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320 CONG.....20 Sess.
Colonization in North America-Mr. Seward.
to prostrate a great principle of public law which by publishing portions of his private diary, him- were then members, chief members, of Monroe's protected the freedom and independence of nations. self proceeded to read the obnoxious extracts. administration. John Quincy Adams afterwards But we could not keep on the line of political knowl. They showed the author's strong opinions, that acknowledged that he was the author of that docedge,
and shrank from the responsibility imposed by the Federal compact the slaveholding class had trine or policy; and John C. Calhoun, on the 15th upon us by our position as the great Republic of the obtained, and that they had exercised,
a control- of May, 1848, in the Senate, testified on that point world. We now know, that Mr. Jefferson would ling influence in the government of the country. fully. A Senator had related an alleged converhave voted for the proposition had he then been a Placing these extracts by the side of passages sation, in which Mr. Adams was represented as member of this body. That is honor enough for taken from the farewell Address of Washingion, having said that three memorable propositions those of us, who found ourselves in the minority. the Senator from Michigan said:
contained in that message, of which what I have Mr. SEWARD. I have some remarks to sub- “ He is unworthy the name of an American who does not quoted was one, had originated with himself. Mr. mit upon this question; and I will, therefore, as
feel at his heart's core the difference between the lofty pa. Calhoun replied, that Mr. Adams, if he had so the usual hour of adjournment has arrived, and as triotism and noble sentiments of one of these documents,
stated, must have referred to only the one propand; but I will not say what the occasion would just the Senate may not desire to sit longer, move that ify. I will only say, and that is enough, the other, for it is osition concerning recolonization, (the one now in the Senate adjourn.
" It cannot, nor will it, nor should question,) and then added as follows: Mr.: DIXON. I hope the Senator will withit escape the censure of an age like this,”
* As respects that, bis (Mr. Adams's) memory does not draw that motion for a moment. that it had been entombed, like the ancient Egyptian rec- differ from mine."
* “It originated entirely ords, till its language was lost, than thus to have been exMr. SEWARD. The honorable Senator from
with Mr. Adams.”_App. Cong. Globe, 1847-8, p. 63). posed to the light of day." Kentucky gave notice the other day, that he in
The Senator then proceeded to set forth by con
Thus much for the origin of the Monroe doctrine tended to move to refer the resolutions before us to a committee, with instructions. Those instruc- southern States, and his own higher fidelity to the of the designs of European Powers upon the Island
on colonization. Now, let usturn to the position of trast his own greater justice and generosity to the John Quincy Adams, concerning national jealousy tions I should like to see before I address the Sen
Union. This was in the Senate of the United ate. I therefore withdraw my motion and yield States.
of Cuba. The recent revelations of our diplomacy
And yet no one rose to vindicate the the floor to him for the purpose of moving that memory of John Quincy Adams, or to express an
on that subject begin with the period when that they be printed.
statesman presided in the Department of State. Mr. DIXON. When this subject was last be- been thought necessary thus to invade the sanctity formed Mr. Forsyth, then American Minister in emotion even of surprise, or of regret, that it had
On the 17th of December, 1822, Mr. Adams infore the
Senate, I gave notice that I should, at the of the honored grave where the illustrious states Spain, that the Island of Cuba had excited much proper time, move to refer the resolutions offered
man who had so recently passed the gates of death by the Senator from Michigan, and the amendment of the Senator from New Hampshire, to the residence, education, or descent, and there were was sleeping. I was not of New England, by American Union;" and referring to reported rival
attention, and had become of deep interest to the Committee on Foreign Relations, with the follow- reasons enough, why I should then endure in si- island, instructed him to make known to Spain
designs of France and Great Britain upon that ing instructions, which I now present to the Senate. | lence a pain that I shared with so many of my * First. That the said committee be instructed to examine
“the sentiments of the United States, which were the treaty concluded at Washington, on the 4th day of July, countrynien. But I then determined, that when
favorable to the continuance of Cuba in its con1850, between her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain, by
the tempest of popular passion that was raging nection with Spain." On the 28th of April, 1823, her Minister Plenipotentiary, Sir Henry L. Bulwer, and the
in the country, should have passed by, I would Mr. Adams thus instructed Mr. Nelson, the sucGovernment of the United States, by John M. Clayton, claim a hearing here, not to defend or vindicate Secretary of State; and ascertain whether the Government the sentiments which the Senator from Michigan
cessor of Mr. Forsyth: of Great Britain, since the ratification of said treaty, has violated any of the provisions thereof, by the establishment had, thus severely censured-for Mr. Adams him
“ The Islands of Cuba and Porto Rico still remain, nom
inally, and so far really dependent on Spain, that she yet of any colonial government, the construction of fortifica- self had referred them, together with all his actions possesses the power of transferring her own dominion over tions in Central America, or otherwise ; and that they report and opinions concerning slavery, not to this tri- them to others. These islands, from their local position, the facts in connection therewith ; and if, in their opinion, there has been any violation of said treaty, that they may bunal, or even to the present time, but to that
are natural appendages to the North American continent;
and one of them, Cuba, almost in sight of our shores, from make further report, by resolution, of such measures as they after age which gathers and records the impartial
a multitude of considerations, has become an object of tran. may deem necessary to enforce a faithful observance of the and ultimate judgment of mankind—but to show scendent importance to the commercial and political interstipulations of said treaty, and preserve the honor and in
how just and generous he had been in his public ests of our Union. Its commanding position, with referterest of the country.
career towards all the members of this Confed Character of its population; its situation midway between «Second. That said committee inquire and report whether or not the establishment in the Bay of Honduras, by the eracy, and how devoted to the union of the States,
our southern coast and the Island of St. Domingo; its safe Government of Great Britain, of the colony called the and to the aggrandizement of this Republic. I and capacious harbor of the Havana, fronting a long line of Bay of Islands,' is or is not a violation of the provisions of
am thankful that the necessity for performing that our shores destitute of the saine advantage; the nature of the said treaty, or of the doctrines of Mr. Monroe, as pro
of furnishing supplies claimed in his message of the second of December, 1823, 1 duty has passed by, and that the statesman of needing the returns of a commerce immensely profitable on the establishment of colonies on this continent by Eu- Quincy has, earlier than I hoped, received his vin
and mutually beneficial-give it an importance in the sum ropean Powers: and if it shall appear that the rights of the dication, and has received it, too, at the hands of of our national interests with which that of no other foreign United States have been invaded, by either a disregard of the provisions of the said treaty, or of the doctrines pro- himself. I regret only tắis-ihat the vindication him from whom it was justly due--the acouser territory can be compared, and little inferior to that which
binds the different members of this Union together. Such,
indeed, are, between the interests of that island and of this report the facts to the Senate, together with such measures was not as generously as it was effectually made.
country, the geograpbical, commercial, moral, and political as, in their judgineni, may be deemed necessary to vindicate There are two propositions arising out of our in- relations, formed by nature, gathering in the process of time, the honor of the country. " Third. That said committee inquire whether
to the probable course of events, for the short period of half by the French Government of the peninsula of Samaná, in admitted by all our statesmen. One of them is, that
a century, it is scarcely possible to resist the conviction that the Republic of Dominica, is or is not a violation of the the safety of the southern States requires a watch- the annexation of Cuba to our Federal Republic will be ingame great principle proclaimed, as aforesaid, in the mes. ful jealousy of the presence of European Powers dispensable to the continuance and integrity of the Union sage of Mr. Monroe, and if so, what action is necessary on the part of this Government to protect itself against such in the southern portions of the North American
itself. It is obvious, however, that for this event we are encroachments on its rights." continent; and the other is, that the tendency of
not yet prepared. Numerous and formidable objections to
the extension of our territorial dominions beyond sea, preMr. SEWARD. I hope they will be printed. commercial and political events invites the United
sent themselves to the first contemplation of the subject; Mr. DIXON. I move that they be printed.
