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32. Cong..... 30 Sess.

Special Session-Clayton Bulwer Treaty.

SENATE.

man.

it is to be credited, but which he thinks ought to your own organ, to inform me of your views to interfere for the protection of its citizens or subbe discredited, because it was made by an English- the letter of Mr. King himself. It is conclusive |jects against oppression and outrage, have been

I produced it for the very purpose of show- of the fact that the Senator, and all others who abolished by the treaty of 1850. We should be as ing how Englishmen understood the subject, | voted for or against the treaty, perfectly under- prompt to demand reparation for wrongs done to when they sought from Mexico and not from stood at the time that the territory of British Hon- an American citizen by Honduras as by any other Guatemala the confirmation of their claims on duras was not included in the treaty! All under- State or country, without in any way violating the British Honduras, under the treaty of 1786, and stood it then; but a few have said they did not treaty. We know that in the case of the island obtained the ratification of them by the treaty with understand it so, and a few others try to prove it || (Tigre) I have mentioned, the occupation was disMexico in December, 1826. The map does con- is not where their own official organ declared to avowed promptly. Let us wait patiently, and clusively prove this, as it was made from “the me they perfectly understood it to be when the learn how the facts really are, before we proclaim original survey, in the archives of Guatemala"her- treaty was ratified by them. They try to convict the perfidy of any nation. But, without blusterself. But I ask again, why is it that all English | their own organ, appointed by them to communi-ling, let us be firm in executing the observance of authorities are to be wholly disregarded, and all cate with me, of a misstatement, or to convict the whole treaty when our intervention is really the mere pretensions of Guatemala are to be viewed themselves of ignorance. The late Senator from necessary to enforce it. with perfect confidence? He says we are bound North Carolina, (Mr. Mangum,) who, with Mr. Having done with the honorable Senator from to receive her assertions, because she claims it. Webster, was on the Committee on Foreign Re- || Virginia, I will now pay my respects again to the I deny that she claims it; and if she did, does not lations at the time, stated that every member of member from Illinois, (Mr. Douglas.) He adGreat Britain also claim it under a grant from that committee understood the treaty precisely as dressed a speech to his partisans in the galleries Mexico ? and has she not been in the undisputed | their chairman understood it.

on all the topics used to excite and inflame the pop: possession of it ever since Guatemala had exist

My object in offering the second resolution was ulace. When defeated on one point, he shifted ence as a State? The honorable Senator may well to give the new Adminisiration a fair opportunity to another. From glorifying Hise's treaty, (as express doubts of the conclusion arrived at in his of examining and deciding for itself the question | he has done for two years,) he shrunk back, when report, since he has had time to look into the (without any previous committal of this body) its folly was exposed, to a mere assertion that he many other authorities to which I referred him, whether the little islands of Roatan, Bonaca, Util- only preferred it because it gave us the exclusive and io which he has made not the slightest excep- || la, Barbarat, Helena, and Morat, are or are not right of way. What has become of his Monroe tion.

within the limits of the State of Honduras. If doctrine, which was the chief objection he made It is true, as the Senator states, that Mr. Web- they are, and the reports of English occupation to the treaty? He has abandoned it-fled from it, ster did, in a letter to Mr. Murphy, of the 6th of of them be irue, then the treaty has been violated. and has not a word to say in its defense? What August, 1841, speak of the Irishman, John Galin- | So, too, if the newspaper reports of the occupa- answer has he made to the glaring evidence of the do, as “ Colonel Galindo, a distinguished officer tion of Truxillo and Limas, in Central America, gross unconstitutionality of the Hise treaty creain the Central American army,” and of his mis- be true, that would be matter for immediate atten- ting a corporation to dig a canal more than a thousion to England as being accredited by the Gov- tion on the part of this Government. I will, as I sand miles from the utmost limits of the United ernment of Central America." But it is also true have already said, go as far as he that dare go States ? Not a word! He is equally silent now on that Mr. Murphy, writing from Guatemala on furthest in vindication of the national honor and every other topic connected with the treaty, upon the 20th January, 1842, informed Mr. Webster of || the integrity of the treaty. We are bound on our which he harangued the populace for the last iwo the imposition which caused his mistake. The part faithfully to observe this and all other trea- years, except the single matter of the exclusive Irishman, John Galindo, now called in the report ties, and to see that other nations observe them | privilege. On that point he is yet sure he is right, “Don Galindo," "the Minister," was, as I said, when we are interested in them. I do not desire and it is my duty to expose him. an impostor; and the letter of Mr. Murphy proves any hasty action on the subject; and whether the I will begin by simply reading the names of the that there was a gross misrepresentation of his Secretary of State shall keep the subject under || Senators who voted for the treaty of 1850, proviofficial character, even in the letter of Alvarez consideration until the next session of Congress, | ding against any exclusive privilege in any one himself. Who could rely on such testimony, or report immediately, I wish to leave entirely to nation, and extending the privilege of passage to even if it had stated that Balize was in Guatemala ? || his own discretion. Let the Executive have full all nations. The vote stood: Sir, I submit that there is no shadow of evidence time to collect information and decide for itself. “ YEAS–Messrs. Badger, Baldwin, Bell, Berrien, Butler, left to sustain the position that Balize is or ever Let nothing be decided in a hurry.

Cass, Chase, Clarke, Clay, Cooper, Corwin, Davis of was in the State of Guatemala, and knowing that The member from Illinois (Mr. Douglas) says

Massachusetts, Dawson, Dayton, Dodge of Wisconsin,

Dodge of Iowa, Downs, Felch, Foote, Green, Hale, HousI have fully refuted the report, I leave it.

again, that Great Britain still remains in posses- TON, HUNTER, Jones, King, Mangum, Mason, Miller, As to my letter to Mr. Bulwer, which is a sion of Central America. He says she has not Morton, Norris, Pearce, Prati, Sebastian, Seward, Shields, counter-declaration to prevent a misconstruction relinquished "an inch" of it. This only proves

Smith, Soulé, Spruance, Sturgeon, Underwood, Wales,

and WEBSTER-42. of his letter of the 4th of July, 1850, the chairman that he has not read the official papers before us, "NAYS-Messrs. Atchison, Borland, Bright, Clemens, was perfectly right in his report that it did not and has made a reckless assertion, without proof. Davis of Mississippi, Dickinson, Turney, Walker, Whitconsent to any alteration of the treaty, or to the The Secretary of State, in his letter before 'us of comb, and Yulee--1o.” possible inference that the eminent domain was in the 16th of February last, says that “the British I have the official list which was sent to the Great Britain at the Balize. The letter also ex- . Government does not expect to make complete || President of the United States at the time of the pressly states that the dependencies of Balize are provision against the danger to the Mosquito In- vote upon the treaty, certified in proper form by is the small islands known to be dependencies dians.”

