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320 CONG....20 Sess.

Reciprocal Trade-Mr. Tuck.

Ho. OF REPs.

service.

Mr. HOUSTON. I shall not occupy the time || not, however. I do not mean to charge a corrupt || honorable friend from Georgia, that while I enterof the committee much longer. I wish, however, I combination. On the contrary, it results from the | tain not in the slightest degree a feeling of un. to say a word or two in relation to another point | fact that those particular interests, growing out of kindness growing out of his strictures, (which I which has been presented in the course of this de- measures upon the Speaker's table, induce their regarded at the time as not entirely necessary to bate. The gentleman from Georgia says he ob- respective friends to exert themselves to take those the business then before us,) yet I think he placed jected to my reporting the fortification bill out of measures up for action; and when a motion to that me, as well as the Speaker and other members, in order; will he allow me to tell him that it never effect has been carried, and the House takes up a a position which was somewhat unfair. I do not was in order, after a very early period of the ses- railroad bill, or some other measure, a contest suppose that he se intended, but such was the sion-probably March or April--for the Commit- | arises, in which interests that commanded the effect of his remarks. Had he made what I tee on Ways and Means to report at all?

strength to proceed to that business, separate ac- deemed a proper statement of the facts of the Mr. STEPHENS. The gentleman ought to cording to the views of members upon the par- case, I should have refrained from saying any. have reported it long before that.

ticular proposition taken up. The struggle which thing upon the subject. I am willing to share, Mr. HOUSTON. In the opinion, then, of the then springs up may continue through several with other gentlemen, in whatever of censure may gentleman, 1 ought to have reported it before the days, and at last result in no definite action, and be due to the action or inaction of this body; but estimates and explanatory documents were print- | all the time thus occupied is of course lost. I am unwilling to have the sins of other men (if ed, and before the committee could know what Again: some very intelligent and experienced sins they be) charged exclusively to my account; the Gvernment required for this branch of the members think that the appropriation bills should I fear I shall have quite enough to do in answering

If my honorable friend can report bills not pass until the close of ihe session, as was to- for those for which I am properly responsible. upon what he deems a proper sense of duty, be- | day avowed by the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Each gentleman should meet his own responsi. fore he has the necessary data furnished by the Bayly.] Estimates are coming in continually. || bilities. I am ready to bear those which legitiproper officers of the Government, 1 yield to him. This day I have received estimates of appropria- | mately fall to my lot, but am entirely unwilling to I confess I cannot. The gentleman makes an ar- tions for the bill now under consideration; and if assume those which should justly rest upon any gument founded upon the hypothesis that mem- the objects for which these appropriations are other gentleman, or upon this House as a body. bers vote upon public measures in accordance with sought be proper and worthy, they should be their likes or dislikes to the committee or member incorporated in the bills. reporting the bill. Can he be serious in such an

RECIPROCAL TRADE. Again: every member who has a bill in which argument? If that position be true, I regret it, for his constituents are immediately interested, is deit shows a great want of a proper appreciation of sirous of passing it; and for the purpose of obtain

SPEECH OF HON. AMOS TUCK, the duties and responsibilities of sworn represento | ing action upon it, they will use every proper

OF NEW HAMPSHIRE, atives of the people. Under any circumstances, effort. They will vote to postpone all other bills IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, 'it is not a statement which I should expect a mem- to get at those in which their constituents have a ber of this body to make. I take it, there can be more immediate interest. Gentlemen have fre

February 22 and 23, 1853, no one who would so far stultify himself as to quently said to me that they regretted to vote On the bill“ establishing Reciprocal Trade with the vote for or against a measure, because he might against my efforts to get up the appropriation British North American Colonies upon certain entertain prejudices for or against the member bills, but they felt bound to get theirs passed if conditions." having it in charge. I must think that such an they could; and if they could only get some par

Mr. TUCK said: argument does the members of the House, as well ticular bill through, they would vote with me the Mr. SPEAKER: I had more than one reason to be as the gentleman himself, great injustice.

remainder of the session whenever I attempted to interested in the remarks of the gentleman from Mr. Chairman, as our country expands and press forward the general measures. I have had | Maine, (Mr. FULLER.) I wished to see how well, enlarges, and our population increases, private in- such statements made to me by many members and in what manner, a free-trade Democrat would terests will multiply in number and expand in during this session.

argue the question of restriction; and I must conmagnitude, and as they so multiply you will find But there is still another argument with which fess, though I do not sympathize with the gentlegreater numbers of them submitted for the legis- I am frequently met. When I have been urging man in the conclusions to which he has arrived, that lative action of the Government; and as this accu- gentlemen to assist me in taking up the appropria- | he has discussed the question quite ably, considmulation takes place, the various and important tion bills, they have told me not to be uneasy; ering the materials from which his argument has private claims will delay, and sometimes defeat that those bills would be sure to pass; that they been constructed. I wanted to see in what man. public measures. It is inevitable; and no Speaker, never pass until within the few last days of the ner a Representative from Maine, with such a long whatever might be his talents as a statesman, or session; that it has invariably been so. They line of border on the neighboring British Prov. his skill as a parliamentarian, can prevent' it. ask if I have ever known an appropriation bill inces, and a gentleman with all the interests imShould the Speaker propose to present to the House | which really should pass fail for want of time; pressed upon his mind which necessarily must be, the bills on his table when not in order, the mere that such measures are bound to pass; that every || would attempt to convince this House that restricobjection of any one member could defeat his pro- l member wishes and intends that they shall; but tion was for the benefit of the country. That is posal; and suppose you were legitimately at the || that they wish to get bills through for this, that, | the proposition which he has been attempting to table, and a majority of the House determine or the other purpose. Such reasoning and feel-establish. that they will go to some other business, could | ings as these operate to retard the progress of Mr. FULLER, of Maine. I wish to correct the Speaker, by the exercise of his authority, business, and especially to prevent early action the gentleman. My position was against partial prevent that majority from carrying their deter- | upon the appropriation bills.

