buy great purposes of the Creator may be understood || io erect our trophies, and set up our monuments, them out of this continent, and that we will not in the creation of man, and placing him on this and say that we have succeeded; that the great ex allow them to sell to anybody else. I am willing, globe to work out the great experiment of human U periment has been tried, the great question solved, | I say, if patriotism requires such a wide margin as probation, that here are embodied, and here are and the truth settled, that man is capable of self- || that, to go that far; but I am not willing to pick concentrated the most favorable circumstances for | government.
out Spain from all the rest, and give her the notice that experiment which the world has ever seen. Mr. President, I am not one of those whose alone. What has Spain done? Why is she to While I am up, let me entreat gentlemen, let | hearts are full of forebodings of evil; and the h
hearts are full of forebodings of evil; and the hon- | be talked to in this manner? Is it because she has me entreat Senators, to consider the position in orable Senator cannot, when I undertake to say I got a rich island, and we think she will not defend which we are placed. I will take up the remark what I believe will be the result of things, retort it with such zeal and ability as Great Britain of the honorable Senator from Michigan, and say upon me the failure of the prophecies of disaster would defend her possessions? I say, I am not with him, we do live in an epoch, a most remark that occurred in regard to the war of 1812. I tell willing to be invidious in making a selection of able one, but it is an epoch that goes back far be the.Senator that I was but six years old at that Spain, when there are so many nations around us yond the mere exciting interests of the day. It time; and therefore whatever reproaches there l and all about as. Spain is an old ally of ours, as goes back to the time when that great principle may be against those that prophesied evil then, I old as the Revolution. She furnished us aid in that was first enunciated, that governments were insti was not one of them. However much he may great struggle in which our liberties were secured, tuted among men by their consent, and for their think I have followed in their footsteps now, I did and from the time of the treaty of peace of 1783, good. That is the epoch in which we live; that not begin so early as that. No, sir; my heart is down to the present time, the amicable relations is the experiment which we are trying.
not despairing. 'I believe that a glorious future is which existed between this country and Spain, Sir, the history of the world up to the time of before this country. I believe that a high and have never been disturbed. Why, then, turn this experiment shows, that the efforts that man glorious destiny awaits her. I believe that the round to our old friend? Why turn round to her had before made for the amelioration of his condi only thing that can defeat her of the glorious des who was a friend when we wanted a friend? Why tion and the elevation of his character had signally | tiny which lies waiting for her to grasp, is her speak to that nation which has faithfully performed failed. It is true, there were not wanting revolu own unfaithfulness to the principles upon which all her treaty obligations, that nation which was tions. There were not wanting times when the our institutions are founded. Those principles || the first to welcome us into the great family of napeople, borne down by oppressions too intolerable are not those of conquest; they are not those of || tions, and lend us her treasure to aid us in the conto be endured, had risen up in the energy of de- || rapine. We are not to be the knights-errant of | Alict, and has maintained a firm and inviolable spair, and thrown off the yoke of the master who || the world, to go abroad over the continents of the friendship ever since? Why, at this time, begin oppressed them, but it was only that another ty-1 earth and the islands of the sea, proclaiming the || to speak to her in this threatening, this insolent rant might come in his place. That was the history | gospel of our liberty, and fulminating the penalty manner, this tone of superiority, and tell her that of the world up to the time of our experiment; l of our sword against those who will not be baptized she shall not do as she pleases with her own island, and it would seem, if it be not too irreverent to into our faith. That is not our destiny; but our when Great Britain, with whom we have crossed undertake to scan the councils of Omnipotence, that || destiny is at home. Our destiny is on our own arms twice, who has neglected to perform her the Almighty had become tired of the successive continent, on our own shores. It is to improve, treaty stipulations with us, is situated, in reference attempts which men had made to govern them to elevate, to advance-in what? In territory? to us, in a position that enables her to annoy us to selves, to submit themselves to the mild sway of No, sir; we have got enough of it. In military
mselves to the mild sway of || No, sir; we have got enough of it. In military à vastly greater degree than Spain? Sir, I am popular institutions deriving their force and their || renown? No, sir; we have got enough of that. opposed to the resolution; I am decidedly opposed support from their own consent. But we may || Is any man, woman, or child, within the hearing | to it, unless it is made general; and when it is imagine the Genius of Liberty pleading before the l of my voice, disturbed with one single fear that ll made general, if the wisdom of the Senate thinks