Obrazy na stronie
[ocr errors][merged small][merged small]


but while I do not believe that this surplus of the President's message here, the House of Rep- ! sold for ninety-five cents afterwards. But this $14,000,000 will produce any great commercial resentatives should indicate their determination to saving of price to the consumer could not be effectrevulsion, still I object to its remaining there and prostrate this policy forever. But, sir, recent de- ed withoui considerable loss to the people in other aceumulating: 'It may lead to improvident legis- 1 velopments lead me to believe that neither the respects, which I will proceed to explain. lation, and hence I should be willing to see the President nor the gentleman himself desired to do Let me suppose that our consumption of a parAdministration purchasing up our bonds at fifteen any harm to the protective system. For although ticular kind of manufactures amounts to two hunor even twenty per cent. premium.

the language of the resolution was such as I heart- dred dollars, one half of them being made in this

ily approved, and although the gentleman himsell country, and the other half imported from abroad. MODIFICATION OF THE TARIFF.

says that he disclosed his hand and told ys what Each article sells for one dollar. The price of

he was seeking, yet it seems that his purposes were the American article is composed of two elements; SPEECH OF HON. J. S. MILLSON, very different from mine. Since that time he has the cost, ninety-five cents, and the duly upon the

introduced another resolution differing materially raw material entering into its composition,

from the first. That resolution does not contain amounting to five per cent., together making one IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

any instruction to reduce the duties, but simply dollar. The elements of price in the foreign article

provides that so much of the President's mes. are cost, seventy cents, and duty thirty cenis. December 14, 1852,

sage as relates to the tariff and customs from Now, sir, the abolition of the duty of five per On the Tariff question; delivered in the Committee revenue shall be referred to a select committee, cent., by placing the raw material on the free list,

of the Whole, on the motion to refer the Annual with power to examine witnesses and collect tés- will enable the American manufacturer to sell the Message of the President to the several com- 'timony here and elsewhere, and with instructions article at ninety-five cents instead of a dollar, mittees.

* to report by bill or otherwise on or before the which must continue to be the price of the foreign Mr. MILLSON said:

• 25th January next.” Now, I am by no means article, and ne thus gets rid of competition from Mr. CHAIRMAN: My friend from Ohio, (Mr. willing to go for the second resolution of the gen- abroad, and monopolizes the market. For the Stanton,) who has just taken his seat, is a perfect tleman from New York, unless it sh'll be amend foreign article will not be imported if it cannot embodiment of the eifete protective policy. 'Ishall li ed either by the adoption of the amendment pro- be sold without loss; and as the cost and duty have something to say presently, in reply to some

posed by the gentleman from Indiana, (Mr. Lock-together amount in one dollar, it cannot, without of the positions he has assumed in this debate. HART,) or that suggested by the gentleman from loss, be sold for ninety-five cenis. Before I do so, however, I wish to address myself i s'ennessee, (Mr. Jones.] Without these amend- Now, sir, the penple, it is true, gain five per to the subject more immediately before the com- ments, I will not vote to create this committee, for cent. on each hundred dollars of value, making on mittee. Just one week ago, the gentleman from

the reason that it will be nothing more than such the whole consumption of two hundred dollars a New York (Mr. Brooks) introduced a resolution a commission as has been raised in the Senate, and gain of ten dollars. But what do they lose? They providing that so much of the President's mes

from which no good would be likely to come, at Jose in their revenue five per cent., or five dollars, sage as relates to the tariff and revenue from cus

s- | least 10 those who do not want to confirm and bol- from the abolition of the duty which they get toms should be referred to a select committee, with ster up the protective policy.

from the raw material used in making the dopower to examine witnesses and collect testimony The gentleman from New York and I differ mestic manufactures; and they also lose the thirty here and elsewhere, and with instructions to report widely in regard to the objects to be secured by per cent., or thirty dollars, which they levied upon as soon as possible upon the same, with a bill re- the adoption even of his first resolution. Look- ihe hundred dollars worth of foreign articles imducing the duties on imports, to such an amounting to the language of the resolution which in-ported. The gain to the people, as consumers, is as may be required for an economical administra- structed the committee to report a bill reducing ten dollars; the loss to the Treasury of the people, tion of the Government. The introduction of this the duties on imports, I gave it my hearty sup- which of course is their own loss, is thirty-five resolution gave me great satisfaction. I had long port; and I may be permitted to confess my regret dollars. Now, sir, I am not willing to save to the desired; I will not say expected, a movement of that it was not voted for, more generally, hy gentle- || people ten dollars at the cost of thirty-five dollars. this sort; but I had not dared to hope that such a

men upon this side of the House. I must also ex- We should reduce the duty upon manufactured resolution would have been first submitted by a press my surprise, that so many of the friends of fabrics in precisely the same proportion that we gentleman on the other side of the House. i'de protection, perhaps unwarily, gave their votes for reduce it upon the raw material, otherwise there sired it because, as I said a day or two ago, I have

its adoption. I do not think the course of either will be no balancing of the loss and gain. If at thought, from the very moment of the passage of | party would be precisely the same now as it was the same time that you abolish the five per cent. the tariff of 1846, that these duties were, to a great

last Tuesday. I doubt if gentlemen upon the duty on the raw material you reduce the duty corextent, protective, and that they ought to be ma- other side of the House would be so willing to respondingly upon the imported manufactures, terially reduced. At a large Democratic meeting vote for the resolution of the gentleman from New then the loss to the revenue will be compensated held in my own city, a few days after the passage

York as they then were; and I do not believe the by the gain to the people in the consumption of of that act, I had the honor to submit a resolution gentleman from New York would be himself will. | the article. To abolish the duty upon the raw upon this subject, which was unanimously adopted. ing to vote for his own resolution if it were before material without a corresponding reduction upon Ii was in these words:

us now, in the precise shape in which he first in- imported fabrics, would be precisely equivalent to “ Resolved, therefore, That this meeting warmly ap

troduced it. The gentleman's object was to re- an appropriation of the amount of the duty out of proves the passage of the tariff act of 1846, regarding it as duce the duties by enlarging the free list, and he the Treasury, to be bestowed in bounties to the only the first step on the part of the United States towards that more liberal and enlightened system of international

said that that was an object common to both sides manufacturers, to sustain them against foreign intercourse which is about to be established throughout the

of the House. He wishes to abolish the duties competition. world, and believing that it will ere long be followed by on the raw materials entering into the composition This view of the case leads me to notice the arsuch further reductions of duties as are imperatively de- of manufactured articles. The gentleman says: gument submitted yesterday by the gentleman manded by the spirit of the age.”