“They consider it, however, their duty the Secretary of the Senate, showing that there of British Honduras;" it declares also, without * to do what is required by honor and humanity in were forty-iwo yeas in favor of it, and only ten contradiction, that the treaty does embrace" all ' behalf of the Mosquito nation; declaring at the naye against it, and it does not appear upon the the Central American Republics, with all their * same time, that they intend to adhere strictly to face of that paper that the Senator from Illinois just limits and proper dependencies." With the treaty of Washington of the 19th April, 1850, did vote on either side. these facts before him, any man may decide the ' and not to assume any sovereignty, direct or in- Mr. DOUGLAS. I may as well here make an honorable chairman's appeal from the Senate to direct, in Central America." The British have explanation of the point that the Senator is raising, the Secretary of State.

no right to exert any force, I repeat again, with a which he could have learned from the Secretary's The Senator from Virginia undertook to state view to the support of the pretended protectorate table, if he had chosen, without any difficulty. the facts in regard to the declaration of Sir Henry of the Mosquito king. If they do attempt it, that The Senator knows as well as any living man that I L. Bulwer, and my counter-declaration of the 4th must inevitably involve us in a controversy which was opposed to the treaty. The Senator recollecto of July, 1850. In doing this he has omitted some never can terminate honorably for us without their well an interview which took place between him of the facts. He omitted, I observe, to state that utter abandonment of any such claim. I do not and the Vice President of the United States and Congress was officially informed by me, almost pretend that either they or we cannot interfere myself, at the Vice President's seeking, in which immediately after the exchange of ratifications, with a Central American State which robs or plun- we discussed every provision in the treaty. That that British Honduras was not included in the

ders the subjects of their country, or the citizens Senator well knows that I arraigned every article treaty of 1850. He has omitted to state that the of the other. Were any of thes States to im- | of the treaty in that interview long before the vote publíc were also apprised of the fact at the very il prison our citizens, or rob them of their property, was taken. That Senator well knows that then I moment of the first publication of the treaty, and it is our duty to protect them, and after all efforts insisted upon the Hise treaty, and he well knows that no complaint was ever made of the exclusion of honorable diplomacy are exhausted, to compel | all my objections on the subject, and that we had of British Honduras from the treaty by any man a full indemnity for the wrong. It may be pos- an interview of three hours, the result of which, I till the 6th of January last, more than two years sible that Great Britain may have endeavored to apprehend, left a little irritation, in consequence of after every one knew it or had reason to know it. enforce such an indemnity for her subjects for which I suffered in my position on the commitAbove all, he omitted to state—what was pub- || torts of Honduras to them. The treaty does not tees in the Senate. Hence my opposition to the licly known here and elsewhere—that at the very protect any of these Central American States from treaty was not equivocal. By an accident in taking moment of the exchange of ratifications I was of- || punishment for outrages committed by their au- the names my vote was omitted. At the next ficially informed by Mr. King, the chairman of thority to either English subjects or American Executive session after it was observed, I called your Committee on Foreign Relations, that the citizens. Those States are only on the same foot- the attention of the Senate to the fact that the record Senate, at the time of voting on the treaty, “per- | ing under the treaty with all other independent was wrong. The whole Senate recognized the fact fectly understood that British Honduras was not nations. It is possible that assaults or threats and corrected it. The Senator ought to present included in the treaty.” If they didand they may have been lately made against Honduras on the record as corrected, and not the record which dare not deny the statement of their own official account of injuries to British subjects residing was made under a mistake. organ, the chairman of that committee-why is it there. The omission to pay damages due them Mr. CLAYTON. I present the record as it that so elaborate and persevering an effort is was the reason assigned for ihe seizure of Tigre was sent to the President of the United States, made to inculcate the absurd, notion that British Island in 1850, which was on the Pacific side of and that record never was corrected. Honduras was included in the treaty? I have the State of Honduras. Neither the law of re- Mr. DOUGLAS. That may be, but it had been here before me the letter of your own chairman- || prisals for torts, nor the right of any Government || stated in debate that I had voted; and if he had

6

32D CONG....30 Sess.

Special Session-Clayton-Bulwer Treaty.

SENATE.

States consider them

state

looked at the records of the Senate he would have in respect to the American continent; because privileges or facilities are given in the amount of toll, tonfound upon the corrected record that the error had it gave a pledge that in all time to come we nage, or other duties or charges, to the vessels or merchan

dise of any foreign Power, greater than those which the been corrected. would never annex any portion of Central Amer

vessels or merchandise of the United States would enjoy, Mr. CLAYTON. I know nothing of the fact || ica; because its objects and provisions were at by the terms of the act, in passing through the canal or in of the Senator having corrected the vote some time war with all those principles which had governed the ports at its termination, you will immediately signity

to the Government that the United after it was taken. I know not when the Execu- | all my actions in relation to the affairs of this

selves, by the terms of the treaty, as entitled to the same tive session was held. I am bound to take the continent. I am not mistaken upon this matter

advantages." Senator's own statement, but I beg to differ with || I have too many reasons to remember it. It caused

The treaty here referred to was the treaty with him in regard to the recollection in which he is so my withdrawal from the Committee on Foreign Central America of the 5th of December, 1825, confident in reference to the discussion before Relations under circumstances not agreeable to

which secured to us the privileges “ of the most Colonel King. We will settle that, however, my feelings and pride. I was in favor of the

favored nation"—the same commercial privileges when we can see him. Monroe declaration, but could not say what Con

which Central America and we ourselves ceded Mr. DOUGLAS. Very well. gress would do.

to every nation with which either of the two ReMr. CLAYTON. My recollection is different Mr. CLAYTON. Very well, then. So far

publics ever made a commercial treaty. Had from the Senator's, but at the same time I will he agrees with me; and as Colonel King is not

Central America or “Guatemala" granted to the present I will take his own recollection. He, a Mr. DOUGLAS. Will not the Senator from Senator, a constitutional adviser of the President, King of the Netherlands an exclusive privilege,

such as the Senator from Ilinois demands for us, Delaware concede to me that I did object to the told me, then Secretary of State, that if I en

we see that Mr. Livingston and President Jackson treaty in toto ? deavored to exclude England from Central Amer.

