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320 Cong....30 Sess.
Special Session-Clayton-Bulwer Treaty.
covenants for the mutual benefit of the parties to do not hesitate to say, in the sense I have spoken,
When I am reminded of the greatness of Engthem. In the progress of events it may become that I love her more than any other foreign nation land, as connected with her statesmen and orators, the interest of both parties to remodel and amend on earth. England, in our origin, law, literature, and the illustrious names of Hampden and Sidney them by mutual consent. They are founded and free institutions, is our mother. In vernacular are pointed to as examples, I cannot fail to reupon the assumption, that mutual good faith will language, she is our mother country. The very member-1 can never forget—that the same Engpreserve them. There are casions when they | roots of our institutions run into her soil.
land which gave them birth, and should have felt might become unjust and oppressive upon one of From what country do we derive the maxims, a mother's pride and love in their virtues and serthe parties; and without a mutual release from the spirit, the institutions, the safeguards of our vices, persecuted her noble sons to the dungeon their obligations, it might be an occasion calling liberty? Have not the streams of her literature and the scaffold, and attempted to brand their for the highest exercise of sovereign judgment. I been poured out upon us? Have we not all drunk names with infamy in all coming time, for the In such cases the last arbiter of nations must come of them with delight and improvement? From very causes which have endeared them to us and in to decide the differences. The occasion, in the what country do we get Magna Charla, trial by filled the republican world with their fame! Nor contemplation of the great tribunal of nations, jury, the common-law, with its hardy morality, I am I unmindful of the debt of gratitude which must furnish its own justification, and such as inculcating all that has given liberty security? | the present generation owes to the brilliant galaxy cannot be the subject of definite prescription. Sir, will the gentleman answer? I am willing, l of great names whose fortune it was to have been
The Senator from Ilinois remarked, that if we in all the arts of peace, in commerce, in litera- || born and to have suffered in England, and whose wanted Mexico, the treaty we have made could ture, in science, in morals, to become the rival labors and researches in political, legal, and physnot restrain the acquisition, or something of the of England. But I can see no inducement, con ical sciences—in literature, poetry, and art, have same import. Now it may follow that we may not sulting national policy, to assume towards her added so much luster to their native land. Some have to take Mexico against her consent; her in- || the position of an hostile adversary. Remarks pursue their labors under the protection and patterest as well as ours, may conform to the law of which have been made during this discussion, ronage of England-others in defiance of her ty. progress, to which the gentleman has so often are well calculated to sow the seeds of jealousy | ranny and vengeance. I award all credit and praise alluded. That is, if we want Mexico, Mexico | and hatred between the two countries—that is, to the authors of all the blessings and advantages will be just as well prepared to accede to our terms unless there shall be good sense to have a true we have inherited from that source. as we are to hers to annul the treaty; or if we understanding of them, when the national inter I cannot go as far as the Senator from South want Cuba, it may be our interest to have it, or est shall demand it; and I wish the occasion to Carolina. cannot recognize England as our if another nation attempts to put her hand on Cúba speak for itself. I would not shrink from a collision | mother. If so, she is and ever has been a cruel against our policy or consent, what is the resort ? or war with Great Britain sooner than any other and unnatural mother. I do not find the evidence War. We resort to it, as every other nation re nation. There is not much patriotism, however, of her affection in her wathfulness over our insorts to any measure of policy, under the sanction in a mere abuse of her. But, Mr. President, as fancy, nor in her joy and pride at our ever-bloomof its own judgment. Each nation is entirely the is sometimes the case, I have spoken beyond what | ing prosperity and swelling power, since we asjudge of its own rights. But, sir, what would be I intended when I rose, and take my seat. sumed an independent position. the justification of war? There is a higher tribunal
The proposition is not historically true. Our than ourselves. I hope there is a tribunal in Mr. DOUGLAS. In reply to the honorable ancestry were not all of English_origin. They Heaven, to which nations will appeal. But history Senator from South Carolina, I wish to state to were of Scotch, Irish, German, French, and of and posterity are the tribunals to which we should him, without going into the controversy as to which | Norman descent as well as English. In short, we look, and not to the tribunal that we may erect is the right policy for the President when a treaty || inherit from every branch of the Caucasian race. for our owu pleadings upon a subject of this kind. contains objects desirable and details obnoxious, It has been our aim and policy to profit by their In looking to such a judgment, we, as the parties, that he will find an example in point in the case example-to reject their errors and follies—and to must not exclusively consult the dictates of our of the Mexican treaty containing provisions which retain, imitate, cultivate, perpetuate all that was own interests. Duty and justice require that we the President and Senate both regarded as uncon valuable and desirable. So far as any portion of should regard the rights of others, noi only as they stitutional, yet the President sent the treaty here, the credit may be due to England and Englishare involved in solemn treaties, but as the justice and pointed out the obnoxious parts. The Sen men-and much of it is—let it be freely awarded of the nations of the earth should regard them. ator and those acting with him modified it, perfect and recorded in her ancient archives, which seem Until some occasion should arise to justify the ed it, voted for it, and ratified it in opposition to to have been long since forgotten by her, and the disregard of treaties, let us not inculcate a popu- my vote, and it became the law of the land. It is memory of which her present policy towards us lar sentiment that would reconcile it merely to our a case precisely in point, and I merely mention it, || is not well calculated to revive. But, that the interests. and leave that part of the question.
Senator from South Carolina, in view of our presThe Senator has spoken on other topics, with Mr. BUTLER. I think the Mexican treaty ent position and of his location in this Confedera gushing exuberance, well calculated to attract was sent as an entirety. Weamended it no doubt, l acy, should indulge in glowing and eloquent euloapplause; but I fear also well calcuated to excite but it was sent as an entirety by President Polk, giums of England for the blessings and benefits she prejudice and to exasperate national resentments. saying that Mr. Trist had usurped power which he
has conferred and is still lavishing
upon us, and urge In speaking of the growth of his own country, did not possess. It was exacily one of those in these considerations in palliation of the wrongs she he had much to justify him in his highly-flattering stances in which the treaty had been made, and is daily perpetrating, is to me amazing. He speaks picture of her prosperity. But when with taunt he asked the Senate to adopt it, but he sent it in in terms of delight and gratitude of the copious and ing disparagement he spoke of the decrepitude of as an entire thing.