“ It seems to me that to this proposition there should be from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Jones,) who said that it I confess I felt some surprise that this movement no objection. And I hope that there will be no objection made no difference to the people of the country for the reduction of the tariff should have been on any side of the House to an enlargement of the lists of whether, when money was to be raised, you selected

free articles and a reduction or abolition of duty upon many commenced by the gentleman from New York; of the articles which enter into the composition of manu

two articles and imposed an equal duty on each, or but I was not less pleased than surprised. I differ factures ; for, in the first place, my Whig friends are aware whether you exempted one altogether, and imposed from some of my friends in believing that the that that will be a species of incidental, legitimate protec- a double duty upon the other. Sir, in addition to present is a very appropriate time for the consid

tion, ot' wbich the other side of the House cannoi comeration of this most important subject. It is true,

the answers given by the gentleman from North plain.” as my friend from Virginia (Mr. BAYLY] has inti

The gentleman is mistaken; we do complain Meade,] I suggest another, and it is this: That

Carolina (Mr. Clingman) and my colleague, (Mr. mated, that the Administration is about to retire and will complain of any such protection:

the very object of the imposition of the double duty from power; but if the gentleman from New York

“ And my Democratic friends will be aware that whatis to be regarded as speaking the wishes of the ever contemplates a reduction of the revenue in any forin,

upon one article is lo give protection to similar arif it be to reduce the price of the manufactured article con

ticles of domestic manufacture, by preventing, orat Administration, I am perfectly willing to concede sumed, as they contend it does, is a proposition which has least diminishing, the importation of those foreign to Mr. Fillmore the honor of effecting the final already met with favor, and which in its details cannot but articles that would come into competition with overthrow of the protective policy. The Presibe admitted into favor by thein again.”

them. If this were not the object, there would be dent elect recently said that the hour of triumph Now, I admit that the gentleman from New York no reason for it at all; and if this object were not was the hour of inagnanimity; and if the present is entirely right in supposing that by placing on the to some extent accomplished, it would not be atPresident of the United States desires to prostrate free list the various articles which enter into the tempted. The result, then, is, that instead of colthe protective system, why, in the spirit of mag- composition of domestic manufactures, you will lecting the whole amount of duty as before, you nanimity, I am willing to concede that credit to him probably reduce the prices of the manufactured exclude, perhaps, half the articles formerly im

Mr. STANLY. I wish to inquire if this move- || articles. In that respect the people of the country, ported, and, of course, get only half the duty. If, ment is by authority of the Administration. I as consumers of those articles, will perhaps save after subjecting an article to a double duty, you conunderstood it to be an individual movement on the something; but they will be losers to a very great tinued to import the same quantity as before, you part of the gentleman from New York, (Mr. extent in a particular to which the gentleman has would undoubtedly collect the same revenue by Brooks.)

not referred, if the duty should be abolished upon putting the whole burden upon one article and exMr. MILLSON. I was about to consider the dye-stuffs, and the raw material entering into the empting the other, as when you divided it between subject in both aspecis, and on either supposition. composition of domestic fabrics. Suppose the the two. But, as I have shown, the effect will be If the gentleman from New York did not express i existing duty of five per cent. on dye-stuffs to to diminish the importation, and, of course, to the sentiments and wishes of the Administration, l amount to five per cent. of the cost of the manufac- diminish the revenue; and you will then be subif he meant to oppose the views contained in the Itured article. It is unquestionably true that by jected to the necessity of imposing new taxes upon President's message, then I was willing, as one the abolition of this duty the price of the article some new subject of taxation to make up the deficonscientiously opposed to the whole protective might, and perhaps would, be reduced five per ciency. policy, that on the very day after the reception of U cent. "If it sold for one dollar before, it could be Mr. JONES, of Pennsylvania, (interposing.) · 32D Cong..... Ist Sess.

The TariffMr. Millson.



I wish to correct the gentleman as to my position. of five per cent. upon the manufactured article community, cannot but be a sort of injustice to the It was this, that it made no difference whether the would be necessary to balance the reduction of bona fide holders. tax was imposed upon one of two articles, or five per cent. upon the imported materials, which But the President seems to fear that there equally, upon both, provided the article upon enter into the composition of our domestic fabrics, will soon be a commercial revulsion—that anwhich it was imposed was an article of general | ! merely take those sums for the sake of conven- other crisis is at hand! Sir, I see nothing to consumption and equally distributed the burdenient and simple illustration. The cost of the raw justify such an apprehension, if the official reamong the masses of the consumers.

materiał may not be more than one twentieth of ports are correct, as I presume they are. What Mr. MILLSON. Well, sir, the gentleman the whole cost of the manufactured article; and of does the President tell us in his last message? surely had an object in urging that argument, and course, the present duty, which is only five per He says that the imports during the last year his object undoubtedly was to show that inci- cent., would be only one twentieth of that, or one amounted to $207,240,101, to which add the specie dental protection might properly be given to par- | four-hundredth part of the

whole cost. That would imported, $5,262,643, and the total imports were ticular interests in this country, by the imposition be equivalent to a tax of only twenty-five cents $212,502,744. The exports, exclusive of specie, of a larger duty upon competing articles imported on a hundred dollars of value. It is only for the were $149,861,911; foreign merchandise reëxported from abroad, than upon articles which did not sake of illustration, that I assume a reduction of $17,204,026; specie, $42,507,285; making a total come in competition with those of our own pro- | five per cent. in the duty imposed on the imported of $209,573,222. duction. That being the case, there would have fabric, as balancing a reduction of five per cent. Sir, the returns of the preceding year exhibit been no force at all in the argument of the gentle on the raw material.

like healthy condition of things. From these reman, unless he meant to contend that the reason In connection with this subject, I desire to turns the excess of the imports seems to be only for imposing high duties upon some articles and notice the positions taken by the President of the $2,929,522; from which I infer that we have still exempting others from all taxes, was to give inci- United States in his last annual message.