would have viewed it as a breach of her commerMr. CLAYTON. I will state what I under- | ica, by asserting the Monroe doctrine, he would

cial treaty with us and her commercial treaty with stood to be the position of the Senator. I under- not sustain me in that. I knew that too. Then

every other civilized State. It turned out that all stood him distinctly to object to the treaty because why did the Senator hold me up to censure before

their apprehensions were groundless. The patit deprived us of the power of annexing Central | the country, on the 14th of February last, for not

riotic and philanthropic King of the Netherlands America. asserting and carrying out the Monroe doširine?

had asked for no exclusive privilege. He differed Mr. DOUGLAS. That was one of my objec- The Senator, in reply to the remarks I made in

from the wise Senator from Illinois. The grant tions. relation to the eminent men who voted for the

to the Dutch capitalists was liberal, and offered Mr. CLAYTON. But I do not recollect any. treaty, and the other eminent men who voted for

the use of the canal to all nations on the same thing at all of the gentleman's extending, the Panama treaty, charged me with seeking to

terms. I have a copy of it before me. The SenMr. DOUGLAS. Did not Colonel King hold screen myself behind the names of those distin

ator evidently knew nothing about it when he reout a strong argument to show me that I was guished gentlemen. Forty-two Senators voted for

ferred to it. The monarch of the Netherlands was wrong in preferring an exclusive privilege, and the treaty he attacks. Twenty-nine more sus.

not a man of an illiberal, contracted, narrow, was it not said that England and Europe would tained the same principle by their votes on the

mean, and little mind. He, however, and Presnever consent that a great commercial Power Panama treaty-making seventy-one Senators.

ident Jackson, and Livingston, and Polk, and should have the exclusive privilege; and did I not | The Senator from Illinois did not utter a word

Buchanan, and all the Senate of 1835, and all the tell him that I never would ask their consent, be- against it when it passed. Three weeks afterwards

House of Representatives of 1839, and twentycause it was an American question? he had his name recorded against it. He was a

nine Senators in 1847, and forty-two Senators in Mr. CLAYTON. If the Senator will have candidate for the Presidency we all know. By

1850, and President Taylor and all his advisers, patience, I will state what recollection I have of taking ground against the treaty, he placed him

were behind the times—did not understand the the interview; and I am very confident of the cor- self in direct antagonism with all the other candirectness of my recollections. I do recollect very dates for the Presidency of both parties. By Illinois,and I may not take shelter behind their au

growth of this giant Republic like the Senator from well putting the question to the Senator: How making the treaty unpopular he killed off Cass,

thority! Johnson and Meredith, two of the Cabshall we exclude the British from Central Amer- and Clay, and Webster, and Houston, and both

inet ministers of President Taylor, among the first ica? That was the question which

I presented. the distinguished Senators from Virginia, and all || jurists and constitutional lawyers in this country, How shall we get them out? Shall we propose the others who had ever been named for the Pres

are not of any estimation when brought in compethe Monroe doctrine? Shall we endeavor to en- idency. He fired into the whole flock of his rivals

tition with him! force it? Will Congress sustain any such attempt? || shot dead, as he thought, all who could stand in

The Senator from Illinois complained that the I think the Senator will agree with me that he as- his way. How persevering he has been in attack

treaty was a European partnership. This word sured me that he did not doubt that Congress ing the treaty since we all know. We know how

“partnership" composed a large part of his adwould not. many stump speeches he has made in opposition

dress. Mr. DOUGLAS. Not at all. I only answered

He seemed to think that if he could only to it. It has been his theme by day and by night:

get the idea fixed in the American mind that we for my vote.

his grand point which entitles him to preference Thé PRESIDENT. The honorable Senator over all others is just here. He is for annulling

had gone into partnership with England, that would

make the treaty odious. So he exerts himself to from Illinois is out of order:

the treaty, and all the rest for it. He must kill Mr. DOUGLAS. If the honorable Senator asks the treaty, or it will kill him. He shows the coun

rouse the ancient prejudice against England. He

says she does not love us, and we do not love her. me if I did not so state, certainly I should be per- | try how weak Mr. Buchanan was, in endeavoring mitted, in a matter involving my own reputation Taylor was alive and well when ihe Senator comto make just such a treaty in regard to Panama.

Will he tell us what foreign nation he does love?

An American statesman, when speaking or acting for truth, to respond to the question. The PRESIDENT. The Chair objects to the menced his opposition. He now tells me I may

in a public capacity,

has no right to love any coun

try but his own. She furnishes an object large Senator answering the questions of the Senator

not take shelter behind the great names of his from Delaware in this manner: it is utterly oprivals. Why not? Henry Clay was, in his day

enough for all his affections. The great Father

of his Country, in his Farewell Address, warns posed to the usages of the Senate. and generation, a man supposed by many to have

us of the folly and danger of either loving or hating Mr. DOUGLAS. Very well. some sagacity-almost equal to his. Daniel Web

any foreign nation. As to Englishmen, when we Mr. CLAYTON. I certainly do not intend to ster, too, had some reputation. Buchanan and impeach the honorable Senator 's veracity, but I Cass have both been esieemed for their sagacity.

declared independence, we announced that we held

them as we hold men of all other nations, “enetell him that we have different recollections of the Polk had some character too. These, and fifty

mies in war-in peace friends.” The policy purconversation. I did not understand him to con- more on the list opposed to his opinion, were ac

sue here by the Senator has shown him to be clude the conversation with the declaration on his counted men whose decision was worthy of re

rather a lover than a hater of England and her part that he intended to oppose the treaty. I did | gard. The unanimous opinion of the Senate, on suppose that the arguments addressed to him had the 3d of March, 1835, against him, ought to be people. There is just as much propriety in say

ing that all the men who travel on the highway some influence on his mind, and I so informed considered as worth something. The unanimous some of my friends at the time; and I was suropinion of the House of Representatives, on the

are partners, as that the contracting parties to this prised that he did not vote on the treaty, or, as 2d of March, 1839, also fully sustaining the prin: mercial treaty with England as a partnership, and

convention are such. He would view every comhe says, that he did vote, and vote against it. ciple of the treaty, one would think was worth

therefore objectionable. Mr. DOUGLAS. I never said that I would not something. The opinion of President Jackson

The Senator endeavored to present the questions sustain him in the assertion of the Monroe doc- ought to be held worth something, to any man

between us as party issues. When the Senator trine-never uttered such a word-never enter- who seeks the good will of the Democracy. But did that, he knew well that he spoke in the prestained such a thought. I could not speak for the Senator doubts about the opinion of Presi.

ence of an overwhelming majority of his own party Congress, but my own opinions and determina- dent Jackson. I will fix him on that point. He

men, not only here on the floor of the Senate, but tions were known and proclaimed to be in favor shall not escape. Edward Livingston, while Sec

above, and all around us. I made no such issue. of preventing any more European colonization on retary of State, acting under the direction of Pres.