refreshing streams which English literature and England and the other nations of Europe, he Mr. DOUGLAS. The President sent it in, science are pouring into our country and diffusing spoke in a way well calculated to wound national | stating that there were certain provisions in it throughout the land. Is he not aware that nearly sensibility; and especially so, when I cannot re which must be stricken out before it could be sanc every English book circulated and read in this gard his opinions just. He said that decrepitude tioned by him. But now as to another point: The country contains lurking and insidious slanders had come upon them in their decline and old gentleman commented upon a remark that I had and libels upon the character of our people and age. They were the mere mouldering columns of made, and which also was contained in the letter of the institutions and policy of our Government? an edifice that had been; and as such their laws the late Secretary of State, (Mr. Everett,) and Does he not know that abolitionism, which has so and policy could no longer shed light on the path seems to suppose that we were advocating the doc- seriously threatened the peace and safety of this of the young and vigorous people that, with Her trine of not observing the faith of treaties. That | Republic, had its origin in England, and has been culean strength, could throw off the shackles of did not put us before the country in the true posi- incorporated into the policy of that Government European instruction. In this judgment, tempered ) tion which we have assumed. My position is this: for the purpose of operating upon the peculiar inwith so much asperity, I am certain that he will That we should never make a treaty which we
stitutions of some of the States of this Confederfind few that are impartial to concur with him. cannot carry into full execution; that good faith re acy, and thus render the Union itself insecure? England may become our rival; but in her present quires us not to make a treaty unless we intend to Does she not keep her missionaries perambulating strength and vigor of manhood, she cannot but execute it, nor make one which we probably cannot this country, delivering lectures and scattering command respect and consideration from all the be able to execute. My argument, therefore, was broadcast incendiary publications, designed to inother nations of the earth. We may claim to be an argument against the making of treaties im- || cite prejudices, hate, and strife between the differher peer, but we nevertheless are her debtor. properly upon points that were unnecessary, and ent sections of this Union? I had supposed that
Sir, when we despise England, we must despise | which could not be carried into effect, and not in South Carolina and the other slaveholding States the very soil in which grew the tree from whose favor of violating any treaties that had been made. of this Confederacy had been sufficiently refreshed fruits we have been fed; we must despise Hamp- || It was an argument in favor of the sanctity of trea and enlightened by a certain species of English den, and Sidney, and Chatham, and Shakspeare, | ties; and those who make treaties profusely and literature, designed to stir up, creason and insurand Burke. Will the Senator tell me that I am to recklessly, binding us for all time to come without rection around his own fire-side, to have excused despise them, or to hate England more than any reference to the ability in future to execute them, the Senator from offering up praises and hosannas other nation? If he does, I differ from him. I do are the ones who ought to be arraigned, if anybody to our English mother! (Applause in the galleries.) not say that I have any especial love for any na should be, for not being faithful to treaty stipula- || !s not the heart, intellect, and press of England tion. It is not a word properly applicable to other tions. I wish, therefore, to make this explana- this moment employed in fooding America with nations. We love our own country—a sentiment || tion, in order that no misapprehension as to the this species of “ English literature?” Even the of patriotism inspires that feeling: But as to other position which I have assumed may be entertained wives and daughters of the nobility and the high nations, we have feelings and opinions of differ in any quarter.
officers of Government have had the presumpent kinds. For some, we have much more respect The Senator referred to a remark of mine in tion to address the women of America, and in the and regard than for others. But, sir, I say here, || regard to the decay and decline of European name of philanthropy appeal to them to engage in in my place, if the word love be a word of prefer- Powers, and made it the excuse for a eulogium || the treasonable plot against the institutions and ence, I avow it openly, that we have more sym upon England as the source from which we have | Government of their own choice in their native pathy with and are under deeper obligations to derived everything that is valuable in science and land, while millions are being expended to disGreat Britain, than to any other nation on earth. I arts, in literature, laws, and politics.
tribute “Uncle Tom's Cabin" throughout the
320 CONG....20 Sess.
Special Session-Clayton-Bulwer Treaty.
world, with the view of combining the fanaticism, has brought in debate. We can find this miser American capitalists. It was a grant to American ignorance, and hatred of all the nations of the | able sentimentality anywhere, and there are many capitalists. earth in a common crusade against the peculiar | other things which the Senator might as well have Mr. DOUGLAS. The Senator misunderstood institutions of the State and section of this Union || brought in, which would have been as pertinent I did not speak of the specific terms of the represented by the Senator from South Carolina; to the debate. He had better get up a discussion treaty of Mr. Squier, for the reason that the inand he unwittingly encourages it, by giving vent of the Maine liquor law. (Laughter.] I do not junction of secrecy has not yet been removed, to his rapturous joy over these copious and re see why he should not. It has about as much although I saw some papers friendly to the Senfreshing streams with which England is irrigating connection with the question as the other. ator putting some sections of it in the paper. the American intellect. [Renewed applause in the Mr. DOUGLAS. "I have introduced into this Mr. CLAYTON. What papers ? galleries.)
discussion none of these extraneous topics. I have Mr. DOUGLAS. A New York paper did it The PRESIDING OFFICER, (Mr. Rusk in contented myself with replying when others have the other day. I only spoke of the general terms the chair.) There must be order in the galleries. brought them forward and thrust them upon me. used by Mr. Squier, and published by the SenIf there is not, they will be ordered to be cleared. My object has been to confine the debate to the ator in 1850. But when I said that it opened to
Mr. ADAMS. I desire to ask that the gal- | points at issue between the Senator from Delaware England and to us jointly, I spoke of the Senator leries may be cleared if such an outrage occurs and myself, and I have not departed from that line having provided for that in the Clayton-Bulwer again.
except when compelled to do so by the remarks treaty. Mr. DOUGLAS. I hope it will be done. It of others.
Mr. CLAYTON. The whole contract protecis manifestly improper to have such proceedings
ted by the Squier treaty, of which I am speaking, in the galleries.
Mr. CLAYTON. The Senator from South was published two years ago, and is in a docuThe PRESIDING OFFICER. It certainly | Carolina [Mr. Butler] will recollect how this dis ment before Congress. will be done, if the same thing occurs again. cussion in open session was forced upon me. It Mr. DOUGLAS. I was speaking of the treaty.