a large credit in Europe upon the transactions of dental protection to the manufacturers of the arti- The President says:

the last year, the exports being greatly more than cles thus selected for taxation. And I am now “Without repeating the arguments contained in my for- enough to settle the apparent balance against us. proceeding to show that there must be a loss to mer message, in favor of discriminating protective duties, It may be said that although there is an excess the people from such an arrangement of duties, considerations affecting

this subject. The first is, the effect

of only $2,929,522 of imports over the exports, because if it secured the desired protection, as it of large importations of foreign goods upon our currency.

this is because so large a proportion of the exports undoubtedly would, to some extent, it could only Most of the gold of California, as fast as it is coined, finds

has been in specie. be by, excluding a portion of the foreign fab- its way direcuy to Europe in payment for goods purchased." If we turn to the President's message, we will rics which come into competition with our own. It seems to me the President has adopted a find that the exports of specie have been only The revenue would thus be reduced, and we somewhat inverted order of explaining his views. $42,000,000, and the imports $5,000,000, showing should be compelled to lay new taxes to supply He calls our attention to the effect of the large im- an excess of exports over imports of $37,000,000, the deficiency. This is not the only loss, and it portation of foreign goods upon our currency.

which is an amount greatly below the products of is by no means the greatest. It is indeed the most He has mistaken the effect for the cause. He the California gold mines. At this day, according inconsiderable. The burden which is most griev- might as well have invited our attention to the

to the official statement of the President of the ous is the increase in the cost of what we have effect produced by the flowing of a river upon the United States, we have a larger amount of specie occasion to use, by compelling us to purchase from attraction of gravitation. Why, sir, it is the in- in the country, than we had at the commencement the domestic manufacturer at prices more than his crease of the currency which has produced these of the fiscal year. I have not been able to obtain wares are worth. I say more than his wares are large importations. It is because of the large any accurate statement of the products of the worth, because, but for the pains taken to exclude exportation of gold, taken from the mines of Cali California mines, but I presume they have been similar foreign wares by an amount of duty which fornia, that our imports have increased. Yet the at least as large as those of the mines of Australia; only a few of them can bear, we should be able to President calls our attention to the effect of these and we know that during the last year $50,000,000 purchase them at far lower rates of price.

large foreign imports upon the currency of the have been produced from those mines. "I take it for I suggest, then, to the gentleman from New country. He says that the gold from California granted, therefore, that $50,000,000 have been proYork, and to the gentleman from Pennsylvania, | finds its way out of the country as soon as it is duced from the mines of California. What, then, that the people have never complained of those coined. Certainly it does. For what purpose do we see? We have exported only $37,000,000, duties which bring money into the Treasury. was it taken from the mines, if it was not to be while we have received from the California mines They complain of those duties which keep money used in the purchase of commodities ? Would the $50,000,000, leaving a large surplus or balance reout of the Treasury. They complain of the oper- President have it kept at home, instead of ex- maining in the country beyond the quantity we ation of those duties which, while they are laid changing it for those articles which are necessary

had at the beginning of the year. Now, I say seemingly with a view to the collection of revenue, for our comfort and enjoyment? How would that that we should probably have been in a more are really imposed for the purpose of giving pro- || add to our national wealth? Can a nation, any wholesome condition, if still larger quantities of tection to certain domestic interests by the exclu- more than an individual, advance its interests or gold had been sent away. We might not then sion of a large amount of foreign importations. | promote its happiness by hoarding up its money,

have had that expansion of prices which has proNow, we all know that under the operation of the and constantly adding to its store, without apply- || duced such an alteration in the relations between tariff of 1842, and perhaps under the operation of ing it to the purchase from others of such things debtor and creditor, and has caused so much inthe tariff of 1846, the consuming classes of this as we may want? In that case we should soon convenience, and even distress among many of country pay a much.larger amount for

the protec- realize the fable of Midas starving on his golden the working classes, tion of certain interests, in some of the States, than banquet. Were the immense amounts of gold

But, sir, as to this excess of imports over exthey contribute to the revenue of the United States. taken from the mines in California retained at ports, appearing in ourofficial returns, it has always Why, sixteen protected articles alone, under the home, instead of being diffused throughout the

been the case. From the foundation of our Gov. tariff of 1842, were estimated to impose a tax of world, the consequences would be most disastrous ernment to the present time, our statistics will upwards of $76,000,000 upon the consumption of to us. I fear that even as it is, the large quantities show that there has been an apparent excess of the country, in addition to the amount contributed of gold, annually added to our circulation from the imports over exports of several hundred millions of by the people to the revenue. I cannot, then, go mines in California and Australia, must produce dollars. The late returns give us no reason to apwith the gentleman from New York in his efforts | much mischief. Sir, when I first heard, some five prehend that what is called the balance of trade has to enlarge the free lists by abolishing the trifling or six years ago, of the discovery of gold in Cali- been against us during the present or the past year, duties now imposed upon the raw materials used fornia, 'I felt and expressed serious apprehensions The value of the exports will always, in the official by the manufacturers. This would only aggra- as to the results. I feared that the great influx of returns, fall below the value of the imports. It vate the existing evil. They bring money into gold would too much inflate the currency of the has always been so, and will always continue to the Treasury, and, as I have shown, they serve country, bloat prices, and unsettle the transactions be so. There are many credits to which we are to protect us from losses to which their abolition of life. It is a great error to suppose that it is entitled, that cancel these apparent balances against would to some extent expose us. No, sir; the desirable to increase the quantities of money. us, but which never appear in the official returns duties that I desire to see reduced are those This cannot be done without diminishing its value. of our exports. Freight, and commercial profits amounting to thirty or forty dollars in the hun- | Sir, what is money? I have not time fully to

in themselves, amount to considerable sums. Mr. dred, which are laid not so much for the purpose develop my views upon this subject; it would Walker, in one of his reports to Congress, says of raising revenue as of destroying revenue; that | furnish a theme for a protracted discourse. I will that the products of our whale fisheries are even add nothing to the common Treasury, which is our only state that money, in its strict and proper use

included in the list of imports, to the amount of common property, but serve only to transfer mil- | and office, is but a token or sign of the claim of several millions yearly. lions from the possession of the agricultural, me- the holder upon the community for something But suppose it were true that our imports did chanical, and commercial classes of our people, earned, but not received. Wherever the use of far exceed our exports. It is the fashion of the into the pockets of other and less numerous classes money is known, this claim is acknowledged, and day to consider this a very disastrous state of without a fair equivalent.