legislation. I divided the proposition, and I wish mination into effect' Should the Presiding Officer I regret, Mr. Chairman, that I have had occa- the gentleman so to understand. of this body desire to go to the table and a major- | sion to occupy any of the time of the House upon Mr. TUCK. The House will understand both ity of the members feel opposed to his views, | a subject which is not particularly pleasant to me, the gentleman and myself. Now, I want to give could he compel them to conform to his wish is not pertinent to business, and which, therefore, the gentleman a history of this effort for reciproI can see no force, no propriety, no justice in the cannot be very interesting to the members of this city, as I contend it is properly called, and some position of the gentleman. There are now on the body. But having been arraigned, in common with authorities which are arrayed against him in reSpeaker's table bills combining interests, which the 'heads of the other committees, I felt it my gard to it. The first authority in relation to the together would ordinarily control the vote of this duty to say this much in reply:

subject to which I will call the attention of the House. I, of course, will not be understood as l'admit ihat if I could have had things as I de- gentleman, is James K. Polk, late President of the meaning personal interests of the members. There sired them, business would have been in advance | United States. The next one, James Buchanan, are the alternate section railroad bills, there are of where it is now; but I deny that the appropria. | who recommended reciprocity in respect to the many private bills, together with the French spo- tion bills have heretofore, for the last fifty years, Canadas. liation bill; and when the friends of these various become laws until near the close of the session, as Mr. FULLER. And only the Canadas. measures, having a common interest, leading them is the case now. The gentleman says that great Mr. TUCK. I so stated. This recommendaall to the same point, combine, they can go to the changes have come upon the country: Sir, tion came to the Thirtieth Congress, was referred business on the Speaker's table, and can, by a changes have been made everywhere and in al- to the Committee on Commerce, over which the vote, carry the House in opposition to the wishes most everything. Changes have been made in this Hon. Joseph Grinnell presided, received the unanof any committee. And one great cause of the House. Mr. Calhoun is not here, Mr. Webster is i imous approbation of the committee, and a bill was delay in the transaction of business is because all not here, Mr. Clay is not here, Silas Wright is reported to the House, which bill passed the are animated with a desire to get at the bills in i not here, John Forsyth, the former representative House. It failed in the Senate for want of time. which their constituents are so deeply interested; l of the gentleman's present district, is not here; Mr. FULLER. It included only half of the members who are anxious to get at the alternate hundreds of other good and great men, who in articles embraced within this bill. section land bills, at the French spoliation bill, time past honored and adorned this House by Mr. TUCK. In the last Congress the subject together wih the private bills in which the constit- their presence, are not here. Truly, Mr. Chair- | again came up. It was referred to the Committee uents of so many are interested.

man, changes have taken place. In that the gentle | on Commerce, over which presided the Hon. RobSir, I desire that the House should understand man and myself are perfectly agreed; but, sir, \ ert M. McLane. It received the sanction of that the embarrassments under which I have, to a large changes are inevitable, and it is not for us to com- committee, and a bill was reported to the House. extent, labored. I cannot think gentlemen are plain of the decrees of fate, or of evils over which It was not acted on by the House, because of the aware of the extent to which these things are car- we have no control. We must make the best we | perplexing territorial questions which we all know ried. Some gentlemen who have charge of, or feel can of our present condition; while our hopes, our blocked up the ordinary course of legislation. It interested in bills upon the Speaker's table, have aspirations, and our efforts, should be directed to is now recommended again, but doubly fortified by told me frankly that the appropriation bills could not the amelioration of the ills that surround us, and considerations growing out of our fishery difficul. be passed through the House until the table should the removal of the obstacles that lie in the way of ties. With this reference to the past favor which be cleared, thus setting up those private bills to our usefulness. Such is the teaching of philoso- the main features of the bill have received, I beseech deloy others. It may be right to do so. I thinks physuch the dictate of justice. I assure my gentlemen on both sides of the House not to vote

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against the proposition before examining it. The || by arguments applicable to the whole country, and from Maine will desert his avowed principles of only favor I ask of any gentleman on this floor | appreciable by every friend of general development Democracy, as I have always understood them to is not to be misled, either by the arguments of the and prosperity: Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, be, for the sake of the plaster of Paris and thelumgentleman from Maine or any other individual, a journal' which all know stands deservedly high ber. Here is an amendment which the gentleman but to examine this question before he condemns in every part of the country, has also argued the has introduced so as to give the go-by to reciproit. It has been sanctioned by the authority of same question with great earnestness and ability. city, and to maintain restriction. Its object is to previous Congresses, and of men standing deserv- | De Bow's Southern and Western Review, printed prevent action. I wish it to be understood disedly high in the confidence not only of their at New Orleans, has contained very able articles iinctly, that the gentleman must know as well as party, but the people of this country; and I only of the same tenor on this subject; and the Charles- others, that the only purpose which his proposiask that it be examined before being condemned. ton Mercury has lately, as l'ain told, promulgated tion can accomplish is to defeat any reciprocity It now comes before us with double claims to those similar views, and joined the general approbation bill, and any and every settlement of the fishery which it has ever had heretofore, and I will tell you in favor of reciprocal trade.

troubles. His amendment has an aspect of reciwhy: We have now the opportunity of securing With these proofs that this measure is regarded procity, but it does not mean anything, except reciprocal trade not only with the Canadas, but as national in its character, and as likely to be opposition to reciprocity. Restriction for the benwith the other British Provinces. We have also the generally beneficial, I am sorry to witness the ef- efii of lumber and plaster of Paris is its whole purimportant incentive to accept of the terms which fort of the gentleman from Maine to brand it as a port and object. are generously offered to us by Great Britain sectional proposition, and to prejudice the House I wish to refer, in a few words, to the amendand her Provinces, because, by the proposed ar- against it by calling it a railroad and manufactur- ment which my friend from Massachusetts (Mr. rangement, we obtain a most desirable settlementing scheme.

SABINE) proposes to offer to this bill. He had the of the difficulties which have taken place on the I admire the gentleman's art in attempting to kindness to show it to me. If I understand it corfishing grounds. Our fishermen cannot go through give it a character at the outset of his argument, rectly, it is substantially like the bill proposed by another summer without involving themselves in which should arouse the prejudice of some parts the honorable Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. serious difficulties with the people of the Provinces. of the country. But I condemn his object much Davis) in the Senate. The main proposition seems I am not going to use any threatening argument, more than I admire his skill. Let every ques

to be this: if Great Britain and the Provinces will by saying that war will ensue unless the fisher- tion stand on its own merits. Let this measure give us the same rights of fishery they themselves men are quieted, but I believe that there is danger | stand or fall by the judgment of the representa- enjoy, we will give them the right to go upon our of bloodshed. There will be no war; for, although tives of the American people, without any resort fishing grounds, and the right to import their the sympathies of our people are as intimately con- to efforts of that sort to give it a bad name. If fish into our market. I trust that Congress will nected with the fishermen as with any other class it were in fact a railroad proposition, I should ex- not make such an unreasonable proposition to the of our inhabitants, yet our people will not tolerate pect to find the gentleman from Maine advocating | Provinces as this. It is a matter of surprise to any war except for causes which will arouse the The great thoroughfare from the city of Port- me that such a thing has been seriously contemwhole country, and the fishermen will endure as land to Montreal—the Atlantic and St. Lawrence plated. What! a proposition to be made to these long as endurance is a virtue.