Mr. BUTLER. I have but one word to say in was introduced here by the member from Illinois, Mr. CLAYTON. Then why did you interrupt reply to the Senator from Illinois. When I spoke ! (Mr. Douglas,) on the 14th of February, and I me! You knew I was speaking of the contract of our gratitude to England, I did not allude to the was compelled to defend myself in open session, or grant, and not of the treaty. The substance of sentimental kind of literature to which the Sena because the Senate permitted the attack to be made the treaty was published long ago. It has been tor refers. I thought I indicated the authors of in open session. I wish no concealment, and do published at least two years; and there is not anythe literature to which I referred; and I do not not mean to permit the member from Illinois to thing in it or the grant, about a partnership bethank the Senator for going out of his way, and escape an exposure in public of the misstatements tween European and American capitalists. indicating impure streams, as if they had a con he has publicly made. He shall not avoid the no Mr. DOUGLAS. Will the Senator from Delnection with my remark, for there are impure | tice of his own changes of position, by charging aware say that the Squier treaty has been published streams flowing from other sources besides Great the same things on me.
by authority? Britain; and there are impure examples in other The Senator from South Carolina justly consid Mr. CLAYTON. No, sir; but you know the parts of the world besides Great Britain. When ers that treaty as so absurd on its own face, that substance of it was published long ago, and the I spoke of it, I spoke in emphatic terms of those no President would have been justified in submit. injunction of secrecy has long since been taken off writers who have poured upon us what the Sena- || ting it to the Senate for ratification. Such a course the treaty of the 19th of April,
1850, which distor himself will not deny to be refreshing streams; would have implied his approbation of it. In the closes the principle of both. The Senator has what I hope he will regard as refreshing to him, event that England had refused all our proposals shown that he has not the slightest difficulty in and to the intelligence of the age. I named au for an equal right of passage, he might have sent speaking of either of these treaties, or of anything thors. Will he dissent from Burke? Will he dis- it to the Senate, if he had deemed it expedient, to connected with either of them. sent from Chatham? Will he dissent from Shak ascertain whether his constitutional advisers de The Senator presents new issues for discussion, speare? Will he dissent from the literature and sired an exclusive privilege to be acquired. But and changes his ground in his reply. But I mean the eloquence and the example and the tone of feel it could not possibly have in any event been con to bring him back to the poinis from which he ing of Hampden and Sidney?. Sir, when I spoke | firmed, without so changing it as to make an en seeks to escape. He has not attempted, in his in the spirit of a man judging the literature of Eng- || tirely new treaty.
reply, to fasten on me, as he endeavored to do in land, I did not expect to be diverted by this mis The Senator from Illinois has not ventured to the beginning of the debate, and as he did in his erable allusion to "Uncle Tom's Cabin." (Laugh- | deny that the treaty was unconstitutional as it | speech of the 14th of February, the charge that I ter.] That may do for an ad captandum, but it is stood. He evades that point, because he knows had, in negotiating the treaty of the 19th of April, not a manly mode of meeting what I said in rela- he cannot defend his favorite Hise treaty as a 1850, abnegated, as he expressed it, the Monroe tion to the literature of England.
constitutional measure for a moment. He dared doctrine. No, sir; he has abandoned that, and he Mr. DOUGLAS. I spoke in terms of rever not attempt to defend it, after I had exposed it. will not venture to touch it again. He has good ence and respect of the monuments and tombstones | Yet he had committed himself in favor of it by at reason to shun it, for it burnt his fingers. He which were found in England, to the great men, least four or five electioneering speeches last sum has fled from it. He cannot now vindicate a word to their patriotism, to their legal learning and mer, (one of which he made and published at he uttered on that subject. He beats a retreat. science and poetry, and all that was great and no Richmond,) and by his speeches here in the Sen Mr. DOUGLAS. No, sir; the Senator is misble and admirable. I spoke of them with respect ate so often, that he knew not how to retreat with taken. as a matter in the past; but, sir, I do not think it out discredit. When I read his Hise treaty to the Mr. CLAYTON. Then he is not willing to was a legitimate argument to go back two or three Senate, it not only shocked the honorable Senator retreat, after he has become totally silenced on the centuries past to justify English aggressions in the from South Carolina, who has just given utter- subject, and ceased to make battle. present upon this continent; and when I heard the ance to his feelings, but I will venture to say it Now, a word as to his favorite exclusive priviallusion and laudations and eulogiums upon past astonished nearly every other Senator present, lege. If we had it, it would involve us in controEnglish history in palliation of present English that any man should have been so reckless as to versies with all other nations, and would prove a enormity, I thought it was right and proper to re have maintained for years past that such a treaty curse instead of a blessing. In the event of a war mind the Senator himself of some of the present should have been sent to the Senate for confirma- between this country and any great naval power, conduct of England, which should be borne in tion. Now he is driven, by the exposure made the canal would be seized. The Senator fears mind when he pronounced eulogies upon the past. l here, to desert everything he ever said in favor of nothing-oh no, not he! He would fortify it at I am talking of the present, and its bearing upon it before, with this solitary exception, that he still both ends! Yes, sir; build a fort at both ends. the future. It is that to which I am directing my is in favor of the exclusive privilege provided for in A fort at San Juan de Nicaragua, and a fort on remarks, and not to the past.
it. All his declamation in its favor has ended in the Pacific; and then we must garrison them, and Mr. BUTLER. I should like to know how | that.
keep a standing army there. How many soldiers England is to be responsible for “Uncle Tom's Sir, it was not only objectionable on the ground would it take to garrison a fortress if England and Cabin." Is England the indorser of it? I have that it was a violation of the Constitution, but on France, or either of them, should go to war with alluded to the masterly intellects of England, and the ground that it was a gross political and en us? How many would the Senator have at San not to the spurious, miserable, sickly sentimen- | tangling alliance. The very remarks which the Juan?-how many on the Pacific? Does he suptality of the day. If such literature as that to Senator has made so often in opposition to the pose that any force that this country could possiwhich he alludes is to be taken as a standard, Eng. || treaty which Mr. Squier negotiated, and the treaty bly send there, and at that distance from us, could land is not the only place in which it is found. She l of the 19th of April, 1850, lie in justice, with all resist the other great Powers of the world, in a is no more responsible for that miserable cant in
their force, to the treaty of Mr. Hise, but not one war? He is fond of boasting (and I love to hear relation to this subject than others. But with re of them had any justice whatever when applied to it-it is quite fattering) that we are a giant Repubgard to England, in all our commercial relations, the treaties to which he has objected. Neither of lic; and the Senator himself is said to be a " little in all our connection with her as a civilized nation, them provided for any political connection or en giant;". (laughter;) yes, sir, quite a giant, and I presume the honorable Senator would not be dis- | tangling alliance.
everything that he talks about in these latter days posed to postpone her to any other nation.