I desired to make none. I made some remarks, this continent. I must be permitted to inform the ident Jackson, on the 20th July, 1831, addressed

to which he chose to advert, that Mr. Polk and Senator from Delaware that I am not mistaken a letter to Mr. Jefers, in Central America, in

my distinguished predecessor in the office of Secabout the conversation held with Colonel King and quiring what was the character of the cession made

retary of State had made no response whatever myself. He cannot have forgotten-he must re

on the application of the King of the Netherlands member, that I opposed the treaty then in all its by the decree of Guatemala of December, 1830: America, asking us to intercede against the en

to the implorations of the government of Central parts and provisions, for the same reason that I

relative to a canal through that country from the
Atlantic to the Pacific. President Jackson appre-

croachments and aggressions of Great Britain. I have since given for my vote against it--that I op

had to state that, as a part of the facts to explain posed it because it surrendered the exclusive priv- hended it might be a grant of exclusive privileges, | the history of the Monroe declaration; but I thought ilege which we might enjoy by the Hise treaty;

that I endeavored, in the course of the remarks because it abrogated the Monroe doctrine; be- | Mr. Livingston, by his direction, wrote to Mr.

which I made to the Senate, to show that Mr. cause--because because it proposed an alliance Jeffers:

Polk was right, according to the principle upon with England and the other European Powers “Should you find, on inspecting the act, that particular II which I supposed he acted, which was, thai as

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the Monroe declaration which he recommended penditure? Because we want a rod—a rod! Sir, was to be under the control and protection of Engto Congress had never been confirmed by either I think it would prove to be a rod to inflict injuries land in conjunction with this country. I do not branch of Congress, he therefore refused to act upon ourselves. We want nothing but the right of raise a question as to how the canal shall be made, upon it. I thought he was right in not regarding way there. We proposed that no nation should whether by a company or not; but I say, if we his own declaration as the principle upon which go through that canal, unless she agreed to pro- are to enter into a guarantee, let it be a guarantee the Government should be administered, until it tect it. In case they agreed to protect it, we of Americans and not of British; let it be a guarhad received the sanction of the Congress of the should want no forts, no garrisons, and no naval antee on our own account, and not in partnership United States. I thought I had exonerated him force to guard what none could attack. But, on with England. That was my position. from the imputations which I have often heard the other hand, if we were to adopt the plan of Mr. CLAYTON. He has shifted again. But made against him. If the gentleman wishes to the Senator, we should have to keep a standing he cannot escape by it. I will meet all the issues press me into a discussion of a party character, army in that country to protect it, in the event of he has made, and all the new ones he can invent. I know 110 good reason why I'should avoid it a war between us and foreign nations. What The speech he made on the 14th of February will with him; but I desire not to mingle up at all in would be thought of a man who should purchase | convict him (if now read) of having preferred the the debate, upon this question with regard to the a farm, and then, after he had gone to the ex- very treaty made by Mr. Hise without any of his true history of a treaty, anything of a party char- pense of putting it in order, invite everybody to present qualifications. I have exposed it, and he acter.

come and till it, but should direct them to take has become ashamed of it. He now qualifies his Sir, I do not come here for the avowed purpose care that they should pay no part of the expense position, so that he is only in favor of so much of of opposing the President of the United States. I of keeping up the repairs, nor any part of the Mr. Hise's treaty as secured to us the exclusive mean to make no factious opposition to his admin- taxes upon the land? I do not know that this or any right. That he is for. Let us see now how soon istration. I mean to support him so far as I can other illustration can make his proposition seem he will change from that. If he is for the excluconscientiously, and oppose him only when I am more preposterous than it does on its own mere sive right ceded in the treaty of Mr. Hise, he is bound in conscience to oppose, if unfortunately statement.

of course for the consideration on which that right his administration should require opposition. I But an important objection to the obtaining of was ceded. As an honest man, he would not take stand pledged to no party and no set of men to such a grant as that, from a foreign Government to the grant and then refuse to pay for it. Then he make opposition to him merely because he has the United States, for the construction of a canal is for an entangling alliance, against which he has been elected as a Democrat to the Presidency of by the United States is, that it is unconstitutional, said so much. the United States; and it will give me great pleas- uiterly and absolutely unconstitutional. I said, Mr. DOUGLAS. Not at all. ure, through the whole course of his administra- before the Senator addressed the Senate, that I Mr. CLAYTON. Why, sir, the consideration tion, to sustain him here on the floor of the Senate, || did not know that there was a man on this floor for which the right was to be ceded, as I have if I can.