railroad—will be more benefited than any other Provinces, that we will admit them to our fishing The advantage in respect to the fisheries which railroad by any increase of commerce with the grounds, where we cannot catch good fares of fish is offered to us is this: In the convention with Provinces. If, therefore, reciprocity be a railroad ourselves, provided they will admit us to their Great Britain in 1818, there was a provision by scheme, the State of Maine is most interested, and fishing grounds, where we can catch good fares, which we relinquished the right to fish within the gentleman ought to advocate it, instead of at- and where we must go if we make the mackerel three miles of the shore of the British Provinces, tempting to defeat it.

fishery a profitable or saving business! To admit with a few trifling exceptions. Now the mackerel Neither is there any justice in the attempt to their fish into our markets is a consideration enfishing cannot be successfully pursued without convince the House that it is to be mainly advan- tirely inadequate to the advantages we shall gain. going within three miles of the shore. At that tageous to manufacturers. I am sure it will bene- I have repeatedly referred, Mr. Speaker, to the time the mackerel fishery was not an interest fit our manufacturers materially, because it will report and bill which is before this House. In relawhich required to be considered in that convention, give us new customers, and open to those custom- tion to the report, I will relieve my own mind, by because mackerel were as abundant on the coast ers the way of bringing to us something with expressing the obligations which I feel as a memof New England as any other portion of the which to make their purchases. But it is no ber of this House, to the gentleman from New world. But in 1828, or 1830, mackerel began to scheme to benefit manufacturers, except by the York, (Mr. Seymour,) for the able manner in disappear from our coast, and our fishermen fol- | additional prosperity which it is to give to the which this proposition of reciprocity and fisheries lowed them down to the coast of the British Prov- whole community. The representatives of some has been examined and set forth in his report. inces. They have been pursuing that trade since; of the manufacturing districts have doubts, I am The subject is ably presented, as a national measbut there have been difficulties attending its pur- sorry to say, about the scheme; yet I am confident, | ure, and its connection with the agricultural, mansuit for the last twenty years. These difficulties those doubts will be removed when they have ufacturing, and the general interests of the counhave been adjusted from time to time, by the found time to examine more carefully the bill and | try, is successfully, shown by statistics, details, earnest endeavors of the authorities of both Gov- | report under consideration.

and conclusions, which cannot be resisted. It is ernments to preserve peace, and to settle all diffi- The gentleman from Maine (Mr. Fuller) has only necessary to read his report in order fully culties in a spirit of liberality which has charac- | signally failed in giving any proof to this House to understand the general importance of the subterized both parties. It is impossible to pursue which can satisfy them that this is a sectional ject, and that all interests may well unite in its the mackerel fishery without occasionally going | measure, or that it is to be exclusively beneficial

support. Ti

report is a document of signal abilwithin three miles from the shore. Unless we to railroads or manufactures. He has, however, ity, and if the gentleman from New York, in rehave this privilege, to enjoy the shore fishery demonstrated to this House the character and the tiring from Congress at the close of this session, without annoyance-which we do not now have sole cause of his opposition to it. The lumber (which I hope he will not do,) should leave no the mackerel fishery will be broken up, and that interest, and the plaster of Paris interest, embrace other monument, this report would be an honorimportant nursery for American seamen will be the alpha and omega of his argument. Yes, sir, able and an enduring evidence of his statesmandestroyed.

in order to maintain a monopoly of lumber in the ship, ability, and expanded views. The British Government proposes to give us the State of Maine, in which there are not more than In this connection, permit me to refer to another privileges of the shore fishery, and also the right | five hundred men interested, he would shape the document on the subject under consideration, to cure on shore the fish caught, provided this reci- legislation of the entire country, and abandon which has attracted my attention, and which I procity proposition is acceded to by our Govern- his favorite doctrines of free trade.

have examined to some extent with great profit ment. The offer that is now made, comes with ten- Mr. FULLER. I would like to have the gentle- and pleasure. It is a report made to the Secretary fold the encouragement, and tenfold the reason for man's authority for that. I say that there are more of the Treasury, by Mr. J. D. Andrews, who has its acceptance, which existed when the first overture than forty thousand men interested in that trade. given the last two or three years solely to the received the sanction of the House of Representa- Mr. TUCK. If you count the day laborers, business of collecting statistics, and of laying them tives of the Thirtieth Congress, or the sanction of there may be thousands interested in the lumber before the Treasury Department, relative to trade the Committee on Commerce of the last session. business; but the wages of such will not be di. with the British Provinces, from the extreme We can obtain important rights by accepting this minished or increased by the passage of this bill. | northwest to the Atlantic ocean, and to facts and reciprocity proposition. I believe it will accord If you count the holders of land only, I have good statistics relating to the fisheries. Mr. Andrews's with the judgment of each and every member of reason to say, and I challenge contradiction, that || last report constitutes Senate document No. 112, the House who will examine it. If it does not re- there are not more than five hundred in the whole and is a production evincing great industry, great ceive the support of every one who thoroughly country who are interested in the Maine lumber | ability, and great success in mastering the subject examines it, I am confident it will be in conse- monopoly;—in that restriction and anti-free trade committed to his investigation. The Secretary quence of some supposed local hardship, and not which the gentleman argues so zealously. He sees was fortunate in employing so competent a person from a doubt of the general interests of the whole his own citizens engaged in building railroads in to make these investigations, and to collect the country.

order to have that intercourse which is desirable facts set forth in this document. I have it in my I desire to put this question on the broadest na- || between the Provinces and the sea-board; and yet hand, and I commend it to the perusal of gentletional grounds. And I wish now, for the benefic | he comes here and argues for the lumber inier- men, assuring them that it is a production of no of the gentleman from Maine, and the information est and the $100,000 invested in plaster of Paris, ordinary interest and value. of the whole House, as evidence of the nationality against intercourse and in favor of restriction. Í The gentleman from Maine (Mr. Fuller) has of the proposition, to refer to a few authorities of am not disappointed to find the gentleman arguing stated that the bill under consideration will not a different character to those_to which I have what he thinks to be the interests of his constitu- secure actual reciprocity. By reading the bill its already called your attention. The North Ameri- ency with earnesıness and zeal, although those character can be correctly understood: can Review has contained one or more articles, interests are, in my opinion, adverse to the general written with signal ability, urging this matter upon good.