I quoted, on a former occasion, the names of is gigantic. [Laughter.) He has become so magMr. DOUGLAS. I would neither postpone nor some of the most distinguished statesmen of this nificent of late, that he cannot consent to enter give her the preference. I have no eulogium to country, in favor of the principle which I had into a partnership on equal terms with any nation make upon her. I will treat her as our duty as a adopted, of opening the right of way to all nations on earth-not he! He must have the exclusive nation requires.
on the same terms; that is, on condition of protect- right in himself and our noble selves! We must Mr. BUTLER. I have pronounced no other | ion from all. But the Senator will be satisfied own the canal. Why not demand the same exeulogium than history, yields to her literature, with nothing but an exclusive right or monopoly clusive privilege at Gibraltar? What is the differcommerce, and civilization, and we are bound to vested in us. He misrepresents the contract'ob ence in principle? Why should we not seek to maintain our relations with England if we intend tained by American citizens, and intended to be obtain the exclusive right of passage into the to be a civilized nation ourselves. I made no al- | protected by the treaty of Mr. Squier, when he Mediterranean, as well as the passage across the lusion to the kind of literature which the Senator || says that grant was a grant to English as well as
320 CONG.....30 Sess.
SENATE. Mr. DOUGLAS. Will the Senator permit || fortified it and protected it, so as to compel other right of passage through it; and we have no longer
nations to respect it—he would turn round and any cause for such jealousy as was entertained by Mr. CLAYTON. If he is anxious to make give to everybody else in the world the right to go through President Jackson and Mr. Livingston, the Secremore remarks, I am willing to hear him when I it at our expense! Is not that a magnificent con tary of State, in 1831. No matter who may conhave done.
ception? When my neighbors propose to make struct this or any other canal, in any part of the Mr. DOUGLAS. I do not wish to interrupt | shall dare io spend a dollar on it. I will have the
a highway, I say: "No, you shall not. No man whole isthmus between North and South America, the Senator; but I understand him to ask me, and
we have the right to navigate it on the terms of look for an answer.
exclusive right of way! I will make the highway: the most favored nation, by virtue of the very Mr. CLAYTON. Let him be quiet. He meant
but after I have gone to the expense of making it, treaty which the Senator so violently denounces,
and while I have the sole burden of keeping up all for his own personal and party purposes. to say that one is a European and the other an American passage. That is all he had to say:
the repairs, if any of you desire to travel upon it, The Senator says, that by adopting the treaty And as the distinction is without a difference, I
on the same terms with myself, you are perfectly I have recognized the right of Great Britain or any
welcome! But take care! Dare not attempt to European nation to interfere in the affairs of this do not desire to hear him. Knowing all he was
repair it, or use any means to protect or preserve continent. This Government has, to a much about to say, I thought I could say it quite as
it from destruction—I must have the exclusive greater extent, recognized their right to claim an well myself. [Laughter.]
honor of that." A mere restatement of such a equlity of commercial privileges, from its very Sir, his are not the principles of the American li proposition seems to me to make it absolutely | origin, by every commercial treaty which it has ever Senate. His are not the principles of the forty unnecessary to comment upon it.
made. You have made your commercial treaties two men who, on the 22d of May, 1850, ratified But the Senator takes the ground that I have with all the European Powers. In each of them you the treaty. The Senator does not merely arraign || prevented the grant of the right of way from the have agreed to a certain extent that they have the me: he arraigns all those constitutional advisers
local Government. He said, again and again, that right to interfere in your affairs, and they have conof the President of the United States.
I had prevented that. It was one of the chief ob ceded the right, on your part, to interfere in their His own colleague (Mr. SHIELDS] was among jects of solicitude with me, while acting as Secre affairs. Does the Senator mean to condemn every the number who voted for the treaty. Most of tary of State, that our capitalists should obtain commercial treaty which we have ever made? the distinguished gentlemen now around me, who that. It was obtained; and on the true policy Does he think that he can make an appeal successwere here at that day, voted for it. You, your which had been recognized by all the leading | fully to the vulgar passions, in order to make this self, Mr. President, were one of the men who statesmen of this country. The treaty with Nic- | treaty odious, and thereby to make the men in the proclaimed the same principle, by voting for the aragua was negotiated under instructions from Senate of the United States who voted for it treaty with New Granada!' This doctrine of the President Taylor. It provided for the protection odious? We never made a treaty of any kind exclusive right to make, construct, and protect a of the right of way. It was presented to the Sen with a European Power which does not acknowlcanal outside the limits of the United States, was ate of the United States; and, for reasons which | edge to as great an extent, or greater, the right of not known to the statesmen ho lived fourteen I have never known, and do not know to this | European interference in the affairs of this contiyears ago. Sir, it was a stranger to the states day-after I resigned the office of Secretary of nent. He has voted for treaties which regulate men who have governed this country for a quar- | State, and had gone away from this place—it was all our tonnage and import duties, and all our ter of a century.
not acted upon. It was never rejected. No vote commercial intercourse with them. We have The Senator denied again that I had a right to was taken upon it. It was overlooked in the mass made treaties with them to control our own bounduse the great character of Jackson, with his own of business, or for some other cause it was entirely aries, and legislative arrangements to control our party, in favor of the treaty. I stated the fact neglected; and yet I am censured, forsooth, by most important political and commercial interests. that Livingston, the Secretary of State under Jack- him, one of the very men who neglected a public The Senator has rung the changes on the word son, had proclaimed, on the 20th of July, 1831, | duty, in regard to it, because that treaty did not partnership,” from day to day, until one who the hostility of this Government to anything like pass! I hear from others that he opposed it, be did not know him would suppose that we had enan exclusive privilege through that canal. The cause he preferred the Hise treaty, and that he tered into some great joint-stock mercantile establetter of Mr. Livingston to Mr. Jeffers, of that assisted in defeating it! The Senator means that lishment with England. You might as well say date, is decisive of the sentiments of President I defeated the right of way, because I did not send that all men living near a navigable river, or a Jackson, on the ground that an exclusive privilege the Hise treaty here—a treaty which, I say again, | turnpike road, or a railroad, had entered into a in any one nation would be a violation of ihe lead no Senator could have voted for, if it had come partnership, as to say that the nations of the earth ing engagement in our own treaty and every other here.