who would contend that this Government had the shown from the treaty itself, was an engagement All the objections of the Senator dwindle down power, under the Constitution of the United States, on our part to guarantee the title of Nicaragua, at last, as I have said, to a single point that the to construct a canal in Nicaragua, a railroad in and to fight her battles, and “put down all the wars treaty ought to have been a treaty for the exclu- China, or to build turnpikes in England, or any and bloodshed arising therefrom." Unless he ensive right of way across the isthmus; that the country out of the limits of the United States, or tangled us in that way, he could not obtain from error of the treaty of 1850 is, that while it obtains to charter a corporation to do such things. I said Nicaragua the exclusive right. He cannot take protection from all nations, it makes a navigable || I supposed heretofore, that the Senator from Illi- | the grant without the consideration for it. As to highway for all nations on the same terms; and nois belonged to the strict-construction school, the question, how the treaty for an exclusive privwe see that if he had negotiated the treaty, he which denied even the power to make internal im- || ilege should have been drawn, or how the Hise would have obtained an exclusive right; and he || provements in our own limits. But he goes for treaty, securing such a privilege, could have been stood up here in defense of the treaty of Mr. such a treaty as Mr. Hise's, and says that he does amended, he has evaded it. He cannot draw the Hise, which would have secured to this Govern- not like special pleading. Does the Senator mean amendments which would have made a measure ment (if it had been ratified by Nicaragua and the that a constitutional objection is mere special so objectionable reconcilable with the Constitution United States) an exclusive right. What sort pleading? Sir, I never wish any better special and the treaty with Central America or Nicaragua, of an exclusive right is it that he demands? He plea against any treaty than the Constitution of and he has not ventured to propose them. Yet thinks that the Government of the United States my country. The gentleman cannot show, by he interrupted the Senator from South Carolina, should have obtained the grant—the right to make any possible ingenuity, that Mr. Hise's plan of and said he only supported the treaty so amenda canal, and an exclusive right to navigate it; that building a canal in Nicaragua is or can be made 1 ed as to secure the exclusive privilege. forts should be built at both ends to protect it; | in any way constitutional. Who ever heard be- The Senator from Mlinois said “ that treaties and of course that we should protect it by every fore that a power could be conferred by a treaty | could not fetter or confine the limbs of this giant other means necessary. When the Government that was not conferred upon this Government un- Republic." I do not know precisely the extent to shall have made it, and when the Government der the Constitution itself? We are, says he, to which he meant to be understood; but the lanshall have established the forts, the canal, he build a canal to unite us with our possessions on guage and the manner in which the Senator apsays, will be open to everybody on the same the Pacific, and Mr. Hise's treaty provides that plied it, seemed to me to go to this extent: that terms; and thus he seeks the exclusive grant of the Government of the United States may build it. we had a country exempt from the obligations of a right of way! What does he want with it? Mr. DOUGLAS. Is the Senator really serious treaties, and that our limbs cannot be circumWhy does he prefer it to the plan adopted, of in putting it, that I insisted that the Government | scribed by treaties. We were to disregard obliopening the canal to all nations on the same should go to work and make the canal in Central gations of that description, being, like a " young terms The Senator says he would hold it as a America, or that I intimated any such thing, or giant, rising in power beyond anything that had rod—yes, a rod, io compel other nations to keep that I said a word from which such a conclusion been known in the history of the world before. the peace! He would have no more settling of could be drawn?

The Senator made the same remark in reference to islands on the coast of Central America! If any Mr. CLAYTON. The Senator repeatedly | the treaty with Mexico. There is a clause in the Government attempted it, he would shut his canal avowed himself, in all his speeches, in favor of treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo to which the Senator to them! He would also compel all foreign na- Mr. Hise's treaty. He dare not deny it.

made great objection at the time of its ratification, tions to treat us with all respect and regard, by Mr. DOUGLAS. I said that an exclusive priv- | in effect, that without the consent of the governmeans of the tremendous rod which he would hold | ilege was tendered, and a partnership privilege ments of both countries, the line established by in his hands. Let us look a little into the justice was tendered. We had a right to take the that treaty as the boundary between them, should of this thing, as regards our own country.

one or to take the other. The Secretary of State be the ullima thule-the uimost limit of our terri. It has been supposed that the construction of this chose to take the partnership in preference to the tory. Yes, sir, we plighted our faith and honor great work will cost fifty or a hundred millions of exclusive privilege. In reply to the objection, that in that treaty, confirmed as it was by more than dollars. I suppose we could not build a proper it was unconstitutional to make a canal by this two thirds of the American Senate, ihat beyond fortification at each end under less than a million Government in Central America, I told him, when that limit we would never go. Yet the Senator of dollars for each fort. We would be compelled he would demonstrate the power of the United from Illinois says that the day is coming when we to maintain a garrison there; and, in the event of States and England to make a canal jointly, I shall be compelled to violate the treaty—that a war, to maintain a large navy, such a one as would demonstrate the power of our Government treaties cannot fetter our limbs or restrict nur could resist the naval Powers of the earth. If we to do it separately; or when he would demonstrate limits. Sir, I regretted to hear it, because of the were to go to war with France, or England, or the power of the United States and Great Britain influence of that Senator in his party, as one of any other great naval Power, that, of course, to protect a British and American company jointly, their standing candidates for the Presidency. I would be one of the first points of attack. How I would demonstrate to him, by his own argument, should have regretted to have heard it from any convenient would it be for us to defend it at a dis- our power to protect a separate American com- Senator. We form the body that is to ratify all tance of two thousand miles, and send troops to pany. I never dreamed, nor is there anything in the treaties of the United States. We are the the different forts, and ships to protect our vessels my speech to show that I believed that this Gov. || constitutional advisers of the President. We are that pass through the canal! "We build it, and ernment ever was to go to work to make the canal a part of the treaty-making power. everybody is to have the benefit of the canal on there. What I did mean was, that an exclusive Mr. DOUGLAS. If it gives the Senator any the same terms, in time of peace! In war we privilege was tendered to an American company, regret that I stated that, I will explain to him alone are to defend it! The interest on a hundred under the protection of the American Government; what I did state, and thereby, I imagine, relieve millions would be six millions a year. The ex. and the same right which would authorize us to him from all his regret.

What I said was, penses of protecting and taking care of the canal protect, in connection with England, a British that the steady, regular growth and expansion and keeping it in good order, would probably, company, would authorize this Government to of this country would in all probability go ahead when added to the interest, make an annual out- protect an American company. The question was in the future as it has done in the past; that jay from the Treasury of the United States, in that not how the canal should be made, but whether you might make as many treaties as

you distant country, of not less than ten millions of its protection, and hence its control, was to be ex- please, and still they would not check our dollars. Now, why should we make such an ex• || clusively under this Government, or whether it growth, and because they could not, it was une

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less to make treaties which must of necessity be Sir, within the limits of that great State which of our own race and class, capable of sustaining violated; hence I argued against the making of you in part represent on this floor, (Mr. COOPER our institutions and of self-government, in any treaties pledging our faith not to do that which in in the chair,] Washington, in the darkest period contiguous territory which can be acquired withevitably would be done in the future. It was an of the Revolution, at Valley Forge, wintered with out the violation of any principle of justice or hu. argument in favor of the fidelity and observance his suffering soldiers, when the intelligence reached manily, I am not one that would stay the honorof treaty stipulations, and that we should not, them that France had entered into an alliance with able progress of my country. therefore, be so profuse in our pledges in cases us, and had guarantied our independence. The The day, however, will never come when an where we could not fulfill them.