A BILL establishing reciprocal trade with the British North

American Colonies upon certain conditions. the attention of Congress, and sustaining the same But I am astonished to see that the gentloman Be it enacted, &c., That whenever the Governmont of

320 Cong.....20 Sess.

The Homestead Bill-Mr. Adams.

SENATE.

Great Britain shall agree with the Government of the Uni- I have heard an objection made to this bill, re- tleman's constituentsthose lumber dealers-will ted States that the people of the United states shall enjoyported by the Committee on Commerce, because be better off by the passage of this bill. And, the Gulf of St. Lawrence, on the coasts and shores of New.

of its supposed injurious effects upon the agricul- ! after the lapse of a few years, when this lumber foundland, Nova Scotia, and Cape Breton, New Brunswick tural interests of the North and West; particularly will have been cut off from the Maine lands, the and Prince Edward's Island, and of any and all other the with regard to the article of four. Now, upon gentleman's constituents will empower him, or his British possessions in North America, and in all the bays,

this subject I invite the attention of the House constituents will come here and contend as ably gulls, creeks, and waters, or places of the sea, bordering on and adjacent to the British possessions in North Amer

for one minute. Sir, I will state one fact, which for reciprocity as he now does against it. It is ica, and to dress, cure, and dry the same on the coasts and I think will inevitably remove the objections that true that this bill is not as perfect as I should like shores of any part of the British possessions in North any of the friends of the flour interest can possibly it in some particulars, and I have been almost America, as are or shall, from time to time, hereafter be en

entertain to this bill. It is supposed, that if we joyed by subjects of Great Britain, subject, however, to the

tempted to offer an amendment to the bill providing rights of the proprietors or possessors of the ground where

have reciprocal trade with the British Provinces, that coal and iron castings shall be included. It said fish may be dressed, cured, or dried; and whenever they will raise a surplus of wheat, and send it to would be decidedly benencial to my constituents, the Government of Great Britain shall agree with the Gov- the United States overland. Now, sir, is this and to New England generally, if such provisions ernment of the United States that all leases of tishing rights or privileges, and lands necessary for the enjoyment of the

fact covered by the statistics of the country, and were incorporated into the bill. samne, made by British subjects to any of the people of the

from the reports of the Treasury Department? But I wish to call the attention of the wakeful United States, shall have the same force and effect as ifmade We find in ihe report of the Committee on Com- | Representatives from the State of Pennsylvania, tu to British subjects; and whenever the Government of

merce, upon this matter of reciprocity, the state- the fact, that if in following out the indefinite fears Great Britain, with the consent of the Government of the Provinces of Canada and New Brunswick, sball agree with

ment " that the lower colonies, Nova Scotia,

New which haunt their imagination, they, by their opthe Government of the United States that the people of the • Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, and New- position, defeat this bill, probably another Consame, in American bottoms, and with boats, rafts, and ves- • foundland, have been among the best customers gress will not pass by without having a reciprocity sels of every description, inay use and navigate the river St.

of American breadstuffs. The market which adopted, including coal and iron free. If sir, this Lawrence, and the river St. John, in New Brunswick, from their sources to the ocean, together with all canals and waters

they have afforded is equal to that of Brazil. || bill should now fail, and it should be my fortune connecting the great northern lakes with the Auantic ocean Our exports of breadstuffs to these colonies in again to occupy a place upon this floor, I should through the river St. Lawrence, as the saine now are or here- * 1852 amounted to $1,659,285, and to Brazil sustain a bill which provides for a more compreafter may be enjoyed by the subjects of Great Britain, subject $1,655,558." only to ihe charges and regulations which now exist, or

hensive reciprocity. shall hereafter be prescribed, for the use and navigation of

I state the further fact, that we pay a duty upon I wish to make one remark in reference to my the same by the inhabitants of the British provinces in this flour which we have exported to these Prov- own views upon the subject of protection. I believe North America or other British subjects; and whenever the inces, varying from twenty-five to seventy-fivecents that protection is a temporary policy. I have never Government of New Brunswick, with the consent of the Government of Great Britain, shall abolish all export duties

per barrel. Now I would ask gentlemen if it can pos- | believed that it would be a permanent policy. on lumber cut on lands within the territory of the United

sibly prejudice the interest of the wheat-growing But there is no need of protection between two counStates, and transported down the river St. John and ex- portion of this country to have reciprocal free trade tries lying side by side, in which the labor of one ported thence; and whenever the President of the United

with these Provinces, when we now, in spite of is equally expensive as the labor of the other, and States shall issue his proclamation declaring that the articles hereinafter enumerated, being of the growth, production: All fear on this subject must be removed by the the other. There is no need of our protecting our.

the duty, export so largely to these Provinces in which money in one is equally abundant as in or manufacture of the United States, are admitted into the British North American provinces by law free of duty ;- statement of this one fact, that Brazil is a very im- | selves against Canada. There is no need of our that on and after that day the like articles being of the portant consumer of our four, and yet we export, | protecting ourselves against any country that lies growth, production, or manufacture of the said British North American provinces, shall be admitted into the Uni

as I have before mentioned, more flour to these coterminous to us upon this continent. And sir, I ted States free of duty, when imported directly from such

Provinces annually than we do to the whole of would give my support to-day for a great system provinces, so long as the said enumerated articles are ad- Brazil.

which should deserve the name of an American mitted into such British North American provinces when Thegentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Cling- || system of free trade in respect to countries that until otherwise directed by the Government of the United Man) has proposed an amendment to this bill, the lie adjacent to us. But we cannot adopt that policy States, to wit: Grains, flour, and breadstuffs of all kinds, || design of which is, as I understand it, to open the in reference to the countries of Europe where labor seeds, unmanufactured hemp, unmanufactured flax and coasting trade of the whole country to British com- and money is cheap, and I am happy to know tow, animals of all kinds, undried fruits, fish of all kinds| petition. I do not understand the amendment ex- that there are no gentlemen in the country who fresh'

; hides, sheep pelts, wool, butter, cheese, tallow, lard, actly, but I suppose that to be the purport of his argue, with any great appearance of seriousness, horns, manures, ores of all kinds stone and inarble in its proposition. Now. I would ask the gentleman for such a policy. crude or worked state, gypsum, ground or unground, ashes, from North Carolina if he would favor such a firewood, agricultural implements, including axes; fish oil proposition as this, unless Great Britain will admit broom-corn, bark, unwrought burr-stones, dyestuffs, rice, cotton, unmanufactured tobacco, unrefined sugar. us to a free competition in her coasting trade?