about to travel this highway on the same terms treaty of commerce with any local Government in Sir, the right of way was secured by American had entered into a partnership.” Every man Central America which should grant such an ex capitalists, aided by all the efforts the Minister in the District of Columbia has entered into partclusive privilege. He instructed Mr. Jeffers to sent by President Taylor to Central America couldnership about Pennsylvania Avenue of the same present that conclusive objection to any grant of make. The Senator ought to have known it was kind. "We all travel it on the same terms. If exclusive privilege to the Dutch capitalists who, || granted to American citizens at the very moment anybody should attempt to destroy it, we are all under the patronage of the King of the Nether he charged me with the loss of it. He has repeat- equally interested to protect it, and we would prolands, had applied for and obtained a grant to cut edly said we had obtained it by a grant to English tect it. the canal at Nicaragua. It was, as I stated before, and American capitalists. At the same time, if The reference made by the Senator to the inascertained that there was no exclusive privilege | he had read the public documents sent to Congress || structions to ourchargé d'affaires in Central Amergranted to or asked for by the King of the Nether. on a subject about which he has talked more than | ica, to prove that he was directed to oppose the lands. I said, therefore, I had the authority, in any other living man, he would have known that treaty of Mr. Hise, is evidence of a degree of favor of the doctrine of the treaty, of the Dutch statement was incorrect, and that the grant was recklessness or folly of which I should regret to Government, and its great chief himself—a man made on the application of American capitalists to accuse any Senator. Instructions plainly referon whom I have no time to pronounce a eulogy, themselves. The President did all he had a right ring to a contract are construed by him to refer to but who has been eulogized by men who were to do to encourage and protect it.
a treaty. I endeavored to correct him at the time quite as capable of conferring distinction, by any. If these capitalists construct a ship canal, Eng- he referred to the instructions, but in vain; and thing they might say, as even the Senator from land will protect it, the United States will protect on he went to his own manifest destiny. The very Illinois himself. At the distance of nearly a quar- | it, and every other civilized nation we apply to passage he quoted distinctly proves him to have ter of a century ago, when desiring to open the will protect it when accomplished; because no na entirely misrepresented the instructions. He has great avenue to the Pacific, he did not dream of tion can be or ought to be entitled to use it, except confounded the “charter or grant of the right of such a thing as the exclusive privilege. His con upon the terms of agreeing to protect it. England | way,” made to “the proprietors of the canal,' tract, which I have before me, provided for open agrees, by the treaty, to assist us, not only in with a treaty to protect it. His remarks on this ing the canal which he projected, to all the nations protecting this ship canal, but any railroad or ship subject, compared with the quotation which he of the earth on the same terms; and, in fact, there canal that can be made through the whole isth- | has made from the instructions, will convict him is not a principle established by the Senate in its We have no interest, that I am aware of, | without any exposure from me. I will quote the resolution of 1835, by the House of Representa to prefer the route by way of Nicaragua to that whole passage he has cited from my instructions, tives in its resolution of 1839, and by the concur by Tehuantepec. If we could obtain a canal route with a view to show the injustice of his remarks. rent action of Presidents Jackson, Polk, and Tay. nearer our country than either Nicaragua or Pan- | The instructions say:lor, that is not in accordance with the principle ama, we ought to prefer it. Undoubtedly, if we “See that it (the contract or grant) is not assignable to established by the capitalists who were patronized | could obtain the Tehuantepec route, we ought to others,” (meaning to others than the capitalists-the Amerby the Dutch Government. Foreigners have not prefer that; but if we cannot obtain a passage at
ican citizens who obtained it;]“ that no exclusive privileges
are granted to any nation that will not agree to the same adopted the narrow and contracted policy which a point nearer to us than the southern part of the
treaty stipulations with Nicaragua ; that the tolls to be de so commended itself to the member from Illinois, Isthmus of Darien, it is of the deepest interest to manded by the OWNERS are not unreasonable or oppres. of procuring an exclusive right over a canal which this country to have it at that point. Pains were sive; that no power be reserved to THE PROPRIETORS
OF THE CANAL OR THEIR SUCCESSORS to extort no one State could possibly maintain and protect | taken, as the Senator will know by looking into
at any time hereafter, or unjustly to obstruct or embarrass, in the face of the great commercial nations of the the correspondence, to ascertain which was the
the RIGHT OF PASSAGE. THIS will require all your earth.
most practicable route; and from all the informa vigilance and skill. If THEY do not agree to GRANT But the Senator said-and I must call the atten tion before me, including that obtained from Lord us passage on reasonable and proper terms, refuse our protion of the Senate back to the fact that when we Palmerston himself, as well as from my own coun
tection and our countenance to procure the contract from
Nicaragua. had obtained the exclusive right, he would not trymen, the route believed to be the most easily
“If a CHARTER or GRANT OF THE RIGHT OF keep it-not he! He was too liberal, too gener practicable was through Nicaragua. Whether it WAY shall have been incautiously or inconsiderately made ous, too fair towards other nations of the earth to is the best route, I am not at all interested to af- || before your arrival in that country, seek to have it properly keep any such thing! As soon as he obtained firm or deny; for if a ship canal can be obtained | modified to answer the ends we have in view.” his exclusive right, and made his canal, and had anywhere through that isthmus, the treaty I signed The Senator's ignorance of this plain language the monopoly of navigating it; as soon as he had protects it, and insures to my countrymen the || is unaccountable. He had confounded the grant
32D CONG.....30 SESS.
Special Session— Clayton-Bulwer Treaty.
of the right of way or charter to the company of It is impossible to reason with one who says he friend from Massachusetts. I approved of all the Americans who asked for it, with the treaty between does not understand the object for which this pas- | policy of President Fillmore in regard to Cuba, Nicaragua and this Government. sage in the dispatch was written.
while my friend, the Senator from Massachusetts, I interrupted him, and explained it to him; and But he has quoted another passage from the (Mr. Everett,) was at the head of the Departthe more clearly it was made to appear that he same dispatch. I could not wish to expose him ment of State. was wrong, the more strongly he seemed to adhere more effectually than by quoting it myself. It is President Taylor, at an early period of his adto his error. He knew well enough that the word as follows:
ministration, was informed of the substance of “us "referred to our countrymen. The instruc “ You may suggest, for instance, that the United States Mr. Forsyth's letter, which has been since pub
“ If they (the company) do not agree and Great Britain should enter into a treaty guarantying lished, instructing our Minister at Madrid to say to grant us (Americans) passage on reasonable the independence of Nicaragua, Honduras, and Costa Rica,
to the Spanish Government that we would defend which treaty may also guaranty to British subjects the and proper terms, refuse our protection," &c. He privileges acquired in those States by the treaties between
the title of Spain to Cuba, with all the naval and knew well enough what this meant; yet he put to Great Britain and Spain, provided that the limits of those military power of the United States. I thought me the question: "Was he [l] one of the com States ou the east be acknowledged to be the Caribbean it impolitic, as it led, of course,
to a similar company, and therefore authorized to use the word
munication to Spain from Great Britain and France. <ius,' when speaking of the rights and privi After citing this, he gravely asks me, “What The French and English Governments, being ap
leges to be acquired of a foreign nation through his has become of my objection to the guarantee of prised by Spain of our guarantee against them, of 'agency as Secretary of State?” He surely did the independence of Nicaragua?" His question course, I thought, would give her a similar guarnot mean, by putting such a question to me, to in- scarcely deserves an answer. Great Britain was antee against us. The assurance of the United sinuate that I was one of the company of " capi- in possession of the country, in virtue of the pro- | States, Great Britain, and France, thus made to talists, proprietors, and speculators who might tectorate, and we were not; and the proposition Spain, virtually guarantying Cuba to Spain, was become the owners of the charter." If he did, I made to her was, that she should not only aban- | equal in efficacy to any tripartite treaty that could will not charge him here with falsehood, but, with don it, but also guaranty the independence of the have been concluded. By the President's direcall possible politeness, I will prove him to be guilty | Central American States adjoining the proposed tion, I did not continue the assurance on our part. of it.