its extent is measured by the quantity or conven- things. Even Mr. Walker seems to have fallen But after all, what is meant by this demand for tional value of these tokens. Upon an universal into the prevailing error, if it be one--for I speak of the exemption of the raw material from all duty? settlement of accounts, if such a thing were possi

so eminent an authority with all possible diffidence What is the raw material? Are we to consider ble, all the money in the world would be in the -of supposing that if the imports of a nation are such, whatever requires labor to fit it for its ulti- possession, in greater or less quantities, of those greatly above the exports, it would be a very unmate use? Then, sir, iron is the raw material of who were found to be creditors upon such a settle- happy condition of affairs. Now, I am not ireatthe smith; cloth is the raw material of the tailor; ment, or of those to whom they might from time ing the subject in its moral relations, and in its consilk plush of the modern hatter; sugar of the

con- to time have assigned it. Vast additions of money, nection with good faith and honesty, but as a mere fectioner. Are we to exempt all these from duty ? therefore, beyond the amount necessary to repair question of political economy. I say, that if for Perhaps the gentleman from New York would be the annual losses, made to the existing circulation a long series of years, a nation receives more than more unwilling to do so than I should be.

by those who take it with little labor from the lit returns-if the wealth added to it exceeds that In assuming, Mr. Chairman, that a reduction I mines, and are not in truth the creditors of the I taken from it, our sympathies would be somewhat

320 Cong.... 1st Sess.

The Tariff-Mr. Millson.


misapplied if we should bewail her condition. If have to bear the burdens of these taxes, to make adopted for creating the home market, is by exshe should never pay the balance at all, we might up a fund sufficient to support these unprofitable cluding their manufactures by a protective tariff, be excused perhaps for sympathizing with those laborers in absolute idleness, provided they were and compelling the people to buy and sell at home. unfortunate creditors who hold unsatisfied demands then left at liberty to supply their wants in the Now, this very necessity for legislative exclusion against her. I know that the effort to pay, and the cheaper markets of the world. It would be some proves that we could get their manufactures if this consequent decline prices, often occasion real consolation to us, under the operation of a pro means were not resorted to. How could we get distress; but I am speaking of the condition of a tective tariff, to know that what was lost by us, them unless we paid for them in our productions, country that should always receive more than it was wholly gained by the protected classes; but it or at least in money? As long as we have either, gave, if indeed such a state of things was ever is hardly fair to impose a tax upon our people of why shall we be prevented from buying them? If known.

fifty, or a hundred per cent., to enable the manu they will not take our productions in exchange, But I will go on with the President's message. facturers io make ten. No, sir, the surest way

and we have no more money to send them, why, He says:

to protect American labor, is to develop our re then, they will no longer consent to supply us. If “ In the second place, as our manufacturing establish sources, and cultivate our best talent. We cannot they did, we should get their goods for nothing. ments are broken down by competition with foreigners, the make a better world than the Almighty has made. | Depend upon it, sir, they will not do that. If, then, capital invested in them is lost; thousands of honest and industrious citizens are thrown out of employment, and the

It is said that Mr. Pope, applying a very exag. i they will not take our agricultural productions, farmer to that extent is deprived of a home market for the gerated sort of flattery to Sir Godfrey Kneller, there is no necessity for our resolving that we will sale of bis surplus produce.”

once whispered to him that if he had been con not take their goods, for we could not get them if The Preside here complains, first, that thou sulted at the creation he could have furnished some we would. The prohibition, then, if it has any sands of citizens are thrown out of employment; I useful hints. The vain old man replied, "I think practical operation, is mischievous; if it has none, and secondly, that the farmer loses the home mar I could, Mr. Pope." I do not know whether gen it is absurd. ket-that is to say, he can no longer sell anything tlemen who sustain the protective, or forcing sys The President says: to those thousands of citizens who are thrown tem, are dissatisfied with the existing arrangements “ In the third place, the destruction of our manufactures out of employment.

of Providence, but let me suggest to them, that we leaves the fore gner without any competition in our marNow, as to the first head of complaint, the can scarcely improve upon Divine wisdom. Let ket, and he consequently raises the price of the article sent President seems to think that it is the great object us apply ourselves to the production of such things ported from England.”

here for sale, as is seen in the increased cost of iron imof civilized society to give employment to labor, as are suited to our soil, climate, and condition. without regard to its productiveness, but merely | The diversities in each should instruct us that we Surely the President cannot suppose that the for the sake of its employment. I might say, in were intended to hold commerce with our fellow recent increase in the price of iron is in any way reply, that it is one of the objects of civilization, man for the supply of those wants that no one connected with the tariff of 1846. But let me exto throw labor out of employment, at least tem country can fully satisfy, and that in this mode amine his general argument. The position that porarily, and that this is always done when a new civilization and christianity are to be extended to the destruction of our manufactures-I suppos labor-saving machine is invented. The world the remotest borders of the earth.

he means those only that cannot be sustained generally regards him as the greatest benefactor of The President complains of the loss of our home without the aid of the Government-would leave the his species, who, in this way, succeeds in throw market. My friend from Ohio, (Mr. Stanton,] foreigner without any competition in our market, ing the largest number of men out of employment. too, thinks ihis home market very important to and that the price would consequently be raised, is Would it be deemed a national calamity, if some the farmer. What do they mean by a home mar altogether erroneous. There is a very fashionable person should invent a machine by which one ket? Of course they only mean thai market which mode of stating the argument upon this subject, man was enabled to do the work of fifty? We is dependent upon the protective system, for none and that is by speaking, not of foreign manufacknow that every such machine, though its first other could be affected by its abolition. They turers, but of the foreign manufacturer, as if there effect is to deprive men of employment, only adds cannot suppose that the whole home market of the was but one foreign manufacturer in the world. to the demand for human labor. The great object country is dependent upon the protective policy, | Though perhaps not designed, the argument is is to make labor profitable, and to dispense with for there have always been other pursuits than pressed, exactly as if we had but one person comall that is unprofitable. If it be true, then, that that of agriculture, and almost from the beginning peting with our manufacturers abroad, and that, opening our markets to foreign competition, will of the world men have bought and sold in their in a certain contingency, he was to have the mohave the efiect of enabling us to dispense with the own country, and have thus had what we call a nopoly of our markets, and to demand such prices unprofitable labor of any portion of our own popu home market. What the President means by the as he pleased. The President seems to have lation, it would be no more a subject of regret, home market, which is to be lost to the farmer upon adopted this form of expression. He speaks of than if such labor had been superseded by the in the destruction of the protective policy, is that

the foreigner, and of his competition with us, and vention of some new machine. Sir, if it was the artificial market which is built up by the tariff