THE HOMESTEAD BILL. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That whenever the

Mr. CLINGAN. Such are the terms of my President of the United States shall issue his proclamation amendment.

SPEECH OF HON. SPEPHEN ADAMS, declaring that the Government of Great Britain has agreed Mr. TUCK. The gentleman would not, and

OF MISSISSIPPI, with the Government of the United States that round, hewed, and sawed timber of all kinds, and all lumber of no man who sympathizes with the interests of his

In the Senate, February 24, 1853, every description, the growth and production of the United country, would hazard his reputation by making | Against an amendment proposed by Mr. WALKER States when exported directly therefrom to the British West India islands, shall, during the continuance of the recip- gentleman has no reason to believe that England and supporting such a proposition here. But the

to the Pacific Railroad bili, as containing all the rocal trade provided for by this act, be admitted into the ports of said islands at no higher duty than shall be imwould admit us to a competition in their coasting

principles of the Homestead bill. posed in such ports on similar articles when imported into trade on the coast of England. We have no prop

Mr. ADAMS said: Mr. President, the amendsaid islands from the British North American provinces, that osition of that kind from the British Govern.

ment under consideration, proposing, as it does, a on and after that day, round, hewed, or sawed timber of all

ment. This matter of reciprocal trade is one thing, disposition of the public lands, I shall avail mykinds, and all sawed lumber of every description, undressed and unmanufactured in any way, the growth and produc

and the opening of the coasting trade is another self of the liberty it affords to give my views on tion of the British North American provinces, when they When it is necessary to consider this latter sub

the various propositions pending before the Senshall by law admit into their ports free of duty the articles ject, let the gentleman be heard upon it; let him ate, for the disposition of the public domain. I named in the first section of this act as therein provided, shall be admitted into the United States, when imported then bring forward his proposition and argue it

shall first consider the bill which has acquired the directly from said provinces, free of duty, so long as similar with his usual ability, and let the judgment of the title,, by common consent, of the homestead articles, the growth and production of the United States, House be taken upon it; but I ask the gentleman bill;" a term which gives it a popularity throughshall, when exported from the United States, be admitted

out the land that no other could confer. Perhaps free of duty into the ports of the United Kingdom of Great Now, I wish to say one word in relation to the friends, that is hallowed by so many endearing

there is no name, save that of wise, children, or Britain and Ireland, or until otherwise directed by the Government of the United States ; and when any duty is or shall

sumber trade. I beg leave to differ with the be charged in the ports of the United Kingdom of Great Brim tleman from Maine in regard to the prejudicial associations as that of the family homestead. It ain and Ireland upon such articles so as aforesaid impled

effects which this bill may have upon the lumber forms a common platform on which the affections directly from the United States, the same dutyall be charged upon round, hewed, or sawed timberdressed and

interest: The lumber interests are amply provided of all-the rich and the poor, the old and the and all sawed lumber of every description.

for in this bill. How? The head waters of'the river | young, meet as upon a level. Every Senator in unmanufactured in any way, when im Sted from said

St. Johannishestand belonging to Maine,

and heart

, will testify to the truth of the poet's decla

this Chamber, yielding to the impulses of his own provinces directly into the ports of the United States. interest. The lumber cannot now betare l'umber

+ IDEIC 18 Tv February 13, 1853.

that river through the Provinces, without paying Mr. TUCK resumad: Mr. Speaker, I had nearly a duty: There is a provision in that bill that the Every cottager's heart in this broad land beats concluded my remarks, when I was arrested by the duty shall be abolished. That is one of the ad- responsively to its truth; and as we all take delight expiration of phe morning, hour on yesterday. At vantages which this bill affords to the lumber inter- | in conferring benefits upon the necessitous, I feel the close of the last session of Congress, in ac- est; and the gentleman from Maine will observe confident that every Senator on this floor is discordance with my convictions of duty, I published that in the second section of the bill there are other posed to vote for the bill when it shall be taken

provisions for the security of that interest, among up, or for some proposition that will embody suba speech upon the subject of the fisheries and reciprocity with the British Provinces. In that which is one that provides that lumber shall be stantially the great object sought to be attained speech I set forth at length my views upon this admitted into the ports of the West Indies duty by it, if he can do so consistently with his duty

to the Constitution and the country. free. subject, and I do not, therefore, feel inclined to

Now, I contend that it is demonstrable satisfac- I propose, sir, to enter upon a brief examination occupy the whole of the hour to which I am entitled under the rule, but knowing the feeling of torily to the mind of every man from every part of our powers over the public domain, and our the House, and their indisposition at this late of the country, that this bill cannot operate to duty upon the importani question of its proper period of the session to listen to any discussion their prejudice, but will be as generally useful to disposition. I assume the position as a postulate, at length upon any subject, I will conclude with a all interests as any bill that can be brought before that the public lands have been acquired by the few additional remarks.

the country; and iake it in the long run, the gen- Il common blood and treasure of all the States of the 32D Cong.... 20 Sess.

The Homestead Bill-Mr. Adams.

SENATE.

Union-that the citizens of each State have a com- | enough to pay for the quarter section on which My opinion upon this subject is formed upon mon interest in the fund, and that Congress is the they had erected their humble hut, cleared and the reflections and observations of my life, and I trustee, charged with the duty of disposing of the fenced a small field. If the speculator should bid am confirmed in the correctness of them when I lands in such manner as shall best promote the one dollar above the Government price, their home- find that they are in accordance with the views and interests of all, without doing injustice to any. 1 stead was swept away, and their wives and chil-recommendations of President Jackson. That The power of Congress over the public domain dren left without a shelter to protect them from the illustrious patriot, sagacious statesman, and just differs materially from its power over money in li pelting storm. I have witnessed the settler as the man, in his message of the 4th December, 1832, the Treasury. If the best interests of the cestui crier, proceeding in numerical order, approached says: que trust will be promoted by it, it is not only the his tract; ! have gazed upon his anxious counte

" It seems to me to be our true policy that the public right of Congress, but it is its duty to give the nance giving expression to alternate hopes and lands shall cease, as soon as practicable, to be a source of lands away. But we have not the power to col- fears, while his heart beat responsively to his alarm revenue, and that they be sold to spulers in limited parcels, lect money in the form of taxes to give away, for and apprehension. And as his home was struck at a price barely sutficient to reimburse to the United States the conclusive reason that the Constitution has not down to him, I have witnessed the glow of joy

the expense of the present system, and the cost arising

under our Indian compacts." conferred the taxing power for any such purpose, with which his countenance was lit up, as he turned and we cannot appropriate money when collected from the stand and retraced his steps, to convey “ The adventurous and hardy population of the West, and in the Treasury for any other object than that the good news to his expectant wife and children,

besides coniributing their equal share of taxation under our for which we were authorized to collect it. With that his improvement had become the family impostas stem, bar, in the progress of our Government, for this view of the power and duty of Congress over homestead. They only can appreciate such a pic- portion or $10,000.000, and of the revenue received therethe subject, I proceed to consider the merits of the ture and realize its truth, who have felt the sting from but a small part has been expended among them.