States to assume and exercise a paramount influ- obstacles to the system of policy by which alone that result The motion was agreed to.
ence in the affairs of the nations situated in this can be compassed and maintained, are to be foreseen and hemisphere: that is, to become and remain a great
surmounted, both from at home and abroad; but there are
Jaws of political as well as of physical gravitation ; and if WEDNESDAY, January 26, 1853.
western continental Power, balancing itself against an apple, severed by the tempest from its native tree, cannot The Senate resumed the consideration of the
the possible combinations of Europe. The ad- choose but fall to the ground, Cuba, forcibly disjointed from vance of the country towards that position con
its own unnatural connection with Spain, and incapable of joint resolution.
self support, can gravitate only towards the North American stitutes what, in the language of many, is called Union, which, by the same law of nature, cannot cast her The pending question being on the motion of
progress; and the position itself is what, by off from its bosom. Mr. Dixon to refer the resolution and the amend the same class, is called “manifest destiny.” It
" It will be among the primary objects requiring your ment of Mr. Hale to the Committee on Foreign, is held by all who approve that progress and ex
most earnest and unremitting attention, to ascertain and Relations, with certain instructions.
report to us every movement of negotiation between Spain pect that destiny, to be necessary to prevent the and Great Britain upon this subject." * Mr. SEWARD said: Mr. President, on the 234 recolonization of this continent by the European long as the constitutional Government may continue to be day of February, 1848, John Quincy Adams, of States, and to save the Island of Cuta from passing administered in the name of the king, your official interMassachusetts, who had completed a circle of pub- out of the possession of decayed Spain, into that peat what Mr. Forsyth has been instructed to say, that the
course will be with his Ministers, and to them you will relic service filling fifty years, beginning with an of any one of the more vigorous maritime Powers
wishes of your Government are, that Cuba and Porto Rico inferior diplomatic function, passing through the of the Old World.
may continue in connection with independent and constiChief Magistracy, and fitly closing with the trust
In December, 1823, James Monroe, President tutional Spain.” of a Representative in Congress, departed from the of the United States, in his annual message to Thirty years afterwards, viz: on the 4th day of earth, certainly respected by mankind, and, if all Congress, proclaimed the first of these two policies January, 1853, the Senator from Michigan, (Mr. posthumous honors are not insincere and false, substantially as follows:
Cass,) without one word of acknowledgment of deplored by his countrymen.
“The American continents, by the free and independent Mr. Adams's agency in instituting those measures On a fair and cloudless day in the month of condition which they have assumed and maintain, are
towards the “manifest destiny June, 1850, when the loud and deep voice of wail- henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future col
of the country, submitted the resolutions which ing had just died away in the land, the Senator
onization by any European Power ; and while existing
are under consideration, and which are in these from Michigan, of New England born, and by United States require them to announce that no future words: New England reared, the leader of a great party, I colony or dominion shall, with their consent, be planted or not only here, but in the whole country, rose in established in any part of the North American continent."
“Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives
of the United States of America in Congress assembled, the Senate Chamber, and after complaining that a This is what is called, here and elsewhere, the That the United States do hereby declare that 'the Ameri member of the family of that great statesman of Monroe doctrine, so far as it involves recoloni.
can continents, by the free and independent condition
which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth the East, instead of going backwards with a gar-zation.
not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by ment to cover his infirmities, had revealed them John Quincy Adams and John C. Calhoun ilany European Power;' and while existing rights should
320 Cong....Rp Sess.
Colonization in North America-Mr. Seward.
test or war.
be respected,' and will be by the United States, they owe it relations with other American communities, and and unnecessary exposition of our diplomatic corto their own safety and interests' to announce, as they
even with European nations, from which we ob respondence throughout a period of thirty years, now do, that no future European colony or dominion shall, with their consent, be planted or established on any
tained relief only through the war of 1812, and concerning the Island of Cuba, is regarded as part of the North American continent;' and should the at the subsequent emancipation of the Spanish colo- having created embarrassments which only the tempt be made, they tbus deliberately declare that it will
nies on this continent, and their organization as lapse of some time can remove. be viewed as an act originating in motives regardless of their interests and their safety, and which will leave them
free and independent Republics. Sir, I am will The Senator from Michigan seems to be aware free to adopt such ineasures as an independent nation may ing, on the demand of the Senator from Michigan, ll of these difficulties, and therefore he labors to justly adopt in defense of its rights and its honor.
or of any other leader, and without any demand show that there is a necessity, or at least an occa" And be it further resolved, That while the United States from any leader, to declare myself opposed-radi- | sion for action. But he fails altogether in showing disclaiin any designs upon the Island of Cuba, inconsistent with the laws of nations and with their duties to Spain, cally opposed-opposed at all times, now, hence any new occasion—which, to the apprehension of they consider it due to the vast importance of the subject to
forth, and forever-opposed, at the risk of all the Senate and country, is equivalent to failing to make known, in this solemn manner, that they should view hazards and consequences, to any design of any show any necessity or occasion at all. What are all efforts on the part of any other Power to procure posses State or States on this continent, or any where his facts? lst. In regard to Great Britain and sion, whether peaceably or forcibly, of that island, which, as a naval or military position, might, under circumstances
else, which may, by possibility, result in repro recolonization. The grasping spirit shown by easy to be foreseen. become 'dangerous to their southern ducing those evils—ihe greatest which could befall Great Britain in the Maine border question, and coast, to the Gulf of Mexico, and to the mouth of the Mis this country, short of that greatest of all, to which in the Oregon question. The Monroe doctrine, sissippi, as unfriendly acts directed against them, to be re they would open the way the subversion of our as expounded by Monroe himself, declared that sisted by all the means in their power.”
own hard-won independence, and the returning existing rights were to be respected-Great Britain In bringing together these actions of John Quin- | dominion of some European Power over ourselves. asserted that her claims in those cases were excy Adams in 1822, and of the Senator from Mich- || I shall therefore vote for these resolutions, if it isting rights. Those questions have been settled, igan in 1853, and placing them in juxtaposition in shall please the Senate to come to decisive action rightly or wrongly, and have passed away. the history of the Senate, I have done all that the
upon them, and I shall vote for reaffirming and What more? The British claim on the Mosquito Senator from Michigan seems to have left undone, | maintaining the principles of John Quincy Ad coast. That, also, is settled by treaty. The orto vindicate the departed statesman from the cen ams, as defined in the Monroe doctrine, and in ganization of the Bay of Islands as a distinct sures heaped upon him by the living one in 1850.
his policy in regard to Cuba, at all times, and un colony. That, too, falls within the subject-matI proceed to consider the resolutions thus offered der all circumstances whatsoever.
ter of a treaty. In each of these cases Creat by the Senator from Michigan.