. It of our competition with him. He forgets that object of society to give employment to labor, is the demand of the protected classes for such there are hundreds of thousands of foreigners all however unprofitable it might be, it could be very things as they have occasion to use; or rather, to competing, not only with us, but with one another. readily accomplished. You need do nothing more be more exact, so much of that demand as is stim Suppose it was true, then, that the abolition of than destroy all your labor-saving machines. But ulated and increased by the law securing employ- the duty would either immediately or remotely you wish to employ your neighbor in preference ment to them in their new pursuits. This demand raise the price, what would be the"result? If these to foreigners. And so do I, where his labor is of the manufacturers for the commodities which foreign manufacturers, notwithstanding the heavy productive. But the world would soon stand still they use, is elegantly termed the home market. | duty of thirty or forty per cent, which they pay, -nay, would speedily retrograde, if you should Now, sir, I grant that this artificial home market can compete as they now do with our own, then, foster unproductive industry, merely because it is dependent on protection, and will be destroyed if they should raise their prices after the abolition was your neighbor's! Would you employ your by the prostration of the protective policy. It is of the duty, or continue to demand and receive neighbor to cut down your harvest with knives a very small market, though gentlemen on the the same prices as before, they would add the instead of scythes, for the sake of employing the other side attempt to magnify its importance. So whole amount of this duty to their former profits. largest number, and for the longest time? Would far as I am concerned, sir, it shall be as large as If their present profits excite competition abroad, you call in your neighbor doctor to prescribe for they please, and the larger the better for the pur how much more would that competition be stimuyou when you are not sick, or when a simple root poses of my argument. For as this artificial mar lated, when, in addition to the small profits they would cure you of your ailment, for the benevo ket is created by compelling us to buy from those now get, they secured the larger profit equal to lent purpose of giving him something to do? No, who sell the protected commodities, for which we the heavy tax now imposed upon them? No man sir. It may be true-I hope it is true—that by are obliged to pay more than they are worth, the pretends that the profits of our own manufacturers the abolition of protective duties, you throw out more we deal with them, the more must we lose. are equal to the duty upon the foreign article. of employment men engaged in the production of What they buy from us must depend on what we But, upon the President's supposition of a rise articles for which they are not fitted; and if that | buy from them, and the greater this home market of prices, the profit of the foreign manufacturers was not the effect, no good would be done by the therefore, the greater is the loss.

would be greater than the duty upon the protected abolition of protective duties. That is the end The gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Stanton) said | article. If, then, this smaller profit at home excontemplated; that is the end designed. For when just now, that he wished to build up a consuming cites competition here, how much more would the ever there are men who, by legislative means, are class to create a market for the agricultural prod- greater profit abroad stimulate competition there. enabled to compel the people of this country to ucts of the country. This is protection with a No, sir, the result could not be as the President pay more for any article than it is worth, I desire vengeance ! A distinguished Whig statesman from supposes. The abolition of the duty would not ihat the market should be opened to competition, Maine, (Mr. Evans,] said something like this be followed by a rise of price. The market would even though they might thus be thrown out of seven or eight years ago. He said that by pro not be secured to the foreigner without competiemployment. The great object should be to give tection, the manufacturers were lifted up to be con tion. You would have a more active competition employment to productive and useful labor. The sumers. If we have commodities that we wish to

than before; for the manufacturers of the whole increasing population of the world demands a sell, it is very easy to create such a market as this. world would compete with one another to supply corresponding increase in the productiveness of We have only to supply others with the money your wants. human labor. Destroy your labor-saving ma necessary to purchase them, and then congratulate This competition would be much greater than chines, abandon the use of horses, mules, and other ourselves that we have met with a sale. Such the combined competition of foreigners and our labor which comes in competition with the labor of consumers of our productions may readily be found own manufacturers,

under the operation of the man,

and the large population now upon the globe if we only give notice that we will ourselves fur- protective system. The reason is obvious. The would perish miserably. They could not be sus nish the money with which they are to purchase high prices occasioned by the heavy duties dimintained.

ish consumption. There would be a less number In order to secure employment to unprofitable But gentlemen say that we must build up a of men necessary to supply the smaller demand, labor, you must tax the country to an amount home market, as foreign nations will not buy our || than would be einployed to apply the larger congreatly exceeding the benefit resulting to the parties productions. This is a great mistake in fact, but it sumption that would follow the cheapening of the protected; and it would be better for those who is a no less serious error of principle. The method | price. There is no force, then, in the argument

320 Cong.....21) Sess.

Cuban Annexation--Mr. Giddings.

Ho. of Reps.



[ocr errors]

that you diminish the number of competitors by | The rule should be to fix such a duty as will raise in these United States is now protected by a proabolishing protective duties. I had hoped that no the greatest revenue at the least cost. It may be hibitory tariff'; that is, the slave-breeding interest one, in this age of the world, would have again || that a particular rate of duty may raise the largest of Virginia and the other northern slave States. urged the argument that the effect of protection amount of money, but at the same time, it may so We protect the slave grower by visiting the penwas to lower prices. If this were really so, enhance the price of the article taxed as to enable alty of death upon those who import slaves to the should still be losers; for no one has ever pre- similar articles manufactured at home to be sold injury of our own citizens, who rear boys and tended that the price could be lowered by an at the same high price. Under the operation of girls for the market. These facts stand promamount equal to the duty on foreign goods, which, such a tax a large revenue might be raised, but inent upon the history of our times. We have of course, we lose when our own are consumed in heavy burdens would thus be laid upon the peo- secured to the slave-dealers of this nation a monoptheir stead. These arguments of the protection-ple in the amounts paid to the protected interests. oly of the crime of buying and selling human flesh. ists imply great disinterestedness on the part of This would be as unwise as it would be, in laying Now, sir, with all kindness, I will say to those our manufacturers, who contend for the privilege direct taxes, to select some subject, which, while advocates for protection to northern labor, that of buying from us in the home market at the high it would yield you a larger gross revenue than any while they make merchandise of the southern laest possible price, and of selling their goods to us other, would involve so great a cost of collection borer, of his wife and children, it will be in vain at the cheapest possible rate!

as to bring a smaller amount into the Treasury. for them to profess humane sympathy for the free The gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Stanton) said

and independent laborers of the North. While this morning that he desired protection for protec

you profess an anxious solicitude for the pecuniary tion sake. The gentleman from Pennsylvania

interest of the laborer in the cotton mill, and at the [Mr. Jones] says, however, that all he wants is

same time make merchandise of the bone and sinsuch incidental protection as may be secured by a SPEECH OF HON. J. R. GIDDINGS,

ews, the blood and muscle of him who cultivates revenue tariff. But what idea has my friend from

the raw material, the people will pronounce you Pennsylvania of a revenue tariff? Does he mean


hypocrites. such a tax as will produce the highest amount of IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, I this morning read in one of our papers an « revenue? Is that what the gentleman means?