canal. The Senator is incapable of perceiving the I allude to this as illustrating the identical policy Mr. President, I do not at all object to any state. difference between a treaty of the United States adopted by my honorable friend from Massachument of the fact that I utterly disapproved of and Nicaragua, guarantying the independence of setts in his letter to the Comte de Sartiges. Our the Hise treaty. I only complained of his mis- Nicaragua, and a treaty of the United States and Minister at Madrid was instructed, on the 2d of representations in regard to it. His statement Great Britain jointly, on the one part, and Nic- || August, 1849, that the President could not comthat the clause guarantying the independence of aragua on the other, for the same purpose. If prehend or appreciate the motives or expediency Nicaragua was not one of the reasons which in Great Britain had joined us in such a treaty, we of openly declaring to Spain that the whole power duced me to withhold the Hise_treaty from the should have readily reached our whole object. She of the United States would be employed to prevent Senate, palpably incorrect. To sustain him- | refused to accede to this proposition; and it was the occupation, in whole or in part, of Cuba from self in his assertion, he refers to my letter to Mr. palpably a suggestion to ascertain her views. The passing into other hands, because he had reason Lawrence, of the 20th October, 1849. The very separate guarantee of independence by us alone, io believe that this declaration of Mr. Forsyth, on passage he has cited shows that “ if our effort to was indeed an objection to the Hise treaty, and it our part, had led to counter declarations to Spain place, by our own arrangement with the British was one among many other objections which made of a similar character by other interested Powers; Government, our interests upon a just and satis the whole insurmountable. Our separate guaran- | that whilst this Government was resolutely defactory foundation should prove abortive, (that tee was a guarantee against Great Britain, the termined that the Island of Cuba should never be is, upon the foundation of equal privileges in the party in possession. A joint guarantee with her ceded by Spain to any other Power than the Unitreaty,) then the President will not hesitate to was liable to no such exception, and could not ted States, it did not desire, in future, to enter into submit this or some other treaty” (that is, the possibly entangle us.
any guarantees with Spain on that subject; that, treaty of Hise or the treaty of Squier; the one for The Senator is guilty of so many other mis- without guarantees, we should be ready, when the exclusive privileges, or the other for equal privi- statements, that it is a difficult matter to correct time came, to act; that the news of the cession of leges to all nations)." which may be concluded by them all. He says that I voted for the Mexican Cuba to any foreign Power would, in the United the present chargé d'affaires to Guatemala, to the treaty of peace—the treaty of Guadalupe Hidal- | States, be the instant signal for war; and that no Senate of the United States for their advice.” It | go-according to his recollection. His recollec- foreign Power would attempt to take it that did was a threat, if you please, that if the British tion is in this respect, as in many others, entirely not expect a hostile collision with us as an inevitaGovernment continued to occupy Central Amer at fault. The record shows that I did not vote ble consequence. ica as they had done, and should refuse to yield upon the treaty.
This discontinuance, or revocation, of Mr. Forus the right of passage through the isthmus on His statement that the Hise treaty was evidence syth's declaration, which had bound this Governequal terms with them, then we would submit, of the fact that Nicaragua was willing and anxious ment for so many years, was not exactly a refusal when we could obtain no justice from Great Bri to grant to the United States forever the exclusive to agree to such a tripartite convention, as was tain, some treaty to the Senate which would grant right and control over a ship canal between the very properly rejected by my honorable friend us the right of way on the most favorable terms, iwo oceans, is contradicted by the letter of Car from Massachusetts, but it was the first instance without regard to the interests of Great Britain. cache, the Nicaraguan minister, who declares she | in which this Government gave unmistakable eviWe should have been perfectly justified in endeav- | rejected it after it had been signed by Señor Selva, | dence of its policy not to agree to any such conoring to exclude her, if we saw evidently that she the commissioner on her part. The treaty was vention. intended to exclude us; and we desired her fairly evidence of extreme folly, and of little else beside. Sir, the Senator said that I had abolished the to understand that. The very quotation from the The Senator recurs again to his objection that Monroe doctrine. If I have really done that, I instructions to Mr. Lawrence which he has made, the convention will not permit us to annex Cen have done more than I ever thought I was capable proves that he himself well knew that my refer tral America, and points with triumph to a pas of doing. If I have done that, I have abolished a ence to the Hise treaty was nothing more than a sage in the letter of my distinguished friend, the fruitful source of controversy between my own threat, that if we could not obtain equal privileges Senator from Massachusetts, [Mr. Everett,) to country and other nations. But how and in what with Great Britain with her own consent, we the Comte de Sartiges, in which he expresses a
sense have l abolished the Monroe doctrine? One would have them in dispite of her. With a view doubt whether the Constitution would permit us, of the principles on which I acted, in the formato expose his misstatements on this subject, 1 || by the tripartite treaty proposed by France and tion of the treaty, was the exclusion of a Euroquote from the dispatch to Mr. Lawrence-the England, to declare that we would never purchase | pean nation from further interference on a part of very passage on which he pretends to rely: Cuba. The Senator from Illinois held this up as this continent. Was that exclusion an abolition “If, however, the British Government shall reject these a conclusive authority to prove that the treaty of
of the Monroe doctrine? Will he tell me of any overtures on our part, and shall refuse to cooperate with us the 19th April, 1850, was unconstitutional. "He instance in the history of this country, in which in the generous and philanthropic scheme of rendering the did not venture to argue this position. The treaty any other Administration has carried out the Moninteroceanic communication, by the way of the port and river San Juan, free to all nations upon the same terms, we
of 1850 was referred to the Committee on Foreign roé doctrine in the same way, or in any other shall deem ourselves justified in protecting our interests in
Relations, of which Daniel Webster, of Massa- | way? Can he find any other instance in which dependently of her aid, and despite her opposition or hos chusetts, was at the time a member, who joined there has been the slightest approximation to it. tility. With a view to this alternative, we have a treaty with the State of Nicaragua, a copy of which has been sent
in reporting the treaty and in voting for it: did he As to the Indian protectorate in Nicaragua, I to you, and the stipulations of which you should unresery
not understand the Constitution? Without refer- have only to say of it as I said before, “ Stat noinedly impart to Lord Palmerston. You will inform him, ring to all the other distinguished jurists who voted | inis umbra"—it stands, the shadow of a name! however, that this treaty was concluded without a power or for it, or to the numerous treaties in which this The Senator is fond of talking violently about instruction from this Government; that the President had Government has defined the limits of its own driving European nations from this continent. no knowledge of its existence, or of the intention to form it, until it was presented to him by Mr Hise, our late chargé