But while thus expressing my devotion to those Britain has violated treaty stipulations, or she has The honorable Senator from New Hampshire principles, I cannot too strongly express myself not. If she has not, then there is no cause for offers an amendment, as a condition of his vote, in
against the manner in which they have been any action; if she has, then the remedy is not an these words:
brought in issue, here on this occasion. The is- | affirmance of the Monroe doctrine, but direct pro"And be it further resolved, That while the United States, sue is made at a time, and under circumstances, in like manner, disclaim any designs upon Canada incon
which render it inevitable that we must fail, sigsistent with the laws of nations, and with their duties to
I give Great Britain small credit for moderation. Great Britain, they consider it due to the vast importance | nally, fail, in maintaining the great principles I think she has just as much as we have, and no of the subject to make known, in this solemn manner, that which it involves.
We are of the same stock, and have the they should view all efforts on the part of any other Power The issue is raised at a wrong time. We are common passion of a common race for dominion. to procure possession, either peaceably or forcibly, of that Province, (which, as a naval or military position, must,
more than half way through a session constitu But the country will be unable to discover that under circumstances easy to be foreseen, become dangerous tionally limited to ninety days, and engaged with the recent events show any nggressions on her to their northern boundary, and to the lakes,) as unfriendly vast and various subjects which cannot be disposed part, which constitute an occasion for an affirmance arış directed against them, to be resisted by all the means of without long and most discursive debate. of the Monroe doctrine by Congress. in their power."
I think the issue is raised in a wrong way. Prac And now, secondly, as to Cuba. What has I will vote for that amendment. It is not well || tically, and by custom, the President of the United Great Britain done' Nothing but just what we expressed.
States holds the initiative of measures affecting have done. She has sent armed ships to prevent Mr. HALE. Will the honorable Senator allow foreign relations. The President now in the Ex invaders from revolutionizing the island, and so me a moment? I am glad that my amendment ecutive House will go out in thirty days, and his severing it from its ancient connection with Spain. meets his concurrence and will secure his vote; | sanction, even if we had it, would therefore be of | We have done the same. She has also proposed but as to the question of taste, I desire to say that no value. But even that sanction, such as it would to enter into an agreement with us, that neither it is copied word for word from the second resolu- || be, is withheld—and, I must confess, rightly with-will acquire Cuba, or suffer others to acquire it. tion of the honorable Senator from Michigan, held. The people have elected a new President, We have declined. The natural conclusion would only •striking out “ Cuba” where it occurs, and who is just ready to assume, and upon whom the be, that she was more forbearing than we. But inserting Canada,” and striking out "Spain" | responsibilities of the conduct of foreign relations, the Senator avoids this by charging that the propand inserting " Great Britain." I am, therefore, for four years at least, must rest. Not only do we osition was insincerely and hypocritically made responsible for the policy involved in my amendo not know what his opinions on this question are, on her part. British writers were before him in ment; but the question of taste belongs to the but our action would anticipate the publication of making that charge against us, founded on our honorable Senator from Michigan: Laughter.]
those opinions, and embarrass—is it too strong an voluntary revelations of our own diplomacy in Mr. SEWARD. It is quite immaterial. expression to say, factiously embarrass!-the in- regard to Cuba. I am too American to confess shall vote for it any how. It implies the same coming Administration.
their charge to be just, and not enough American policy in regard to Canada which the main reso. Moreover, we are not only required to advance to fling it back upon Great Britain for mere retallutions assert concerning Cuba. The colonies, in this matter without the light that Executive ex iation. when they confederated in 1775, invited Canada | position might throw upon our path, but we are What has France done by way of recolonizato come in. Montgomery gave up his life in required to proceed without the aid or advice of tion? Nothing. A French adventurer, Count scaling the Heights
of Abraham, in the same year, the committee to whom the care of foreign rela- | Boulbon, has attempted to revolutionize the Mexto bring her in. Scott, in 1814, poured out his tions has been confided by the Senate, and, as ican State of Sonora, and failed. There is not a blood at Chippewa to bring her in. If the prop there is reason to believe, in opposition to their word of evidence to connect the French Governosition shall fail, I shall lament it as a repudiation || deliberate judgment.
ment or people with that movement. And for all by the Senate, of a greater national interest than Again, it results from the very nature of the that French newspapers here or in Paris may say, any other distinct one involved in this debate; but case that a majority for the resolutions cannot be we know full well, that just as fast as the MexiI shall, nevertheless, vote for the resolutions of obtained, either in the Senate, or in the Congress, || can States shall be severed from the Mexican the Senator from Michigan. I shall do so, be or in the country.
stock, by whomsoever it may be effected, they
The principles involved in the resolutions have will seek annexation, not to France or any other 1st. The reverence I cherish for the memory become a tradition among the American people, European Power, but to the United States. Nor of John Quincy Adams, the illustrious author of and on acknowledged occasions they would act has France interposed, in regard to Cuba, otherthe policy which they embody, inclines me to upon them as traditions vigorously and with una wise than as we have ourselves interposed, to support them.
nimity. On the other hand, the Americans are a keep it in the possession of Spain. 21. While I do not desire the immediate or practical people, engrossed with actual business So much for the acts of European Powers on early annexation of Cuba, nor see how I could affairs; and they will not act upon abstract prin- | the subjects of colonization and Cuba. vote for it at all until slavery shall have ceased to | ciples, however approved, unless there be a neces What remains of the Senator's case seems counteract the workings of nature in that beautiful | sity, or at least an occasion. So it has happened scarcely to merit grave consideration. It consists, island, nor even then, unless it could come into with the Monroe doctrine on colonization, and first, of ominous articles in newspapers. But the Union without injustice to Spain, without ag with the national policy concerning Cuba. They even we, the most newspaper-loving nation in the gressive war, and without producing internal dis are thirty years old; they are generally accepted, || world, make our designs and policy known, not sensions among ourselves, I nevertheless yield up and yet, not only have they never been affirmed through the newspapers, but by public acts and my full assent to the convictions expressed by by Congress, but Congress has refused to affirm official agents; and France and Great Britain do John Quincy Adams, that this nation can never them, solely for the reason that there was no press- the same. The press speaks on all occasions, but safely allow the Island of Cuba to pass under the ing necessity, no particular occasion, for such an for itself always. No wise and calm statesman dominion of any Power that is already, or can affirmation. Whenever a necessity or an occasion in either country feels himself compromised by become, a formidable rival or enemy; and cannot. arises, it produces a popular sentiment or passion. || what the press may assume to speak for oragainst safely consent to the restoration of colonial rela The northern States are content now; they do not him, much less does either Government acknowltions between any portions of this continent and fear recolonization, and do not want Cuba. The edge any necessity for avowing or disavowing the monarchies of Europe.