glorious news ran through all the ranks of the American Senator will be justified in the declaraMr. CLAYTON. An argument in favor of American army,

and the great “Father of his tion that we intend to disobey treaties. No, sir; fidelity and observance of treaty stipulations, in- Country'stood up and waved his hat, and shouted we have been, and mean to remain, faithful to deed! The idea is, that we are incapable, from for joy, in concert with his troops! Our destiny treaties. We have often been accused of having the nature of our institutions or our character as from that moment became fixed. Every Ameri.

violated them; but the honor of our country is yet a people, of maintaining and observing treaties. can saw that we were free, whatever doubt he dear to us; and it is worth more to the true AmerMr. DOUGLAS. No, sir.

might have entertained about it before. We owe, ican than all the land that Mexico and Central Mr. CLAYTON, (laughing.) We must grow, | I repeat, our national independence to treaties. America contain. says the Senator. Our “ manifest destiny,” he And now, when we are becoming strong, shall we The Senator objects to the treaty of 1850, bemeans, is to extend our limits.

forget it? Shall not an American statesman ad- cause, under its provisions, we cannot annex the Mr. DOUGLAS. The idea is, that some men here to treaties with as much fidelity as an Eng.

Central American States. Were there no such are incapable of comprehending the growth of this lishman, or a Frenchman, or one of any other na- treaty, he could not annex them till he had first nation. A few years ago, it was supposed that tion? Shall he not rejoice that his country does overrun Mexico, and broken the treaty of Guadawe could never extend beyond the Alleghanies. || stand by her honor? I trust that no idea of our lupe Hidalgo. Nay, he must first annex the West „There were those who thought that

growing importance, or of the necessity of our || India Islands, and British Honduras, too. After Mr. CLAYTON. I have heard all that a dozen enlargement, will ever sink into the heart of any “swallowing Mexico," he must take in all the times.

other American Senator, to induce him to aban- other intermediate countries; and as Great Britain Mr. DOUGLAS. Then the Mississippi, then don that principle without which our country owns many of the islands and dependencies to be the Pacific was the boundary. I said that the would become a byword and a hissing among devoured, he must include the British lion-a same laws which have carried us forward must the nations.

matter not quite so easy of digestion. What an inevitably carry us further in the process of time, If we must gain more territory, let us gain it intimation is it for us to make to the world, that and that that growth will go on; and consequently honorably; The Senator from Ilinois boasts that we may some day annex these weak little sister it is unwise to make a treaty stipulation pledging he opposed the treaty with Mexico. I recollect it | Republics, thousands of miles away from us, with ourselves not to do that which our interest may very well, and I recollect the reason he gave for a population so different from ours, especially in require us to do.

voting against it. It was the very reason which he laws, institutions, and usages! I would much Mr. CLAYTON. I have given the Senator so assigned in the debate here for desiring to annul rather other nations should know the fact that San many opportunities for explaining himself to me, the treaty of 1850. He opposed that clause in the Salvador, one of these very Central American as he terms it, that now I must be permitted to Mexican treaty which fixed the limits beyond States, once applied for admission into our Union, explain him to himself. It was but the other day which we could not go, and he cannot explain and that our Government not only declined to rehe told me we must annul the Central American away his position, or shift it any longer. He then

ceive them, but treated the application as one not treaty; such was his declaration, too, on the 14th said the time would come when Mexico would be- worthy of a moment's serious regard. February last, in my absence. There is no es- come indispensable to our progress and our hap- I heard with pleasure and admiration that pascape for him from that position. There is no pro- | piness. I would recall to the recollection of gen- sage in the inaugural address of the President vision in this treaty for notice to annul it, as he tlemen who were present on the 9th day of Febru- which declared that his administration should knows, and yet he reiterated his demand for its ary, 1847, the speech made by Mr. Calhoun, of leave no blot upon his country's record, and that immediate annulment. One of his wise reasons South Carolina, on this very subject. In thrilling

no act within his constitutional control would be for annulling it was, that the British had not ob- tones he gave utterance to views which seemed to tolerated which could not challenge a ready justiserved it. With the same wisdom, a man who carry conviction to the hearts of nine tenths of fication before the tribunal of the civilized world. held a bond, whilst his debtor refused to pay, those who heard him, and told us that Mexico | How great the difference between that and the would burn it or not enforce it. Driven from this was to us FORBIDDEN FRUIT. Whenever the day

sentiments of the Senator from Illinois ! Let the position, he endeavors to shift it to what we have shall come that, in defiance of treaty limits or President adhere to these principles, and he will just heard that it is unwise, because the treaty | otherwise, we set about the business of annexing thereby disarm opposition: he will make of those must be annulled. Has he made his position any nine or ten millions of Mexicans to the United who have heretofore been strong political oppobetter? What is it that he still adheres to? He || States, the days of our Republic will be numbered. nents, some of the warmest friends he has in the insists upon it, that by some irresistible influence The Mexican people are educated in the belief that world. I put this declaration in contrast with all we are driven on in our course to such a degree no greater curse can befall a nation than that of these gigantic ideas [laughter) of breaking treaof greatness that we shall be compelled to violate | slavery, and are said to be bound by treaty to ties, and going beyond the limits of the country the treaties which we may make with foreign na- abolish it. Could we permit them to take a part in defiance of them. But if the President should, tions in regard to boundaries. We ought, he said, in the election of our Representatives and Senators in opposition to all our hopes and belief, be into nullify the treaty of 1850 at once. He now in Congress! Could we admit them to assist in duced to disregard the faith of treaties, he will says that some men cannot comprehend the growth governing us? Sir, without any reference to that hardly progress through half the period of his of this giant Republic. I do not know that there dangerous question to which I have barely alluded,

constitutional term before he will find the great is any man of ordinary intelligence who does not there are many other questions which they would heart of the American people, which is honest to comprehend it. There is no difficulty in under- have a powerful influence, and an interest in decid- the core, opposed to him, and the most sincere of standing it. We have grown to such an extent ing against us. I am opposed utterly to annexing his present friends will vindicate the justice of the already that we have a country greater than Rome them; and I do not hesitate to express that oppo- sentence against him, while they sorrow for his possessed in her palmiest days. We cover a con- sition now and at all times. The true policy of fall, liguous territory greater, perhaps, than ever was this Government is, to build up Mexico as a repub- Mr. MASON. I wish to make an explanation enjoyed by any civilized nation on earth. And lic, to sustain and cheer her by kind offices, and to in answer to a remark of the Senator from Delayet we are told that we are not capable of binding teach her, by our example, the science of self-gov- ware. As a part of the evidence on which the ourselves even by treaty stipulations to observe our ernment. If we could annex other countries as Committee on Foreign Relations had based the plighted faith, and fulfill our solemn engagement of England does, or as Rome did when she was trihonor. Iremonstrate against the declaration of such umphing over the world, the whole subject might Baced official map of the State of Guatemala.