When, to the disadvantage of their situation in this resprel, bill. The object sought to be attained by the bill of poverty, and witnessed the scenes I have at

we add the consideration that it is their labor alone which is, that every head of a family shall have and en- tempted to describe.

gives real value to the lands, and that the proceeds arising joy one hundred and sixty acres of the public land And, sir, it is no fancy sketch that I have pre- from their sale are distributed chiefly ainong States which upon his or her making the application in due sented to your view, but one of the sober realities had not originally any claim to them, and which have enform, taking an oath that he or she is the head of of everyday frontier life. Nay more, sir, the joyed the undivided emolument arising from the sale of their

own lands, it cannot be expected that the new States will a family, and not the owner of any estate in lands, settler is honest, kind-hearted, and hospitable. If

remain longer contented with the present policy after the and with the additional requirement that the appli- | the stranger or weary traveler calls on him, he is payment of the public debt. To avert the consequences cant shall occupy and cultivate the same for five “ taken in,” not in any doubtful sense, but with which may be apprehended from this cause, 10 put an end

forever to all partial and interested legislation on this subjeci, consecutive years; that after all these requisites || cheerfulness and a hearty welcome, which more

and to afford to every American citizen of enterprise the shall

have been complied with, a patent shall issue. than compensates for his homely fare. He never opportunity of securing an independent freehold, it seems These are the leading features of the bill.

forgets a favor, either from an individual or the o ine, therefore, best to abandon the idea of raising a future Mr. President, I am by no means certain that Government. I recollect an occasion at a land tevenue out of the public lands." it would not be a money-making operation, having sale, of being requested by some settlers to bid off This statement of facts made by President in view its effects on 'imposts, to give to actual || their lands for them. I did so. Some years after. || Jackson in his annual message is, io my mind, settlers the public lands, in preference to the pres- | wards I was canvassing for the office of circuit unanswerable, and I now propose to adopt his ent mode of selling them at $1 25 per acre. Bear || judge. On approaching a certain neighborhood, I recommendation. Twenty years after its delivery in mind that the Government has adopted the 1 met a man with whom I was unacquainted, but I find it to be as true in fact and sound in principrinciple of raising revenue for its support al- | when I made myself and the object of my visit ple as it was on the day it was read to the two most exclusively from duties on imports.' Then known, he remarked that I need not go into his Houses of Congress. I shall at the proper time go with me to the dwelling of the poor man, who | neighborhood seeking votes; that they had learned move to strike out from the enacting clause of the feels that he is but a tenant at will either of the || that I was a candidate; that they remembered me bill and insert the following as a substitute: Government or of a wealthy speculator. Observe as having aided some of the seulers in purchasing

That all of the public lands of the United States shall be that man toiling for years upon a rented farm; he | their homes, and that they all intended to vote for

subject 10 sale and entry at one dollar per acre, and any pays one third of the proceeds of his labor to his me. I did not lose a vote at that box. I allude portion which shall have been in market for five years or landlord, and nine years out of ten he secures but to this incident, in passing, to prove the truth of upwards, prior to the time of application to enter the saine

under the provisions of this act, and still remaining unsold, a scanty subsistence for his family. His improve my remark, that these people are never ungrateful

shall be subject to sale at the price of seventy five cents per ments, repairs, and cultivation of the soil, are car. Sir, I have not overstated the attachment of the

acre; and all the lands of the United States that shall bave ried on from year to year to meet present wants. settler to his homestead. If misfortune overtakes been in market for ten years or upwards, as aforesaid, and Not knowing what a day may bring forth, his him, he will surrender all his other property before still remaining unsold, shall be subject to sale at fify cents labors look not to the future for their fruition. his homestead. A lady will yield to her husband's have been in market for fifteen years or upwards, as afore

per acre; and all of the lands of the United States that shall But, sir, let some fortunate turn in his affairs oc- creditors her carriage, and other valuables almost said, and still remaining unsold, shall be subject to sale at cur, so that he is enabled to secure a freehold in without a murmur, but when you come to take the twenty-five cents per acre; and all of the lands of the Unihis own right, and you will see him work with homestead, that spot which has become endeared

ted Siates that shall have been in market for twenty years

and upwards, as aforesaid, and still remaining unsold, shall new energy. His improvements are made with a to her by so many associations, the deep-drawn

he subject to sale at ten cents per acre; and all lands of the view to permanence, knowing that he, and those sigh and the unbidden tear attest the strong hold United States that shall have been in market for twenty-five who are most dear to him, will reap the benefits | it has upon the human heart.

years or more, shall be subject to sale ai five cents per acre: of his labors in years to come. His farm is en- Mr. President, I cordially approve the object of provided, This section shall not be so construed as to er

tend to lands reserved to the United States, in acts granting larged, his property improves, he begins to count this bill, and appreciate the anxiety of its friends

laud to States for railroad or other internal improvements, the years when his orchard will yield its various for its passage, and I think I shall not fall behind or to mineral lands held at over one dollar and twenty-fivé fruits, his garden blooms, his children are educa- | them in any proper effort to make glad the hearts cents per acre.

Sec. 9. And be it further enacted, That upon every ted, he has artificial wants which he knew not of the poor. But neither this, nor any other object

reduction in price, under the provisions of this act, the ocbefore, he is able to purchase and pay for imported good in itself, should be attained at the expense of cupant and settler’upon the lands shall have the right of pregoods, and by these means the receipts in your justice. I have some objections to the bill, which emption at such graduated price, upon the same terms, Treasury are swelled far beyond his contribution I shall proceed to state. In the first place, it is not conditions, restrictions, and limitations upon which the pub of two hundred dollars for his one hundred and founded on the proper basis. I respectfully sub

lic lands of the United States are now subject to the right

of preemption, until the next graduation or reduction shall sixty acres of land, which when once paid, he mit, that the correct principle for the disposition

take place; and it not so purchased, shall again be subject never pays again.

of this trust fund, is io sell it to actual soutlers at to right of preemption for iwelve months as before, and so As many of the Senators from the older States | cost. Let us so dispose of it as to provoke no on from time to time, as reductions take place: Provided, are not personally acquainted with the characters complaints from the old States, that they have