December 14, 1852,

account of a slave mother, having four children Mr. JONES, of Pennsylvania, (interrupting.)

whom she tenderly loved. Her soul yearned for What I meant to state, and did state at the time, On the annexation of Cuba; delivered in the Com

their happiness. But her master contracted to dewas this, that I wanted a revenue tariff, that is, a

mittee of the Whole, on the motion to refer the

liver them to a slave-dealer. She vainly implored tariff adjusted for revenue, that being its primary

Annual Message of the President to the several

him to desist from his purpose. He persisted; and object; and in connection with that, and having


as she saw her offspring about to be torn from her that always in view, I would put the duties upon

Mr.GIDDINGS. Mr. Chairman, I have risen embrace, she felt unable to meet such separation, that class of articles-looking upon it as a tax-will with no intention to participate in this discussion and in order to save her loved ones from the suffer—which would impose the burden of taxes as

of the tariff. I abstain from it for the reason ing and degradation to which your laws consigned nearly equal as possible upon the mass of con- that it has been discussed for more than thirty them, she mercifully deprived them of life. A few sumers. years, by the ablest men in the nation, and no

days afterwards, she was herself consigned to the I would adjust the duty according to a revenue new theory or thoughts are likely to be elicited gallows, for this manifestation of her affection; and standard; bui in so doing I never would lose sight at this time. I abstain from it for the reaons that The whole family of five persons were placed be. of the consideration that we were imposing a tax there is now no party which avows the protective yond the further cruelty of your laws. on the masses of the people. I said ihat the arti- policy. I also abstain from its discussion for the Now, sir, while we continue in force laws which cle of iron is consumeil in the main by railroad and reason that the ablest advocates of protection inflict such suffering upon one portion of our felsteamship companies and other corporations, and have, since the late presidential election, declared low-mortals, and at the same time profess an anxthat, in relieving them from the payment of duty, that policy to be dead—that it now sleeps with its iety for the pecuniary interest of another portion, the burdens of the Government will fall on the great advocate, Henry Clay.

will not all candid men charge us with hypocricy poorer class—the class least able to bear them. Why, sir, during the recent campaign, a Whig and falsehood ?

Mr. MILLSON. The gentleman would im- missionary, formerly a member of this body, was Mr. JOHNSON, of Tenneseee, said, if he un. pose such a duty as would raise revenue and secure sent from New York city to Ohio, to inform us derstood the gentleman from Ohio, he was in favor incidental protection. Now I say, that the com- that unless the tariff were increased, the country of removing the protection to slave labor by rebination of revenue with protection, is a moral and would be ruined; and here, sir, on the second day pealing the law which prohibits the importation of physical impossibility. A tariff to be protective, of the session, his Whig successor, elected with slaves. must be prohibitory to the extent it is protective. the aid of his vote and infuence, moved a resolu- Mr. GIDDINGS. The gentleman is mistaken; A revenue tariff gives no protection, and a protec- tion to reduce the tariff. Now, it is quite evident it was the protection of the slave grower to which tive tariff gives no revenue.

that whether it be increased or diminished, the I referred.' It is the law of Congress, which auOf course, I speak of the respective operations | Whigs of New York are to enjoy the victory, for thorizes the domestic slave trade, that I condemn. of the revenue and protective features of a tariff. i they are on both sides of the question. But I think That traffic is far more barbarous than the foreign Both may be found in the same law, and in that there is an intention on the part of the majority slave trade which we very properly characterize way

it may at once give protection and raise reve- of the House, to do neither, and thereby disap- as piracy, and punish with death. Dealing in nue. But I say that so much of its operation as point both factions of the New York Whigs. human #esb is, in a moral point of view, a naked, gives protection, raises no revenue; and so much (Laughter.]

undisguised piracy; it is so regarded by all reflectas raises revenue, gives no protection. You can Its discussion at this time, is unseasonable and ing men; and those who traffic in human flesh, not combine revenue with protection. A lariff out of place. The short session will not afford | either here, in Africa, or elsewhere, and all who must always be prohibitory to the extent that it | sufficient opportunity to mature a readjustment of advise, aid, counsel, or encourage such traffic, are is protective. I do not deny that under the opera- || the duties on imports ; and, sir, we are all con- guilty, and deserve death upon the gallows. The tion of a particular rate of duty, some articles may scious that the responsibility rests upon the ma- manner in which we aid and encourage this crime be excluded from the country, while others may jority of this body, who are evidently disinclined is immaterial. If we lend that encouragement by still find their way in, after paying the duty; but to enter upon it at present. Our country was passing laws to protect the slave-dealer, or by lend. 1 say that every article that is introduced into the

never more prosperous; and never did the people ing our influence to retain such laws in force, we country, interferes with the home manufacture, | feel less desirous of a change of tariff than at this are as guilty as he who actually buys and sells and to that extent deprives it of protection. On time. That indifference was very apparent during the victims of this traffic, and we, sir, deserve the other hand, to the precise extent that the for- | the late political campaign. If our most popular death as much as he does. I would not hang the eign competition is prevented, revenue is destroyed. speakers attempted to discuss this subject, their ignorant sailor who goes to Africa and purchases If the tax imposed on foreign goods be too low to meetings would “grow small by degrees, and men and women there, and spare the member of exclude any of them, no protection is given; and beautifully less." So, too, during the three days Congress who exerts his influence to continue the the only effect of the tax is to raise revenue. If this body has been occupied by it. Members same crimes here. Had I the power to punish such a tax is laid as excludes all foreign goods, would not listen to the eloquent speeches presented these crimes, I would inflict the same penalty upon then you raise no revenue, and the duty has no by their colleagues; and most of that time, our every man who deals in human flesh, or who aueffect but to give protection. If you impose a tax Hall has been nearly deserted,