southern States are content; they do not now desire what the press may allege. The language of the The reëstablishment of such relations would of political excitement, and they are not prepared for | press of any country, therefore, even if it were course reproduce, in a greater or less degree, the anything that may involve the nation in war. It general, would not warrant national action by any commercial and political embarrassments of our is not to be denied, also, that the recent unwise II other Government-much less would that lan
320 CONG....20 Sess.
Colonization in North America-Messrs. Seward and Cass.
guage warrant such action when it was spoken it can be certainly affirmed that it will not in its as Spain does Cuba. What does she want of by only one out of a thousand or five thousand
consequences lead to a war. I think, therefore, more American colonies, to draw upon the home journals.
that none but a jaundiced eye, such as does not Secondly, the Senator from Michigan invokes belong to the President, or to the Secretary of
treasury for defense and support, and to become our attention to what Lord George Bentinck has | State, could have discovered the insult thus com
independent as soon as they shall become strong ?
Canada is only a nominal colony or dependency. said in the British Parliament, Well, sir, that plained of, and therefore they may be excused for
Great Britain yet retains Canada only by yielding is important. What an English Lord has said, having received it in silence.
to her what she denied to us-fiscal independence. and said in Parliament, too—that must be looked The Senator shows us that six or seven years And now, what does France or Great Britain into. Well, what did Lord George Bentinck say? | ago Spain herself meditated the establishment of want of Cuba? It is a slave colony. They have Sir, he said very angry things-very furious a monarchy in New Granada, and only one hun- abolished slavery in all their possessions. Should things—indeed, very ferocious things. Prepare | dred and forty years ago, a proposition was made either of them obtain that island, the first act of yourself to hear them, sir. Lord George Bentinck to the British Ministry to privately seize the Island Government there must be the abolition of sladid say, in so many words, and in Parliament, of Cuba in a time of peace and friendship with very. The abolition of slavery, too, must be too! what I am going to repeat. His lordship Spain. These facts would have been pertinent, made with compensation, and the compensation did say that
perhaps, if the Senator had advised us to seize must be drawn from the home treasury. Will “ He quite agreed with Captain Pilkington."
ihe Havana. But I understood him, on the con- either of them take Cuba at such a cost? And Ay, sir, his lordship did say that “ he quite trary, to discountenance not only conquest, but what would Cuba, without slavery, be worth to agreed with Captain Pilkington!” Ominous words even purchase, and to agree with those of us who either of those Powers? Let their experience in -fearful conjunction; an English Lord and an propose to wait for the fruit to ripen, although he the West Indies answer. Cuba, without slavery, English Captain. But this was not all, not by any has been at some pains to show us that it may can belong to no European Slate but Spain. Cuba, means all that Lord George Bentinck said. He rot in the ripening. Indeed, Mr. President, the without slavery,
would be worthless to any Power said, also:
Senator's argument seemed to me a meandering but the United States: and John Quincy Adams “They would never put down the slave trade, so long as
stream, that visited and touched all the banks of was right; Cuba, either with or without slavery, it depended upon blockading ten thousand two hundred controversy, but glided swiftly away from them, gravitates towards, and will ultimately fall into, and sixty miles of coast, and he would do what Captain | and especially avoided plunging into the depths the American Union. Pilkington had recommended.” of any conclusion.
What then! Has France ceased to be ambitious, And what do you think it was that Captain Its tendency, I think; was to exasperate the and has Great Britain adopted the policy that AuPilkington had recommended? Be patient, I pray American people against the European Powers, gustus Cæsar bequeathed to Rome, to forbear from you, and hear Lord George Bentinck explain. ) and to irritate them. I cannot sympathize with extending the bounds of empire? Not at all. What Captain Pilkington recommended was, " to such a spirit. I would submit to no real wrong, France and England are unchanged. I do not * strike a blow at the head, and not the hand. and justify no oppression or tyranny committed know that as yet they have learned that their power • He would not send an army to destroy every in- | by them. But, on the other hand, I will seek no cannot be renewed or restored in America. "But I •dividual hornet, but he would go to the hornet's factitious cause of controversy. I want no war do know that they will find it out when they try nest at once.” Yes, sir; and Lord George Ben- | with them. We are sure to grow by, peace. A to renew and restore it again; and therefore all the tinck not only echoed all these severe things which war between the two continents would be a war
alarms raised by the Senator from Michigan pass had been said by Captain Pilkington, as aforesaid, involving not merely a trial which was the strong- by me like the idle winds. The Monroe doctrine but he said also on his own account, ** Let us take est, but the integrity of our Republic. Before was a right one-the policy was a right one, not
possession of Cuba, and settle the question alto- | such a war shall come, I want to see Canada trans- because it would require to be enforced by arms, gether. Let us distrain upon it for the just debt | ferred from her false position in Europe, to her but because it was well-timed. It was the result due,
and too long asked in vain, from the Span- true position on this continent, Texas peopled like of a sagacious discovery of the tendency of the . ish Government." As for the rest of the alarm- || Massachusetts, the interior of the continent culti- age. It will prevail if you affirm it. It will equaling sayings of his lordship, I forbear from repeat- | vated like Ohio, and Oregon and California not ly prevail if you neglect to affirm it hereafter as ing them. Are they not written in the Appendix only covered, like New York, with forts and you have refused to do heretofore. As a practical to the Congressional Globe, for the years 1847 and | arsenals, and docks and navy-yards, but grappled question, therefore, it has ceased to be. It is ob1848, published by Blair & Rives, printers of the fast to New York and Washington by an iron solete. You are already the great Continental Debates of Congress, at page 607?