territory as perpetual, including the Ashburton When he discourses in such magnificent terms as: d'affaires to Guatemala, about the first of September last; treaty, and the treaty of Ghent, and the treaty he employed a few years ago, about " fifty-four and that, consequently, we are not bound to ratify it, and will take no step for that purpose, if we can, by arrange
with Mexico, and I know not how many others, forty or fight,” he does no harm among his own
I ment with the British Government, place our interests upon
say to the Senator from Mlinois, that I acknowl- countrymen. We all know exactly what it means. a just and satisfactory foundation. But if our effort for this edge a wide distinction between the purchase of But when these speeches reach the other side of end should be abortive, the President will not hesitate to Cuba and the annexation of Central America. the Atlantic, they have a different effect. They submit this or some other treaty which may be concluded by the present chargé d'affaires to Guatemala, to the Senate
Cuba was not in the possession of Great Britain, induce foreigners to believe that we are a quarrelof the United States, for their advice and consent, with a
under the name of a protectorate or otherwise. A some, violent, and aggressive race, denying to all view to its ratification; and, if that enlightened body should
large part of Central America was. We had no other men equal rights with ourselves; and they approve it, he also will give it his heariy sanction, and will canal to make in Cuba. She presented no obsta are well calculated to make us odious among other erert all his constitutional power to execute its provisions in good faith-a determination in which he may confidently
cle to us in our passage to California and Oregon. | nations. We once held among them a high charcount upon the good will of the people of the United
Central America did. Sir, I do most cordially acter for probity and honor; but if it shall come States,"
concur in all the encomiums upon the letter of my bl to be understood among them that we are bent
upon seizing every country to which we may take chaplains of Congress, the judges of the United States, ularly the rates at which anthracite, American bituminous, a fancy, we shall be looked upon as pirates and
foreign ministers and their secretaries, and officers who by and English bituminous were respectively offered ; und enemies of the human race. Then it will be found
ninme shall have received the thanks of Congress, or medals whether, after these offers had been made, a contract at
by a vote of Congress, shall, each time before being ad higher prices was not entered into with Messrs. Howland & that, instead of maintaining the highest position niitted upon the floor, enter their names, together with the Aspinwall for English coal. upon earth, we have descended to the lowest, and official position in right of which they claim admission, in “That the Secretary be further required to inform the the sun of our glory will set forever. I am, and
a book to be provided and kept at the main entrance to Senate whether, previous to the time of contracting for the
the Senate Chamber; and no person except members of supply of the said squadron with coal, the Government had profess to be, an American in heart-every inch the Senate shall be allowed within the bar of the Senate, not regularly-authorized agents employed for the express an American; as determined to assert and enforce or to occupy the seat of any Senator.
purpose of purchasing and inspecting all coal necessary for respect for American rights, and the duty of pro
the supply of the Navy, and what commission the said agents WITHDRAWAL OF PAPERS.
received by way of compensation for their services. That tecting American interests at home and abroad, as any man; but I am also resolved to assert and
The PRESIDING OFFICER, (Mr. COOPER
he be required further to inform the Senate whether Messrs.
Howland & Aspinwall were not appointed agents to pur. maintain American faith and honor. Let us proin the chair.). The Secretary of the Board to
chase and inspect the whole or a greater part of the coal claim it among all the nations of the earth that
examine the claims of Lieutenant Colonel Frémont, necessary for the supply of the Japan squadron; whether there does not exist under the sun a people more has addressed a letter to the President of the Sen the cominissions allowed them are not double the amount
of those allowed and paid to the regular purchasing and proud of observing and maintaining their treaties ate requesting permission to withdraw a report
inspecting agents; whether the said commissions are not and all their contracts than the people of the Unisubmitted on the 29th December last, with the
counted on the gross price of coal-Damely, on the price ted States. Let us discountenance this system
view of correcting certain errors. Will the Senate with freight, exchange, and insurance added. That he be now practiced by the Senator from Illinois and grant the leave asked for?
required also to inform the Senate what quantity of coal it others among us, of denouncing Europeans, and
Mr. WELLER. Let that lie over until I can
is estimated will be required for the supply of the said squad
ron annually, and what kind principally will be used; what of inculcating it as a duty to hate the men of any
have an opportunity of seeing what that report is. ambunt of demurrage has been paid, and for what quantity other nation. I cannot express my sentiments on
It accordingly went over.
of coal, for what length of time, and to whom; also, what the subject in more appropriate terms, than by On motion by Mr. COOPER, it was
rate of demurrage is to be paid hereafter." asking the Secretary to read a passage from the Ordered, That Daniel Nippes have leave to withdraw
Whilst the remark exempts the Secretaries of Farewell Address of the Father of his Country. certain papers from the files of the Senate.
the Navy from censure and blame, it leaves but Let us refresh and strengthen ourselves, at the On motion by Mr. ADAMS, it was
one inference, that it may be applicable only to close of this turbulent debate, by a resort to that
the head of the Naval Bureau, my friend and con
Ordered, That leave be given to withdraw the papers on fountain whose bright waters have never failed to the claim of Clemens, Bryant & Co., from the files of the
stituent Commodore Shubrick, than whom no ono Senate. invigorate us.
in the public service could be less liable to such a The Clerk read it, as follows:
On motion by Mr. JAMES, it was
censure. “Nothing is more essential than that permanent inveterate Ordered, That Margaret Barnett have leave to withdraw
In fact there was no contract entered into by antipathies against particular nations, and passionate at her papers from the files of the Senate.
the Navy Department, either by the Secretary tachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place
himself or the head of the bureau, with Howland
XECUTIVE SESSION. of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be
& Aspinwall, for coal, in the proper acceptation cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another an On motion by Mr. MASON, the Senate prohabitual batred or an habitual fondness is, in some degree,
of the term contract. The Navy Department, by ceeded to the consideration of Executive business, | express law, and in change of an old regulation, a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty
and after some time spent therein, the doors were is authorized to purchase coal for the use of the and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another reopened, and
Navy. The mode of making such purchases is disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay The Senate adjourned. hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and in
left to the judgment of the Secretary, under his tractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute
official responsibility. In carrying out the prooccur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed,
visions of this law, the late Secretary of the Navy, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill will and
THURSDAY, March 17, 1853.