opinion that the British settlements at Honduras a principle, or rather of such a want of all principle. I receive another consideration. Whenever we anli is nothing more nor less than this: let there be as nex, we make citizens of the people whom we

The honorable Senator examined it, and I undermany explanations on the part of the Senator from unite to us. We do not enslave them. Other stood him to say that I had committed a “mistake" Mlinois as he may choose to make—that weareinca- countries may make slaves of those whom they

when I informed the Senate, and when the compable of controlling ourimpulses and passions when subdue, and 'never permit them to take any part mittee informed the Senate, that it was shown by our interests may lead us to violate our engage in the government of their conquerors. If we

that map that the British settlements at Balize were ments." Treaties cannot fetter us,” says he. Sir, annex Mexico, we are compelled, in obedience to in Guatemala. the plighted faith of every man of honor binds him the principles of our own Declaration of Independ

Mr. CLAYTON. Yes, the Senator is correct. at all times, no matter what his interest may be, ence, to receive her people as citizens. 'Yes !

Mr. MASON. I understood the honorable Senaand the plighted faith of nations equally binds Aztecs, Creoles, Half-breeds, Quadroons, Sam- tor to say, that the map of the State of Guatemala them; and the last place from which a contrary boes, and I know not what else-"ring-streaked which I exhibited, did not show that the selileprinciple should be promulgated, is the Senate of and speckled"-all will come in, and, instead of ments at Balize were within the limits of Guatethe United States. Here, 1 repeat, we sit as the our governing them, they, by their votes, will gov- mala. I understood him to say, in language far constitutional advisers of the President of the ern us. Why do we want them or their territory? from being acceptable, that I had committed a United States; and if foreign nations come to un- Are we cramped? Are we crowded? Have we “ mistake" when I informed the Senate that the derstand that the position is taken by members more population than is necessary to fill the land

map did show it. holding a prominent party position here, that trea- which we already own? There is not a more Mr. CLAYTON. 1.wish to say again what I ties cannot be any restraint upon us, what for sparsely populated country on earth which is in- said before. The Senator sent me the map. I eign nation will ever make another treaty with us? habited by civilized men. We have hundreds of thanked him for it. I said I thought that the dotted If there be a country on earth that owes more than millions of acres of land upon which the foot of a lines upon the map indicated the boundaries of the any other to treaties, it is ours. We owe our na- white man never trod. When, in the lapse of State of Guatemala, and that if that were the case, tional existence to the old French treaties of 1778. Il time, all this shall be covered, then, if we find men

then the dotted lines round the place called Balize

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showed that the committee of the Senate had made they will see whether the Balize settlements are my conduct at one time, and at other times differa great mistake. Now, I do not know (as I then included in the State of Guatamala,

ent and contradictory reasons, I might be promptsaid) whether the Senator had observed those Mr. DOUGLAS. I have something to say in ed to seek refuge under personalities from the exdotted lines, but I think they do clearly indicate reply to the remarks of the Senator from Dela- | posure that might be made. Sir, 1 pass that all that there is a separate Territory, to which perhaps It is not my purpose to introduce any | by. the attention of the Senator had not been directed, new points in the discussion,

The Senator, as a last resort, attempted to get intended to be indicated by those dotted lines—that Mr. SHIELDS. If my colleague will give || up unkind feelings between my political friends is, the Balize. I know very well he may put a way, I will move an adjournment. He can go on and myself in regard to this debate. He endeavdifferent construction upon the map, but that is to-morrow.

ored to show that my speech was an assault upon the construction which I put on it; and I think if Mr. DOUGLAS. I am willing to give way every Senator who took a different course. He he will examine it himself carefully, he will see for that, and go on in the morning with what I went further, and charged that I, as a presidential that there was some purpose, some motive in the have to say

candidate, was pursuing this course in order to map-maker for making ihose dotted lines around On motion the Senate adjourned.

destroy and break down rivals in my own party. the country called Balize or British Honduras.

Sir, these insidious and disreputable assaults do Mr. MÁSON. Mr. President, it is no light

not disturb my equanimity. The object is to enmatter to say that a Senator, when in the course

WEDNESDAY, March 16, 1853.

list, from prejudice and unworthy motives, a symof his official duty he endeavors to give informa

pathy in the course of discussion which he has tion to the Senate, has committed a mistake; and Prayer by the Rev. C. M. BUTLER.

attempted to maintain. But I appeal to the SenI understood the Senator to say, and say dis- Mr. ADAMS. I move that the Senate proceed | ate if I assailed any Senator upon this floor, either tinctly, that in presenting this map, which I al- to the consideration of the resolution which lies in regard to the Hise treaty or the Clayton and leged did show that the settlements at Balize were

upon your table, providing that the Senate will at Bulwer treaty. I appeal to the Senate if I menin the Republic of Guatemala, I had committed a this session proceed to the election of the Secreta- tioned the name of any Senator, or stated how mistake. Now, sir, Senators have no right to ry and Sergeant-at-Arms of the Senate.

any one man had voted. I did not disclose even commit mistakes. A Senator may commit a fault. The motion was agreed to; and the resolution | how the vote stood. No citizen in America would It may be venial. There may be circumstances was taken up for consideration.

have known the vote of any Senator on this floor that will excuse it or justify it, or that will ac- Mr. ADAMS. I desire to say that in offering from my speech, or from my participation in the count for it or explain it; but a mistake in the that resolution I do not wish to be understood as recent discussion; and I have yet to learn that a course of official duty is no light matter, and I || giving any expression of opinion unfavorable to vindication of my own course involves an assault submit to the Senator, should not be lightly the incumbenis of those offices. I believe the upon those who chose to differ with me. I have charged. I understand the honorable Senator to Senate has the right to elect its own officers at the not understood the speeches of the Senator from say now, that the dotted lines round that region of

commencement of each Congressional term, and Michigan (Mr. Cass) and of the Senator from country indicated the British possessions. He I offer this resolution to assert that privilege, and Virginia, (Mr.Mason,) and of other Senators, who supposed it had escaped my atiention, and there- not to intimate an opposition to our officers. In have spoken on this question in opposition to fore I had committed a mistake. He stated to the resolution I omitted to insert the Doorkeeper, some of my views, as an attack on myself. It was the Senate that the map showed that the posses- | and therefore I move to amend the resolution by their duty to vindicate their own course, and give sions did lie in the Republic of Guatemala. Sir, || including that officer.

the reasons which prompted them; and it was my I had examined the map with great care. It had The amendment was agreed to.

right and my duty to give the reasons which inbeen before me for two months. It is mentioned Mr. BADGER. I move to strike out the words | duced and compelled me to pursue the course that in the report of the Committee on Foreign Rela- “this session," and to make it more definite, by I did. tions. It is relied upon for what it is worth by || inserting “ to-morrow at one o'clock."