chain that shall stretch its links through the passes Power of America. But does that content you? And now, sir, it may assuage the passion and of the Sierra Nevada and the Rocky Mountains. I trust it does not. You want the commerce of abate the fear that these threats of Lord George The Senator tells us that the question of the the world, which is the empire of the world. This Bentinck to distrain upon a hornet's nest have acquisition of Cuba may be upon us to-morrow, is to be looked for not on the American lakes, nor excited, when I state, first, that they are old, and I and may not be upon us for twenty-five years. on the Atlantic coast, nor on the Caribbean sea, not new. They were uttered four years ago: That is to say, it stands now, so far as we can nor on the Mediterranean, nor on the Baltic, nor namely, on the 3d of March, 1848. "Secondly, see, where it has stood for twenty-five years past. on the Atlantic ocean, but on the Pacific ocean, that George Bentinck was only a lord by courtesy, But he advises us to be ready. That is just what and its islands and continents. Be not over-conand so not a real lord at all. Thirdly, that Lord I propose to do. And the way to keep ready is fident. Disregard not France, and England, and George Bentinck was in a very harmless minority to keep cool. If we keep cool, we shall be none Russia. Watch them with jealousy, and baffle in Parliament when he uttered them, it being, in- the less prepared, if the portenious question shall their designs against you. But look for those deed, unknown that he had any confederate in his indeed come to-morrow;while, on the other hand, great rivals where they are to be found-on those wicked designs but Captain Pilkington. Fourthly, excessive heat prematurely generated, will be sure continents and seas in the East where the prize that this alleged speech was brought before the to pass off before the expiration of the longer pe- which you are contending with them for is to be Senate and the American people, in 1848, by a riod.
found. Open up a highway through your country late member of this body, whose constitutional Mr. President, let us survey our ground care- from New York to San Francisco. Put your doproclivity to wit and humor was so great as to fully and completely: Political action, like all main under cultivation, and your ten thousand justify the belief that the speech, like the Donald- other human action, is regulated by laws higher. wheels of manufacture in motion. Multiply your son and Greer correspondence, was a hoax, (Mr. than the caprice or policy of princes, kings, and ships, and send them forth to the East. The naW.) Fifthly, that Lord George Bentinck died States. There is a time for colonization, and there tion that draws most materials and provisions from some years ago, and Captain Pilkington not hav- || is a time for independence. The colonization of the earth, and fabricates the most, and sells the ing been heard of for a long time, there is a strong the American hemisphere by European Powers
most of productions and fabrics to foreign nations, presumption that the loss of his noble friend and was the work of the sixteenth and seventeenth must be, and will be, the great Power of the earth. chivalrous ally has thrown him into a decline. centuries; the breaking up of colonial dependence, Mr. CASS. I have a right to say a word or
The tone of the speech of the Senator from and the rise of independent American States, is two, Mr. President, in reply to the Senator from Louisiana, (Mr. Soule,) was one of complaint the work of the eighteenth and nineteenth centu- New York; and the first remark that I have to against the Administration of our Government, ries. It is a work that does not go on as broadly make is, that I cannot characterize his speech in and against France and Great Britain. The Ad- and as rapidly as we could wish, but it does not the proper manner, so long as I entertain a respect ministration was censured for austerity towards go backwards. It goes faster than was to have for myself and for the Senate. But I will say this, the associates of Lopez. But either it could have been expected, under the circumstances, for it be- that of all the speeches I have ever heard from that protected or vindicated them consistently with law i gan when the United States alone, of all the col. honorable Senator and that is saying a good and treaties, or it could not. If it could, then the onies, Spanish, French, and English, had attained deal—this was the most disingenuous, and marked Senator's censures are too lenient; if it could not, | adequate strength, and sufficient preparation for with the most self-complacency, that I have ever then they are altogether unjust. Since the day when | successful self-government. European States can- heard in the American Senate. Sir, I am not the gifted, ingenuous, and gentle André was exe- not establish new colonies here, for the same rea- going to follow the honorable Senator through the cuted on a gallows as a spy, by order of Washing- son that they cannot long retain their old ones. whole of his remarks. I have risen simply to read ton, we have known the painful delicacy of execu- | As for France, she surrendered all her continental the passage which he would not read and which ting general laws upon persons whose motives | American empire to Great Britain in 1763, except an honest and just man would have read in his and bearing justly excited our respect and com- Louisiana and Cayenne. Napoleon sold Louisi. speech-because he did not want it to go out with passion. The Senator's sympathy in this case is ana to us in 1803, because even he could not keep his own remarks. right. It is only the perversion of it to awaken it for France. She keeps Cayenne only because Mr. MANGUM. I feel constrained to call the prejudice against the Administration that I con- it is not worth the cost of conquest. What does |-honorable Senator to order. demn. Again: France and Great Britain are said she want of more American colonies to be severed Mr. CASS. Mr. President, I do not mean to to have menaced us, by saying in their correspond from her as soon as matured ?
say a word out of order, but the honorable Senaence that a renewal of such an expedition as that Great Britain, too, lost in the American Revo- tor will recollect what the Senator from New York of Lopez might endanger the peace of the nations. | lution all her American possessions but a remnant. said. One expression which he used was, that No such expedition can be undertaken of which || She keeps that remnant from pride, not interest, l! he "absolutely compassionated” me for my “la
32D CONG.....21 Sess.
Colonization in North America-Mr. Cass.
boring” in my “speech;" and there is no mis- it is a specimen of what I said was the nature of Adams's opinion was that such a law should pass take about that sentiment running through the his remarks—alluded to the subject of the Maine Congress.' The extract was taken from his Diary, whole of the speech of the Senator from New controversy, and said that I gave that as one of written when he was Secretary of State, and pubYork. I wonder that the honorable Senator from the reasons for introducing this resolution. There lished with the purpose of influencing Congress to North Carolina was not prompt enough to stop is nothing like it, sir. There is no such thing in perform an act which I believed then, as I believe some of its expressions. As he has not, I think my speech, from beginning to end—not one word. now, would have been utterly ruinous and deI have a right to say, a word or two in reply. I What I said about the Maine controversy was structive to this Confederation. Had I no right, have done nothing yet but to characterize the this: 1 was recapitulating the conditions under then, to comment, in the proper spirit, upon it? speech.
which we were heretofore placed. The case of Mr. Adams, when Secretary of State, wrote Allow me to say a few words about the Sena- | Maine was one, among others, which I mentioned, the extract to which I allude. And do you, Mr. tor's allusion to what I said about Mr. Adams. where, I said, we yielded to improper pressure from President, believe, does the honorable Senator As I said, he did not quote those remarks, and his a foreign Power; and I believe, as the strength of from New York believe, is there a man in this Senspeech going out printed to the world would lead the country increases, and the sentiment of the ate who believes, that at that time, when he was the world to suppose that I had indulged in re- country supports its own dignity, we will not sub- | among those who looked to the Presidency, which marks about Mr. Adams without the least propri- mit to it any more. That was one of the facts he ultimately attained, he would have made these ety. Sir, the Senator's commentary should have which I recapitulated, and it had nothing to do sentiments known to the American people? And been accompanied by my remarks, so that they with the principle before us. It was a mere refer- yet he would put them in his Diary, that they might have gone out in the same paper, and been ence to our history, and was not given as a rea- should die with him; and no relative, it seems to compared together. But I will read those remarks; son for instigating this movement.,
me, looking to the real condition, should have and I do not believe there is another man in the But the honorable Senator has talked a great brought them out.