Mr. Graham, appointed Howland & Aspinwall as resentment, sometimes impels to war the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy, The Government
agents to supply the Japan squadron with coal. sometimes participates in the national propensity, and
Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. C. M. Butler.
To enable them to do so with certainty and preadopts, through passion, what reason would reject; at other The PRESIDENT presented a communication cision, that is, as to quantity and place, they are times it makes ihe animosity of the nation subservient to
from the Department of the Interior, in answer to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and other
subject to the requisition and orders of the head sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, some
a resolution of the Senate of the 21st instant, trans of the bureau. For their services as agents, thus times, perhaps, the liberty of nations, has been the victim. mitting a report from the Commissioner of Indian | appointed, they receive a stipulated commission,
“So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for Affairs; which was ordered to lie on the table and previously agreed upon between themselves and another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the be printed.
the Secretary of the Navy. The only function to favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest
be performed by the head of the bureau is strictly exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, be
On motion by Mr. HOUSTON, it was
ministerial, that is, to make a requisition on the trays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of ihe latter, without adequate inducement or justification.
Ordered, That the vacancies in the Select Committee on
agents, and to pay their bills when duly presented It leads alsó to concessions to the favorite nation of priviFrauds, &c., occasioned by the expiration of the terms of
and authenticated. leges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation
Mr. UNDERW00D and Mr. Brooke, be filled by the Chair. Commodore Shubrick, the head of the bureau, making the concessions, by unnecessarily parting with what And Mr. Morton, and Mr. THOMPSON of Ken- | confining himself strictly in the sphere of his of ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, illwill, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom țucky, were appointed.
ficial agency, has done nothing more nor less than EQUAL PRIVILEGES are withheld. And it gives to On motion by Mr. WELLER, it was
carry out the stipulated arrangements of the Secambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote
retary of the Navy. He could have no inducethemselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray or sac
Ordered, That the vacancy in the Select Committee on rifice the interests of their own country, without odium, the Mexican Boundary, occasioned by the expiration of the
ment to do anything else; and I will answer for sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appearterm of Mr. CLARKE, be filled by the President.
it, sir, that if anything had depended on his disances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable And Mr. Fish was appointed.
cretion, it would have been performed with good deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public
judgment and honorable purpose. I have no doubt good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corrup
COAL FOR THE JAPAN EXPEDITION. that the honorable Senator from Pennsylvania had tion, or infatuation."
Mr. BUTLER. I ask unanimous consent to no intention of saying anything to wound the Mr. President, have done. The first resolu make an explanation connected with some remarks feelings or touch the honor of my honorable friend tion which I offered, calling for information, has of the Senator from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Cooper,]
and constituent. been passed, and the other may sleep upon the the other day, reflecting on a constituent of mine, Mr. COOPER. The Senator from South Carotable, if I can be assured that the information who is one of the officers of this Government. lina certainly did me no more than justice, when he sought by it can be had, as it ought to be, without Unanimous consent was given.
said that I intended to cast no reflection upon Comit. I am quite indifferent to its fate. My chief Mr. BUTLER, The Senator from Pennsyl
modore Shubrick. I did not intend to convey the object was to defend my own position, and that vania, (Mr. Cooper,] the other day, in introdu idea that Commodore Shubrick had acted dishonobject has been accomplished.*
cing certain resolutions, which I hold in my hand, | estly, or perhaps even improperly. I believe I The further consideration of the subject was made the following remark:
stated at the time that the contracts were made by then postponed until to-morrow.
“ He meant to cast no reproach on the late Secre the Bureau of Construction and Supply, and it is
tary of the Navy or his predecessor; they were both high- l probable that if I had reflected a moment, I would ADMISSION TO THE FLOOR OF THE SENATE. minded and honorable men, men of character and integri
have known that Commodore Shubrick was at the Mr. FISH submitted the following resolution
ty; but nevertheless these contracts have been made by the for consideration: bureaus possibly without their knowledge. He desired to
head of that bureau. But there is one suggestion have this information; and he hoped the resolution would in that letter that I think had better have been left Resolved, That the 48th rule of the Senate be amended now be passed."
out. by inserting after the word “Treasury,” the words "Secretary of the Interior," and also by adding the following to
The resolution is as follows:
Mr. BUTLER. It is not a letter. It is my the rule :
“ Resolved, That the Secretary of the Navy be, and he own memorandum from his conversation. No person except members and officers of the Senate is hereby, required to communicate to the Senate ihe con Mr. COOPER. He states that there is no conshall be adınitted at either of the side doors of the Senate tract entered into with Messrs. Howland & Aspinwall tract entered into. There is no contract, perhaps, Chamber, and all persons claiming admission on the floor, for supplying the Japan squadron with coal, the price per excepting members and the Clerk of the House of Repre ton which the said coal will cost delivered in the Chinese
made with the persons who furnish the coal, but sentatives for the time being, the heads of the several De seas, the amount of commissions and insurance; respective they are appointed agents, and ex officio their duty partments, the Private Secretary of the President, the ly, together with the rate of exchange which the Govern
is to furnish coal, and they become in law conment will be required to pay for such of the coal as may * CORRECTION.--An error occurred in the publication of
tractors with the Government. Now, sir, let me be purchased in England. Mr. Clayton's speech of the 15th instant. Nineteen lines “That the Secretary be also required to inform the Sen say further, that instead of paying a commission at the foot of the first column of page 268 of the Appendix ate whether offers were made by other parties than Messrs. of five per cent., which the regularly-authorized to the Congressional Globe, beginning "Mr. Douglas. I Howland & Aspinwall, to supply the above-named squad
agents of the Government are entitled to receive, never said that I would not,” &c., were inserted by mis ron with coal, by delivering the same at such places as take. Also, two paragraphs at the top of the second column might be designated in the Chinese seas, the prices per ton
these men receive ten per cent. In addition to of the same page.
at which these parties proposed to deliver it, stating partic- || that, by the bills, as they will be seen in the return