I do not choose to occupy the time of the Senate the report of the committee to show where the Mr. ADAMS. I assent to that.

in a matter that partakes so much of a personal possessions are, and I can inform the Senator that

Mr. MASON. I have no objection to the character. But the Senator cannot avail himself those dotted lines did not escape my attention. || amendment of the Senator from North Carolina; of that argument in vindication of his course in If he will look at them with the deliberation and but I have an objection to going into an election | suppressing the Hise treaty. He is not supcare that the committee did, he will find those of these officers at this time. The attendance in | ported by that array of names which he has prodotted lines indicate exactly the treaty limits of

the Senate is small; many Senators have gone duced for that act. No one of the Senators ever the settlements as prescribed in 1786.

home, not expecting such action at this session. did sustain him, so far as I know, in suppressing Mr. CLAYTON. That is what I supposed. Mr. ADAŃS. If the Senator from Virginia the Hise treaty. That treaty was never submitted Mr. MASON. Very well; then if the map will move to amend the resolution by striking out

to the Senate for ratification. The Senate were shows, as it does show, that that territory, no “to-morrow at one o'clock”and inserting “next never permitted to examine it. The treaty, to this matter what the British title to it is, lies within || session,” we can have a test vote on that. day, has been withheld from the Senate. You will the limits of Guatemala, the dotted lines must do Mr. MASON. I shall make no motion. I am have to go elsewhere than to the files of this body no more than indicate what the territory, is that only giving my personal impression.

to find that treaty. How can it be said that Senlay there. Sir, they are as distinct upon this map Mr. BADGER. I did not mean, by my sug.

ators have sustained him in his rejection of the as they could be exhibited on so small a surface. Il gestion, to intimate that I thought the resolution | Hise treaty, when he had deprived the Senate of The límits of these settlements prescribed in the desirable. I have no objection to it; but I think an opportunity of showing whether they were for treaty of 1786 are these: if this business has to be done, it may as well be

or against it? Sir, he cannot have the benefit of “The English line beginning from the sea shall take the done now as at the next session. This is the those names which he has quoted to shelter him center of the river Sibun or Jabon, and continue up the

commencement of the Congress; and if the reso- upon that point. source of the said river. From thence it sball cross in a straight line the intermediate land until it intersects the river

lution is to be adopted, I think it better to mention Again, sir, he has quoted all the eminent names Wallys

in the resolution the precise time of election, that from General Jackson down to the present time, If the Senator will look at these dotted lines he || Senators may have notice to attend.

to support him in his refusal to accept of the exwill find that they commence at the source of the Mr. ADAMS. I accept the suggestion of the clusive control of the canal for his own country. river Sibun, and cross to the river Balizeor Wallys: || Senator from North Carolina, and hope the reso- Sir, he has no authority, thus to quote them; he “ And by the center of the same river the line shall de

lution will be so modified. All I want is a test has no authority for saying that any one of those scend to the point where it will meet the line already set- vote upon the question.

eminent statesmen were opposed to such a privtled and marked out by the commissaries of the two Crowns The resolution as modified was agreed to. ilege as the Hise treaty showed that we could in 1783, which limits, following the continuation of said

have acquired. It is true that when Central Amerline, shall be observed as formally stipulated by the defini- THE CLAYTON-BULWER TREATY.

ica granied a privilege to a company in the Nethertive treaty."

The Senate resumed the consideration of the || lands to make this canal, the administration of The Senator will find that on this map of Gua- | resolution submitted on the 7th instant by the Sen- | General Jackson, under that state of facts, were temala, representing what Guatemala claims as its ator from Delaware, in relation to the Clayton-content with asserting our right to an equal parterritory, the British possessions are within the || Bulwer treaty:

ticipation. It is also true that when a Frenchman territory of Guatemala, and that the dotted lines Mr. DOUĞLAS. Mr. President, I had a right had procured a charter for a railroad across the are only to indicate those provided by the treaty to expect that the Senator from Delaware, in his Isthmus of Panama, and thus it had gone into the of 1786, as the lines of the British settlements. 1 || reply, would have ventured upon an argument hands of foreigners, the administration of Presiunderstood the Senator to say yesterday that the against the positions which I had assumed in my dent Polk were content to assert our claim to an map did not show what the committee, and what | former speech, and which he had assailed. It equal right. But it is not true that either of them I claimed it did show, because of the dotted lines. || will be observed, upon a close examination, that ever refused to accept an exclusive privilege for Now, if the Senator understands me, I mean to he has evaded nearly every point in controversy | this country when voluntarily tendered to them. say this: The map shows that the settlements are between us, under the cover of free indulgence in I am not going to occupy the attention of the in the limits of the State of Guatemala; and the coarse personalities. I do not complain of this. Senate with an array of names for or against this dotted lines indicate nothing more than the posi- || He had a right to choose his own course of discus-proposition. I quoted no names in my first argutions of

the settlements in the State of Guatemala. sion. Perhaps it was prudent in him to pursue the ment. I addressed myself to the merits of the Mr. CLAYTON. I have no doubt the Senator course which he adopted. I shall not follow his question, and chose to decide it by arguments understands the matter as he explains it, but I am | example, however. I may not have the same in- | upon its merits, and not by the authority of great perfectly willing to submit the question to any set ducements that may have prompted him. If I had names. I would rather see the Senator sustain of intelligent men, whom he will select to look at been driven from nearly every position I had as- his position now by arguments upon the merits the map, and I am willing to abide by their de- || sumed in debate-if nearly every material fact I of his own official action, and not by an appeal to cision upon the very question which he has chosen had asserted had been negatived and disproved by the action of great men who lived at a different to submit. I have taken my view of the matter, official documents bearing my own signatures--if period, and whose acts were dependent upon enand he has taken his. Let others examine it, and || I had been convicted of giving one explanation of Il tirely different circumstances.

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