thorizes or encourages such traffic. that will equalize foreign and domestic prices, so The discussion has become “flat, stale, and un- I observed that the honorable gentleman from that one half the quantity of goods necessary for profitable.” And whatever my feelings may be, Pennsylvania (Mr. Jones) took occasion, while our consumption shall be furnished by the home I cannot disguise the fact, that the popular tend- discussing the tariff, to say that the Democracy of manufacturer, and the other half shall continue to ency in England, throughout Europe, and in this his State were in favor of the fugitive law; but it come in from abroad, then to the extent that it ex- country, is toward free trade. Experience is the is somewhat remarkable that the President, in his cludes the moiety of foreign imports, it is protect- only test which can be applied to ihese theories. message, makes no mention of that law. It is ive, prohibitory, and gives no revenue; and to the The truth of this remark is exemplified in the oper- said, that during the last three months more fugiextent that it admits the other half, and raises ation of the present tariff. At the time of its adop- tives have found their way to Canada than ever revenue upon them, it gives no protection. It | tion, we were told that it would not produce rev- previously emigrated to that province in the same gives no protection, because the goods thus admit- enue sufficient to carry on the Government. Yet space of time. They went singly, in pairs, in comted come into competition with those of the home although our expenditures were nearly doubled by panies of five, often; and sometimes twenty or more manufacturers, and diminish their sales by the the Mexican war, we have now more revenue than traveled together. Scarcely a slave-catcher interamount of the foreign supply.

sufficient to meet all demands upon our Treasury. posed to prevent this tide of emigration; and those I think, sir, that duties ought to be imposed with These facts should teach us to be less tenacious of who made attempts to stop them were unsuccessexclusive reference to revenue. But it does not our theories, and more willing to be guided by ex

ful. The emigrants were armed and ready for follow that that duty which will yield the largest perience.

the combat. They laughed at your fugitive law, amount of revenue, 'ought always to be adopted. We are all conscious that but one great interest || and ridiculed those who enacted and who advo

32D Cong.....20 Sess.

Cuba Annexation-Mr. Giddings.



cate its continuance. As the President is about the Committee on Ways and Means, (Mr. Hous- who have gone before him, he will find hereafter to retire from office, he witnesses the contempt | Ton.! It refers to our“ foreign relations." The that he has run his bark upon the same rock on into which this, his favorite measure, has fallen, position we hold towards the Governments of which so many northern statesmen have made yet he fails in his last annual message to notice Spain, Great Britain, and France, is unusually im- shipwreck of their political hopes. Other Demothese facts, nor does he make even an effort to portant at this time. The recent publication of cratic candidates of the North have pursued the modify the popular odium which has pronounced the correspondence between our Executive and same policy, and some Whigs have striven to keep those compromise measures infamous. He sees the Spanish Ministry has excited a deep and per- pace in this race of servility. Among others, I the country rapidly separating into two parties; vading interest throughout the country.

notice a Whig paper in New York, of somewhat the supporters of slavery and the advocates of lib. And, sir, I here take pleasure in vindicating the extensive circulation, avowing the policy of annexerty. He must be conscious that these parties President against the assaults made upon him by ing Cuba. Others have taunted the Free Democwill soon swallow up all other organizations. The some presses of the South for publishing this cor- racy with having lent our influence to that policy, free Democracy and the stare Democracy will soon respondence. With its publication he had no con- by refusing to vote for the Whig candidate. characterize our political distinctions, and the Dem- cern whatever. We, sir, by resolution, called for Now, sir, I would say to them, that the Free ocratic principle of man's natural right to liberty the correspondence. As the representatives of the Democracy is not altogether composed of boys will be vindicated and sustained; yet he remains sovereign people, we had a right to it. He had no and unfledged politicians; nor is it guided by men silent on the subject.

right to withhold it. As he was bound by his destitute of experience and forethought. We, sir, And here I wish to say to the friends of liberty oath and by the Constitution, he sent it to us. We look not to the other parties for guidance: we do that our cause is advancing rapidly, and with ordered it printed. The people had a right to see our own thinking, and our own voting. We have firmer and surer pace than at any former period. and understand what their servants were doing on our own views upon this question as well as on all The old political organizations have lost their moral this as well as om all other subjects.

others. power. The election of the great western states- This correspondence is highly important. It Gentlemen of the Democratic party who have man, Thomas H. Benton, in opposition to both shows to the country and to the civitized world, I spoken here, have alluded directly to this policy, the Whig and Democratic parties, shows the tend- || that for thirty years the Executive has exerted our but have carefully withheld all expression of their ency of men to think and vote agreeably to the national influence to maintain slavery in Cuba, in own views, or the views of their party, in reference dictates of their own judgment, and not according order that the institution may be rendered more to it. I had hoped to hear from gentlemen the to caucus dictation, or party rule. He, sir, was secure in the United Stutes. This policy stands designs of the incoming President. At least I unconnected with all parties. He was the expo- out in bold relief; it pervades the whole corre- hoped to hear what they themselves think of this nent of his own views: the people approved his | spondence, and was also incorporated into the in- | policy. Are they, individually, in favor of it or sentiments, and, setting party dictation at defiance, structions of our Commissioners to the Congress against it? No one has presumed to avow his they elected him. Nor was the election of the of Panama, although those instructions are not own thoughts. Now, I would say to those memdistinguished philanthropist from New York, Ger- embraced in the communication now before us. bers, you were sent here to represent the people. riti Smith, less a triumph of independent political Both Whig and Democratic Administrations have Franklin Pierce was elected to carry out and exethought and action. These distinguished gentle adopted this policy; and although I have but little cute the laws which we enact-not to represent the men were connected with no political parties; but time to read extracts from this correspondence, I voice of the people in enacting laws. God has each was elected upon his own merits.

will give one from the letter of Mr. Webster, Sec- ll given to you the powers of thought and reflection. I have not time to speak of the election to this | retary of State, marked “Private and Confidential,” || He has given to you judgment and conscience. It body of the free Democratic members, and of to our Consul at Havana, dated January 14, 1843, is your duty to exercise those judgments and obey, Whig and Democratic members elected by aid of in which the author refers to reported intentions of your own consciences-not to wait for General the Free Democracy: nor are these elections, British abolitionists and the British Ministry to aid | Pierce to tell you how to act and what to do, nor triumphant as they are, even an indication of the in the abolition of slavery and in the establishment to obtain instructions on these subjects from the extent of our progress. Our principles are cher- of an independent government in Cuba : he says: | incoming President, or from the members of his ished by hundreds of thousands of the other parties, “ If this scheme should succeed, the influence of Cabinet. If you do this, you are not representawho have heretofore been unable to separate them- | Britain in this quarter, it is remarked, will be un- tives of the people, but of General Pierce, who will selves from their long-cherished political organiza- | • limited. With six hundred thousand blacks in take care to represent himself. If you do this, tions, but who now say they have acted with them Cuba, and eight hundred thousand in her West | you will not deserve the name of freemen. No, for the last time.