Under these circumstances, Senate that will say they were not justified under deal about Lord George Bentinck, and his being what did I say? I will read to the Senate what I the circumstances. Before I do that, however, I only a lord by courtesy, and all that. I have said: desire to make an observation with respect to the nothing to say about that. I have nothing to say "These are the views bequeathed to us by an eminent wording of the resolutions. about his title. He has talked a great deal about
citizen (Mr. Adams) who, after filling the office of Presi. Some remarks were bandied backwards and for- Lord George Bentinck and Captain somebody. I
dent of the United States, was taken away in the midst of
his labors, as the ancient warriors fell, with their harness wards between the honorable Senators from New shall not go into that. But, sir, this Lord George upon them. It has been long known that he kept a diary York and New Hampshire, about the expression Bentinck was not only a lord and a member of Par- of passing events, and a portion of this record of daily ocused in the resolutions. All I have to say now in liament, as the honorable Senator and myself are
currences has been recently taken from the depository,
where it had better been shielded by time and dust, and exregard to that, is what I said in the beginning, members of the Senate, but he was the acknowl.
posed to the light of day by a member of bis family. How they are in the words of Mr. Polk and Mr. Mon-edged Tory leader in the House of Commons-a often has the memory of distinguished men been injured roe; so that I consider myself only an auditor, most important personage in English political his- by the zeal of indiscreet friends, who, instead of going so far as respects that not of Mr. Adams, but of tory. He stood up, not as a mere member of the
backward with a garment to cover them, reveal their in, Mr. Monroe and Mr. Polk. With respect to
This revelation House of Commons, but as the head of the Tory | will add nothing to the claims-and they are many—which
firmities to the curiosity of the world! Canada, I have nothing to say, except that the party, and that fact gave weight to his opinions; the deceased statesman had to the consideration of his honorable Senator from New Hampshire knows and when such a man as that a man who, from countrymen, founded upon his services, his talents, bis acAs well as I do that there is no kind of parity day to day, might have been Prime Minister of quirements, and his unimpeached probity." in the condition of Canada and Cuba. 'I am England, from his political position, makes such I never felt disposed to do injustice to Mr. not going to argue that, because he knows it as a statement, I think we have a right to notice it. Adams. well as I do. He knows that the reasons appli- || Bụt the honorable Senator has said that he is now “Strong prejudices, not to say bitter ones, and a tempercable to this resolution in regard to Cuba are not dead, and that he cannot "distrain" upon Cuba. ament often ill-regulated and always excitable, too frequentapplicable to Canada. He knows that if Canada I did not allude to his remarks so much as the
ly interfered, especially when men and measures were
closely connected, with that calm investigation so essential falls out of the possession of England, it could opinions of the individual; but I alluded to the
to the exercise of a correct judgment." not go into the hands of a stronger Power. He principle avowed, as belonging to men holding the knows that there is no great route of our com- same political views. That is the reason why I
Mr. President, is there a man here who knew merce which Canada commands, as does Cuba. | alluded to it; and whether Lord George Bertinck
Mr. Adams, who does not know that fact? But I am not going to argue that with him; for he be now living or dead, it is the same thing to me. “ This cotemporaneous record of his feelings and opinwill not say that he does not know it as well as The sentiment to which I alluded was that of
ions exhibits these traits of character in bold relief, and is,
indeed, a melancholy proof that a vigorous intellect may be I do.
a high political Tory in England, who might, from overshadowed by strange aberrations, and rendered useless But I wish to make a remark upon one other day to day, have been at the head of the British and sometimes dangerous by wayward views, originating point. The honorable Senator from New York | Ministry, and his declarations are good for all
in passing impressions, and maintained with characteristic
tenacity, and with little respect for the opinions of others. has arraigned me for introducing this resolution-time. But the time when he made that declara
“In this diary, the compromise by which the Constituand I am amazed at the expression, but these are tion has passed away! It has been four or five tion was established, and without which it could never the very words without the sanction of the years since it was made! Sir, four or five years bave been established, is denounced as the bargain bePresident of the United States." Well, sir, I have is a short time in English policy. That policy
tween freedom and slavery;' and it is pronounced morally
and politically vicious ;'very little to say on that subject. It requires no an- does not vary so rapidly as that.' What England swer. I have introduced a solemn resolution into was then she is now. And when a man in Lord He pronounced the Constitution of the United this Senate, as a member of the body, without the George Bentinck's position, stands up in the States " morally and politically vicious." sanction of the President of the United States, and House of Commons, and avows that he wants to
with various harsh epithets and illogical deductions, I have even ventured to do it without the sanction of have Cuba for debts due to English subjects, I ask little creditable to the judgment of the writer at any time, a committee. But the honorable Senator asserted
and least of all at that time, considering the position in the if it should not engage some attention. It is true, Government he then occupied, and the acknowledged claims what he had no right to assert-no gentleman has sir, the remarks were taken from a newspaper; he had to still higher distinction. a right to assert a fact unless he knows it to be but I do not disregard newspaper reports, as the * This condemnation of the Constitution as inorally vicious, 80-that I introduced it without the knowledge of honorable Senator affects to do. I think they are
is left upon record by a statesman who sought and enjoyed
the confidence of his country in many stations of high any other member of the Senate. He was mis- | important; important indications of public opin- honor and responsibility—in more, indeed, perhaps, than taken in that; and I repeat again, no man has a | ion; important indications and precursors of the any other man of the past generation; whose services comright to assert a fact as such, unless he knows it movements of a Government. I should say that menced about the commencement of the present Governto be so. Yes, sir, I have introduced it without the indications in The Times are very import
ment, and continued almost without intermission, until his
career was terminated by death. At the very time he thus the sanction of the President of the United States; ant. No man can doubt that. Therefore they embodied this opinion of the Constitution, he was the secand if my constituents find fault with me for that, are to be regarded, not as absolute facts, but as ond officer of the Executive Department of the Government, they will recall me, and I will reply to them there. strong indications of what is the leading sentiment and became, ere long, the first; and in each of these capaBut the honorable Senator said that this is no of the country:
cities, as in many a preceding one, he voluntarily assumed,
under the most solemn sanction, the obligation to support proper time to introduce this resolution. Why, Well, sir, the honorable Senator has said, that
this Constitution, thus stamped with the charge of moral sir, as soon as I understood what was going on in the time for colonization is passed. I will say and political vice. I take no pleasure in the expression of Honduras and the Bay of Islands, the resolution but one word about that. We have had two col- these views. But the document has been given to the counwas introduced. It was introduced to meet the onizations this year, and how many more we are
try, and, regret it as we may and must, it has already passed
into history; and, like all the other materials of which hiscase. And did I suppose--had I any right to sup- going to have I know not. That is the best com- tory is composed, cannot escape the scrutiny, nor will it pose--that the Senate would procrastinate in such mentary upon the Senator's remarks.