That nothing in this act shall be so construed as to inter of those who are intended to be the beneficiaries | paid for these lands, and the new States have | fere with any right which has or may accrue by virtue of of this bill, and with the privations they are com- reaped the benefits of them. "Graduate the price and get granting preëmption to actual settlers upon public pelled to endure, I shall be pardoned for advert- | according to their value by such a scale as will c. 10. And be it further enacted, That any person aping briefly to them. In the first place, your lands restore to the Treasury every dollar of the cost of porioz enter any of the aforesaid lands under the provia: are absolutely worthless in the wilderness, until acquisition, survey, sale, and incidental expenses; required to uske alfidavit before the register or receiver of

the proper lana fice, that he or she enters the same for his the pioneer prepares the way for others. By his but let not the Government turn land spoonlator enterprise and labor he makes the settlement at- Every principle our citizens, forbid it. Tacknowls cultivation, or for the spor'an adjoining farı or plantation,

or her own use, alt for the purpose of actual settlement and tractive, and your contiguous lands.vale n. edge the plausibility of the claim of the old States to Thin Clientes Mis wovernment. But when you add a portion of the proceeds of sales ofthe public lands. States, under the provisions on his act, more than three

said entry, he or she has "int acquired from the l'hited to this, that our complex yet model Government But sir, it seems to me that if the people of those

hundred and twenty acres according to the established suris maintained and supported by the confidence States will reflect upon the privations and coils of

veys; and if any person or persons taking such oath or affi. and affection of the people, we see that it is the the early settlers in the new States in making the

davit shall swear falsely in the premises, he or she shall be highest duty of the Government, no less than its lands valuable—if they will recollect that these set

subject to all the pains and penalties of perjury : Provided, true policy, to afford every facility for its citizens

That any person entitled to a preomplion shall be author tlers are their children, (for the new States are to become freeholders, because by having an in- ! composed of emigrants from the old,) they will

ized to enter forty acres of the public land, to include the

dwelling-louse, at ten cents per acre.” terest in the soil, you increase their interest in the come to the conclusion to which I have arrived, Government.

Mr. President, in the amendment which I shall I have witnessed scenes at land sales that con

that the lands should not be sold on speculation. | propose, I have preserved the principle set forth in vinced me of the love of the settler to his house.

There is something abhorrent to every generous General Jackson's message. "If it possesses any I have seen men attend such sales who had en- ulating upon the homesteads of her citizens, and graduation proposed will certainly reimburse the

mind in the idea of this Federal Government spec- merit it is due to his memory, not to me. The countered all the toils, hardships, and privations of that class of her citizens, too, who have the Treasury. 'I think it will rather exceed it. But á frontier life; who, knowing the Government price, strongest claim upon her paternal regard and it is impossible to arrive at any certainty either as had managed, by pinching economy, to save barely ! fostering care.

to the amount of the expenditures or the receipts 320 CONG..... 20 Sess.

The Homestead Bill-Mr. Adams,

SENATE,

ance,

under a graduation system, such as I propose. surveyed and brought into market, every tract States. Another party, greater in numbers, reWe know, however, that the receipts into the worth the Government price is entered and paid sisted the policy, and appealed to the people upon it. Treasury from the sales of the public domain for in less than five years, and the sales after that Their opposition to it was ingrafted upon their amounted to upwards of one hundred and thirty- test of its value are owing to the improvements of platform of principles, and was sustained by the one millions of dollars in 1847, and now amounts the pioneer settlers, by which an enhanced value popular verdict. There it stands yet, with the to near one hundred and forty millions. We is imparted to the contiguous lands. In a vast seal of the people reversing the policy of distribu. know, 100, that the sales of the lands ceded by the number of instances, these contiguous lands be- tion. It cannot be denied that this bill just alluded Chickasaws, where alone the graduation principle come necessary to enlarge the farms of the settlers to, violates the spirit and intent of ihat feature has been tested, and the price of the land reduced for stock ranges, &c., when, in fact, the lands are in the platform of principles to which I have reto twelve-and-a half cents per acre, has resulted in not worth, intrinsically, the money paid for them. ferred.' It is substantially the distribution system, bringing into the Treasury a larger sum than the In this way, and for these reasons, the Gov- but in a much more objectionable form. The sales in the same extent of territory anywhere else ernment has extorted millions from her citizens. Whig party proposed to divide the proceeds. The has done. Sir, the practical operations of the gradu- I trust no one desires to see it longer continued. Bennett bill proposes a division of the lands, ation system in the Chickasaw cession has often My proposition is a more liberal one to the set- thereby making freeholders of the old States and been the subject of discussion in both ends of this tler ihan any that has been heretofore made. tenants of the new. The soil of a sovereign State Capitol, and" until the system becomes general, | Since the origin of our land system, public senti. is proposed to be owned and controlled by thirty and its beneficent influence is made to spread over ment has undergone a great change with regard other States; the land to be leased, renied, or sold your whole public domain, it will continue to be to the true policy of disposing of the lands. The for the highest possible price, according to the adduc d as triumphant proof that it is the true first plan was to sell the lands to the highest bid- whim or caprice of the proprietor. Perhaps the principle for the disposition of the public lands. der, giving the occupant no preference by pre- Senators from Maine could tell us something of It is owing to this system that the Chickasaw emption or otherwise, and fixing the minimum the practical effects. counties in Mississippi have become so densely price at two dollars per acre. This policy was We have heard much said from time to time on populated. Thousands of men, poor, no doubí, | pursued till 1820, when it yielded to a more just the subject of State sovereignty and Federal enbui happy, contented, and prosperous, are now and liberal one, by which the price was reduced croachments; but, in my humble judgment, there scattered over those counties, whose homestead to $1 25 per acre, and secured a right of preemp. never has been a proposition introduced into either have cost them but twenly dollars. For that sum tion to the actual settler upon payment of that branch of Congress since the adoption of the Conof money they have been enabled to purchase one sum. Much of your lands have been in market stitution, which involves a more outrageous viola. hundred and sixty acres of land-noi rich land, it at that price for thirty years, and remain unsold, tion of the just rights of the States, than the bill is true-but having ten or twenty acres of fair for the obvious reason that it is not worth the to which I have alluded. I have ever been opposed cultivable soil, on which they are now supporting i price you ask for it, and I might safely add, never to the doctrine of nullification; but, sir, if any their families. Search the habitable globe, and I will be, unless in the progress of railroad im- law passed by Congress would justify such resistdefy you to find a country where a man is in the provements, a demand should arise in specially

it would be this. For the same reason, I enjoyment of civil and religious liberty, that opens favored districts of country. The man who would opposed another bill on your calendar, known as such facilities to your citizens for becoming free- || hold his rich and poor, valuable and valueless Miss Dix's bill. No one appreciates more highly holders, as the Chickasaw counties have for many lands at the same inflexible price, would be con- than I do the motives of that most benevolent years presented, in consequence of the system of sidered a very unwise land operator. What would lady and public benefactress; but I can never graduation in the price of ihose lands.