• India islands, she will it is said) strike a blow at gentlemen, you and I were commissioned to avow Again, sir, we have enlisted the literati of our the existence of slavery in the United States." These, the popular will of the nation; and God forbid country on the side of truth, liberty, and justice. sir, are the words of a man who opposed all ex- that we should wait to receive instructions from To my fair countrywomen I would say, that a pression, by this Government, of sympathy with any other human being. lady with her pen, has done more for the cause of oppressed Hungary; who was so strongly opposed But, as I have remarked, no Democrat has as freedom, during the last year, than any savant, to all intervention with the affairs of other Govern- yet intimated the policy of the incoming Adminisstatesman, or politician of our land. That inimi: ments in favor of liberty.

tration in regard to Cuba; and as the

country is table work, "'Uncle Tom's Cabin," is now car- We, sir, hold our own institutions by the right || desirous of understanding what that policy will be, rying truth to the minds of millions, who, to this of revolution, which he so severely condemned. I will volunteer to speak for the President elect. time, have been deaf to the cries of the down- | He appears to have been shocked at the idea that (Laughter.) As my colleague in the Senate yestrodden. It is arousing the sensibilities of this liberty should be enjoyed in Cuba, and avowed terday remarked, " I am a Democrat, by the grace country and of Europe. It goes where no other himself willing to prostitute the naval and military of God, free and independent;and as I have no anti-slavery work ever found its way; and quietly power of the United States to uphold a system of doubt as to the policy of General Pierce, I will give carries conviction to the hearts of its readers. It oppression in that Island which consigns to prema- my opinion as to his course on this subject. If he has been dramatized, and both in this country and ture graves one tenth part of its whole slave popula- || be the man—the statesman-that I take him to be, in Europe, the play-going public listen with in- tion annually—a system by which eighty thousand he will neither say nor do anything about it. He will tense interest to the wrongs, the revolting crimes human victims are said to be sacrificed every year | leave it in silence. He will not follow the example of slavery. Thus, the theater, that “school of to Spanish barbarity and Spanish cupidity. Sír, at of one of his predecessors, who, in his inaugural vice," has been subsidized to the promulgation of this moment the Senate are engaged in eulogizing | address, declared our title to the whole of Oregon to truth, and the hearts of thousands have been the statesman who has himself erected this monu- be clear and unquestionable, and when the British lion reached, who were approachable in no other way. ment to perpetuate his own disgrace. They, sir, | began to growl and show his teeth, our President

The clergy of the North are awakening to duty, are endeavoring to falsify the truth of history; to backed out of his position, and surrendered one to the calls of humanity. No longer are we called cover up those stains upon his character which half to British rule. No; General Pierce will not to listen to " lower law” sermons, nor are the feel- || no time can erase, and no effort of friends can be likely to follow such an example. He will look ings of our Christian communities shocked by purify: They can never separate his memory thoroughly into this subject before he commits reading discourses from Doctors of Divinity, in- from the great errors of his life. Sir, it is right himself in regard to it. tended to sanctify and encourage the most trans- and proper that the evil deeds of public men should It is certain that former Administrations and a cendent crimes which ever disgraced mankind. | be remembered, that posterity may avoid their || portion of the people of the United States have Churches and ecclesiastical bodies, are beginning crimes, and duly estimate their moral and political || long coveted Cuba, and would gladly now wrest it to move in behalf of truth, of christian principles worth. Yet, sir, we were told during the recent from the control of Spain, if they could do so with They are purifying themselves from those who canvass, that unless we voted for the Whig candi- safety. The objects for which they would do it, 1 deal in God's image; they are withdrawing church date, if we permitted the Democratic candidate to have already adverted to. But an omniscient, allfellowship from those pirates who deserve the be elected, Cuba would be annexed and slavery wise Providence has thrown around the consumgallows and halter, rather than a seat at the com- | extended and strengthened in the United States. | mation of that great national crime such difficulmunion table of Christian churches.

Plausibility was given to this argument by a cer- ties, and embarrassments, and positive dangers, I have glanced at these facts in answer to those tain distinguished Senator from the West, who that in my opinion it will never be perpetrated. who have spoken before me, and for the encour- | traveled somewhat extensively, making speeches The first and only mode in which we can hope agement of our friends, in order to assure them, in favor of Cuban annexation and fillibustering to obtain Cuba is by peaceful, quiet purchase. Supthat while Whigs and Democrats in this Hall are expeditions to that Island. I desire to say, very pose the Spanish Crown should consent to take discussing the propriety of protecting" cotton cloth" distinctly, that in my opinion, that gentleman "ran $100,000,000, as proposed by Mr. Buchanan, for and “cut nails,the advocates of freedom have not before he was sent. He appeared anxious to ob- | the transfer of Cuba to this Government, and our forgotten the duty of protecting the rights of our tain southern favor by making himself the advo- President should stipulate to pay it; I would yet common humanity.

cate of what he deemed southern measures. I say to the Spanish Cortes, and to British and to But, Mr. Chairman, my principal object in think if he had waited a few months, and consult- French statesmen, that not one dollar of that rising, was to call the attention of this body and ed the sober reflecting statesmen of the South, they amount can go to the possession of Spain until of the country, to the first in the series of res- would have told him to remain quiet. But he this House shall make the appropriation. I wish olutions presented by the honorable chairman of || hastened to acquire southern favor, and, like some them to understand that the people here are the

« PoprzedniaDalej »