escape the censure of an age like this. Nor should it. Its an emergency? Suppose it had been put off until But I rose principally to make some remarks
tone of moral sentiment is bad. The doctrine and the ex
ample are bad. That the Constitution is a vicious instrument another session? Why, then the question would in reply to the allusions of the honorable Senator
is an opinion, it seems to me, that no right minded American have been put, as it was raised by the Senator from to my observations about Mr. Adams. It is now can hold. That its honors and emoluments may be sought New Hampshire this session, Why did you not three years since those observations were made; and enjoyed, and its obligations assumed by him who conintroduce it before? That would have been the and they are now resuscitated by the honorable
siders it liable to this grave censure, is certainly not recon
cilable with any elevated standard of inorality; nor is the result. I had no right to believe that the Amer- || Senator from New York-as Mr. Adams's re
opinion or the example by which position is held under ican Senate would procrastinate such a measure marks were brought, so to speak, out of the grave such circumstances calculated to produce a salutary impresunnecessarily. There is no reason why it should by a near relative. What were the facts in regard sion upon the American youth."" not act upon it in a week as well as in a month; to my remarks on Mr. Adams? During the pend- Those were my sentiments then, and they are but whether it act upon it in a week, or in a month, li ency of the discussions arising out of the annex- now. or in a year, is no good reason why I should post- ation of portions of the Mexican dominions,-in “I am sorry to say there are other portions of this resus. pone it. If I deemed its introduction necessary to fact, during the discussion on the Wilmot pro- citated paper equally obnoxious to the censure of patriotism the welfare of the country, I was not obliged to viso, an extract from the Diary of Mr. Adams, and of good taste. How different are its tone and temper from
that legacy of true wisdom and patriotism, the Farewell wait any longer. bearing upon the principle involved in that pro
Address--a monument of high moral and political feeling, The honorable Senator from New York-and || viso, was published by his son, to show that Mr. and of affectionate interest, as well as of practical wisdom, 32D CONG.....20 Sess.
Colonization in North America-Mr. Seward.
such as no other citizen 'ever bequeathed to his country. “ Benjamin, portioned above his brethren, has ravened nent upon the floor of Parliament. He was said men.
as a wolf; in the morning he has devoured the prey, and at “ The one appeals to the better feelings of our nature- 6 night he has divided the spoil.' So much for Scripture and
by his contemporaries to be the most stable man in to the common name of American-and bids us hold on patriotism. When translated into plain English, this means
England, because he kept the largest stud of horses. to the unity of Government, which constitutes us one that the South has fattened upon the North, as the wolf is
But the honorable Senator has mooted an impeople,' by all the motives that belong to the past and the gorged with his prey! Lest the apologue should not be surpresent, to common exertions crowned with success, and to
Most of the opinions ficiently clear, we are told that almost everything which has
portant point in this case. common hopes as bright as, in the providence of God, were contributed to the honor and the welfare of the nation, has
which he attributed to Lord George Bentinck, were ever offered to any people. It warns is also of the mischief been accomplished by the North, in despite of the South ; and
by Lord George Bentinck himself acknowledged to of sectional prejudices, and of the danger of sectional ques- that everything un propitious and dishonorable, including have been derived from Captain Pilkington, who tions which tend to render alien to each other those who the blunders and follics of their adversaries, may be truçed was a man so obscure that we have no account of ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.' And to the South. that voice, which now comes to us from the tomb, should " And this judgment is pronounced upon the land of Pat
him whatever from the honorable Senator, speak in trumpet tones to every American ear, and strike a rick Henry, and Jefferson, and Laurens, and Rutledge, and
I have a word more to say upon the merits of responsive chord in every American heart, when it calls upon Sumter, and Marion, and Madison, and Marshall, and Mon. the case. The honorable Senator says there have us to 'FROWN INDIGNANTLY UPON THE FIRST DAWNING OF roe, and Jackson, and-above all' and beyond all-WashEVERY ATTEMPT TO ALIENATE ONE PORTION OF OUR
been two European colonizations in this year, or ington; and upon the land of a host of other statesmen and COUNTRY FROM THE REST, OR TO WEAKEN THE SACRED warriors, as true and tried as in field or Cabinet ever main
within the last two or three years; one of them TIES WHICH NOW BIND TOGETHER THE VARIOUS PARTS.' tained the honor of their country in tiines as perilous as any the Bay of Islands, and the other British Hondu« The other—but I will not speak of it as I might well country ever encountered and survived.
ras. Now I do not know that; and I referred, the do. Better that it had been entombed, like the ancient " And yet almost all of good that bas been gained by our Egyptian records, till its language was lost, than have been country, has been gained by the North, in despite of the
other day, to a speech of his own, made in 1848, thus exposed to the light of day. I will place in contact, South; while the South has brought upon us all our mis.
in which he showed that three thousand troops and that will place in contrast, a few passages from the fortunes, and upon their adversaries all their blunders and bad been marched out of the Balize by order of Farewell Address, and from the Diary of Mr. Adams, and follies!!! I suppose this word. adversaries,'in the vocab- the colonial authorities there. The Balize is Britclose this ungrateful topic with a few remarks."
ulary of Mr. Adams, means the other portion of the Union.
ish Honduras. I did place in the same column opposite to each " Now, sir, I am not going to mete ont to the various
It is just as much a recolonizaregions of this broad land the share of each in the wonder
tion as it was a reestablishment of independence other, the remarks of General Washington in his ful career in all the elements of power and prosperity into
in the State of New York, when, about seven Farewell Address, and those of Mr. Adams. I which we have entered, and have, indeed, far advanced. will not read the remarks of General Washington; i tributed to obtain it. And still less will I undertake seri.
years ago, the people of that State exchanged their The glory belongs equally to all, and all have equally con
old constitution, which they did not like, for one there is no need of it; every American has them ously to refute a proposition which, if the refutation is not
which they liked a little better. As to the Bay in his heart; he knows what they are. The re- in the heart of an American, he is faithless to the common of Islands, the British Government said, and say, marks of Mr. Adams I will read, and I will then deeds of the past, and to the common hopes of the future. that the Bay of Islands was a dependency of the appeal to every man who hears me, be he Senator
“ I am no panegyrist of the South. It needs none. I or be he auditor, if any language of condemnation am a northern man by birth, a western man by the habits
Balize and a part of that colony, and that now and associations of half a century; but I am an American, they have, for the sake of convenience, made two can be pronounced too strong upon the revelation above all. I love the land of my forefathers; I revere the colonies instead of one. If these make two coloof such language, written secretly by the second inemory of the Pilgrims for all they did and suffered in the
nizations with which Great Britain is to be officer in this Government, aiming at the first post,
great cause of human rights, political and religious; and I which he afterwards attained? What did 'Mr.
am proud of that monument which time and labór have charged, she must also be credited with one less
built up to their memory--the institutions of New England colony on this continent, because within some halfAdams say? He said this:
--a memorial of departed worth as noble and enduring as dozen years she has merged Upper and Lower " The progress of this discussionthe world has ever witnessed-glorious and indestructible.