be unwise in an individual, seeking to increase his consent to make a donation of lands within a sov. Sir, I think my proposition has many advant- own gains, is surely still more so in the Govern- ereign State, to a corporation without its limits. ages over the House bill. In the first place, it does ment, which does not or should not seek to re- When this is done, you retard the settlement of no injustice to any State or individual in the plenish its Treasury at the expense of the best the country, corrupt the morals of the people, deUnited States. In the nexi, it does full justice to class of its citizens.

press the énergies, and violate the sovereignty of a meritorious class of our citizens, and I believe, if As the price was reduced from $2 to $1 25 thir- ihe State. Congress has in several instances dothe sense of those who are intended to be bene- ty-three years ago, it is quite time that it should nated alternate sections of the public land to aid in filed by the act were taken upon the subject, a be reduced to $1 per acre, and then graduated as the construction of railroads. This was right and large majority of them would prefer my amend- ) proposed by my amendment. If you will adopt || proper, because the lands penetrated by those imment to the original bill. The bill gives to the this amendmeni as a substitute for the original provements are thereby enhanced in values sought man who has no land one hundred and sixty bill, and the House concurs, as I have no doubt it after and sold, and the reserved lands sell for more acres, while his neighbor, who by his industry will, not a whisper of discontent will be heard than the whole would have done without the immay have secured a tract of forty acres, is exclu- | throughout this broad land. Our people have never provement. I am not informed how it is in other ded from its benefits because he is not a landless been known to complain of Congress for doing i States, but the greater portion of the lands granted man in the common parlance of the day, and must justice to her citizens. By the adoption of this to the Mobile and Ohio railroad, as well as those pay $150 to increase his tract to the size of that of amendment you will do not only an act of justice, i reserved to the Government, were not worth one his more fortunate neighbor. It is only necessary | but you place homesteads within the reach of cent per acre, and never would have sold for even to state the objection for every one to see its forcé. || thousands who cannot obtain them under the pres- | that, without the improvement; but with it, they Again: the bill requires the party to reside on the ent law. And what is equally as important, you will be valuable. Beside this, the State of Missis. land for five consecutive years before he can be present him no temptation to forfeit his self-re sippi has already paid into your Treasury imcome entitled to his patent. This feature of the spect. Men do not like to become paupers upon mense profits on the entire cost of the lands sold bill is very objectionable to many persons. While the Government, unless I have utterly mistaken within that State. perhaps every man who settles a tract of new land, l the characters of those with whom I have lived all If I have not greatly deceived myself, Mr. Presfully expects to occupy it continuously for five my life. I firmly believe that this amendment || ident, I have shown that if the amendment I years, yet it is very repugnant to him to take it would not only be more acceptable to the people | propose should be adopted, strict justice will be clogged with such a condition. He wishes to be generally, but would be hailed with more joy than done to every interest concerned, yet so tempered at liberty to sell out and settle a new place, should | any act of Congress that has passed within the with mercy that it will be acceptable to this great his location prove unhealthy or'the neighborhood || last thirty years.

nation; that it will reimburse the Treasury every not be agreeable to him, or for any other cause Mr. President, it must be obvious to all who dollar expended in the acquisition, survey, and that suits his fancy. He would greatly prefer have closely observed the indications of public sale of the lands; that it will relieve the Governpaying the price I propose, with the privilege of opinion, that something must be done with the ment from the odious character of land speculator selling at pleasure, rather than have his land given public lands; some radical change in our policy upon its own citizens; that it will augment the to him embarrassed with the restrictions of the with regard to their disposition must be made. revenues of the Government by the increased bill. And more especially is this true, when his You have an overflowing Treasury, arising from prosperity of our citizens, it being the consumer homestead can only be obtained by the oath of in- duties on imports amply sufficient to meet the of goods who pays the duties; and that it will be solvency. Sir, I have always had an unconquer- most extravagant wants of the Government. We really more acceptable to those who are intended able aversion to the insolvent debtor's oath. It is have, therefore, no excuse for persevering in the to be its beneficiaries than the original bill. It galling enough to the just pride of an unfortunate policy of selling these lands at a profit; no just will be carrying out the humane recommendation man to be compelled to admit his poverty to cred- reason for refusing to act liberally with the setiler. of President Jackson, made twenty years ago. itors, and those who are yet more keenly to suffer I am confident that if this subject could be fully | It is substantially the homestead bill without its by it-- wife and children; but it is cruel to compel understood, and fairly presented to the American objectionable features. It will benefit a much or require him to go before an officer of the law | people, and their wishes could be expressed there larger class of citizens. It will preserve the selfand swear to it. Many proud-spirited men who on at the polls, that nine-tenihs of them would respect of those who are to enjoy its benefits, and would be entitled to the provisions of this act, say with General Jackson, sell for such sum as will not be opposed by the people of the old States would refuse it on such terms.

wilt reimbuse the Treasury, but not on specula- or the new. These, in my judgment, are sufficient The graduation principle was recommended by || tion. And if the other sex, man's better half, reasons for the adoption of my amendment. President Polk, advocated by Mr. Calhoun and were consulted, their vote would be unanimous. Before concluding, I will invite the attention of Mr. Walker, passed at different times by this I have said, and repeat, that something must be the Senate to a significant fact connected with this body, and has been sustained by such unanswer- done.

question. Since this bill has been pending in this able arguments in this and the other branch of It will be recollected that we have on our calen- body, many petitions have been presented prayCongress, to say nothing of its practical advant- dar a bill passed by the House, known as the ing its passage; but, so far as I recollect, not one ages where it has been tested, that I deem it useless Bennett bill, which provides for a distribution of petition has been introduced here from any point to consume the time of the Senate in offering the lands among the States. There was a time south of Philadelphia or west of Cincinnati, exfurther arguments of my own, or in repeating in our political history when a great party in this cept Arkansas. Why is this? How comes it, those of others, in its support. Every Senator is country passed an act for the distribution of the that the people from the land States as they are aware of the fact, that when a new country is proceeds of sales of the public lands among the II called, are not asking the passage of this' bill?

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