Canada, which were two distinct colonies, into But while I feel thus, I should despise myself if any narThe discussion upon the Missouri compromise row préjudices or intemperate passions should blind my
one. question was what he referred to
eyes to the intelligence and patriotism of other sections of In regard to the honorable Senator's vindication ** The progress of this discussion has so totally merged in
our united country: to their glorious deeds, to their lofty of himself for his censures of Mr. Adams within passion all the reasoning faculties of these slaveholders, sentiments, to their bigh names, and to those sacred aspi
some eighteen or twenty months after his death, that these gentlemen, in the simplicity of their hearts, had
rations, common to them and to us, for the perpetuity and come to a conclusion in direct opposition to their premises, prosperity of this great confederation, which belong to the
I have only to say this: If we allow the facts without being aware or conscious of inconsistency. They
past, to the present, and to the future; and whose feelings stated by the honorable Senator here to be true, if insisted upon it, that the clause in the Constitution which
and opinions are brought here and reflected here by a repre- the Diary is authentic, if it was published by a relgives Congress the power to dispose of, and make all needsentation in this Hall and in the other, which now occu
ative of Mr. Adams-for which we have the honful rules and regulations respecting, the territory and other
pies, and has always occupied, as high a position as that property of the United States,' had reference to it only as
held by any other portion of the Union—a representation orable Senators assertion, and which I am not land, and conferred no authority to make rules binding upon
which does honor to our country in all that gives worth to disposed to dispute--then it appears that Mr. Adits inhabitants,” &c., &c. man, and dignity to human nature.”
ams, instead of publishing to the world any such That, you will recollect, is precisely the decision
Mr. President, I have nothing more to say. All sentiments—and whether they be right or wrong, of the Supreme Court of the United States, Mr.
I desire is, that the substance of these remarks I am not now to speak-secreted them, and they Adams to the contrary notwithstanding.
That may go forth with the commentary which has lay for thirty years in the dust. Within this short court has decided that it relates to land alone. been made upon them. What does the Senator period after his death, the honorable Senator brings “ It is, in truth, an all-perverted sentiment, mistaking labor
say? After going on and saying that I had done extracts, which he censures so severely, from obfor slavery, and dominion for freedom. The discussion of so and so with respect to the remarks of Mr. livion, or from the newspapers, into which an inthis Missouri question has betrayed the secret of their souls. In the abstraci, they admit that slavery is an evil. They
Adams, how does he exonerate Mr. Adams from discreet friend, according to his own account, had disclaim all participation in the introduction of it, and cast
those charges, or in what manner does he accuse placed them, and spreads them upon the records, it all upon the shoulders of our old grandam Britain. But, me of inconsistency? He says, that in 1825, Mr. ihe imperishable records, of the American Senate. when probed to the quick upon it, they show at the bottom Adams, in some remarks about the Panama mis- Mr. CASS. No, no. of their souls pride and vainglory in their very condition of sion, was in favor of a good deal of the doctrine Mr. SEWARD. They were spread upon the masterdom." “ The impression produced upon my mind by the progress
that I approve. What if he was? I have not record by the honorable Senator here in debate. of this discussion is, that the bargain between freedom and taken a word from Mr. Adams-not one syllable.
Mr. CASS. If the honorable Senator will look slavery, contained in the Constitution of the United States, I have taken from Mr. Monroe and Mr. Polk. at the facts, he will find I took them from the pubis morally and politically vicious, inconsistent with the prin- The Panama doctrine in full I do not approve of;
lications of the day. ciples upon which alone our Revolution can be justified, cruel and oppressive, by riveting the chains of slavery, by pledg.
but I approve of the doctrine of Mr. Monroe and Mr. SEWARD. I say so, certainly. He took ing the faith of freedom to maintain and to perpetuate the
Mr. Polk. What, then, does the Senator's de- them from the publications of the day, and transtyranny of the master; and grossly unequal and impolitic, fense of Mr. Adams amount to? His sentiments / ferred them here, and placed them in John C. by admitting that slaves are at once enemies to be kept in subjection, property to be secured or restored to their owners,
remain; for the press is more imperishable than Rives's record of the debates of the Senate of the and persons not to be represented themselves, but for whom
the marble of Egypt, more indestructible than United States, where they are to stand imperishtheir masters are privileged with nearly a double share of brass or marble. But the gentleman has resusci- able forever. He vindicates himself, by bringing representation. The consequence has been, that this slave tated the remarks of Mr. Adams, with a view to the same record, and giving it a new and distinct representation has governed the Union. Benjamin, portioned above his brethren, has ravened as a wolf; in the
cast obloquy on me. Very well; if what I have page, place, and repetition here to-day. That is morning he has devoured the prey, and at night he has di
read casts obloquy upon me, I am willing to bear his defense. vided the spoil. it.
Sir, as to the sentiments of John Quincy Adams "It would be no difficult matter to prove, by reviewing Mr. SEWARD. I shall take only three points on the subject of slavery, they were controverted, the history of the Union under this Constitution, that almost everything which has contributed to the honor and
upon which to speak in reply to the Senator from and the sentiments of the honorable Senator on the welfare of the nation has been accomplished in spite of
Michigan. The first is, that I may be wrong subject of slavery are controverted. There is a them, or forced upon them, and that everything unpropitious about Lord George Bentinck, but I think not. That great issue of truth between them. We who are and dishonorable, including the blunders and follies of their is an important point in this case, and therefore I here are temporarily umpires between them, but
we render no final judgment. The day is coming What a sentiment is that to be uttered by an ing is, that Lord George Bentinck was a son of the when we shall all be mingled with the dust with American Secretary of State, and one who
was Duke of Portland, and I believe he was the second him. Then none of us will hold as honored a place ultimately a President of the United States! What son and not the oldest son; but at the worst, the in the estimation of mankind as John Quincy a sentiment is that to be dug out of the tomb by oldest son and heir. In that case, when the Duke Adams. And when the honorable Senator from one of his sons at this day, and now brought forward by the honorable gentleman as a reproach to
of Portland should have died, he would have been Michigan, and all around me, shall have been
a lord, and entitled to a seat in the House of Lords; gathered to the tomb, I pray, not that he may not me, because I commented upon it. I will read but but at the time he made the savage sayings to have friends and relatives so indiscreet as those one paragraph more from my own speech, and which I have referred, he was only a member of of John Quincy Adams are represented to be; but, then I have done:
the House of Commons, and was called a lord by that if he shall have such indiscreet friends, the “He is unworthy the name of American who does not feel at his beart's core the difference between the Infty pa
courtesy, as the heirs of barons are usually called. Senate will never be found to contain a statesman triotism and noble sentiments of one of these documents
I am glad to learn that the Senator thinks Lord so unjust as to drag sentiments he may deem un-; but I will not say what the occasion would justify. I
George Bentinck was so distinguished a man in worthy from secrecy, or from ephemeral life, and will only say, and that is enough, the other-for it is ari- Parliament. It was known to me that he was dis- I give them publicity and permanency in the history other.
tinguished upon the turf, but not that he was emi. ll of the Senate and of the country. New Series.No. 9.