CXI. THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND, from the Accession of King George III. to the Conclusion of the Peace in the Year 1783. By JOHN ADOLPHUS, Esq. F. S. A. 3 Vols. 8vo.

TH

HIS work consists of 46 chapters, containing in the whole above 1700 pages, and is embellished with portraits of his present Majesty, (from Sir J. Reynolds,) the Earl of Bute, (from Romsey), and the Right Honourable Charles Townsend. With a detailed narrative of events during the above period, the author incorporates a considerable body of political information; and in reviewing the various changes in the administration of government, he gives the characters of the leading men, an account of the principal topics brought successively before parliament, and a sketch of the most interesting speeches on such occasions.

To assist our readers in forming an opinion of this work, we select the following paragraphs from the Preface, which state the author's conduct in compiling his history: he says, "I have not, in order to illustrate the principles and conduct of one man whom I thought injured, retaliated on his opponents. I have been slow in imputing to individuals those base designs against either liberty or goverament, which have been so profusely assigned to them. I have generally found in the state of party connections, and the legitimate objects of honourable ambition, sufficient means of accounting for the actions of men, either possessed of, or struggling for power, without feign ing, as a cause of their conduct, an excess of mental depravity or poliVOL. I.

tical turpitude, which is characteristic, neither of the nation nor of the times on which I have treated.

"I will not affect to conceal, that a regard for the constitution of my country, both in church and state, ever present to my mind, has diffused itself through my work. I have treated that constitution, not as a project, but as an establishment, entitled to veneration from every observer, and to support from all those whom birth or accident has made partakers of its blessings. I have not therefore lent my approbation to crude reforms, or to the conduct of individuals, who, for purposes of ambition, have endeavoured to unsettle that which was fixed, and more than once succeeded in exciting the public mind to a dangerous ferment of disaffection. But in that attachment to the constitution, I have not, I trust, betrayed an indecent violence against those whom I considered its assailants; [ have endeavoured to assign to them and to their opponents, indeed to every man, whether exalted or obscure, illustrious from merit, or degraded by crime, his real motives and true course of conduct." Pref. p. viviii.

The first chapter commences with the King's accession, and proceeds to a retrospect of his education and connections, a description of the principal persons composing the ministry, and the first transactions on the death of George II.-The King's address to the council, and the making of the Duke of York and Lord Bute privy counsellors.-The reasons stated for the King's attachment to Lord Bute, and the character of that nobleman.-The popularity of the 3 L

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King, and his speech on meeting the parliament. The author particularly notices the making of the judges' commissions permanent, and says, Upon granting new commissions to the judges, the tenure of their office fell under consideration. The King, anxious to secure their independency and uprightness, recommended in a speech from the throne, that provision should be made for securing the judges in the enjoyment of their offices during their good behaviour, notwithstanding the demise of the crown, and requested that he might be enabled to grant and establish upon the judges such salaries as he should think proper, so as to be absolutely secured to them during the continuance of their commissions. This truly patriotic and wise declaration was received with merited attention, and an act passed fully providing for the important objects of his majesty's recommendation." p. 20.

Mr. Onslow, speaker of the house of commons, retires with honours, and a pension of three thousand pounds, with benefit of survivorship to his son. The King is desirous of peace, but, contrary to his own sentiments, consents to renew a subsidiary treaty with the King of Prussia. The causes of the popularity of the war, and the arguments against it, are stated.--Mr. Pitt is zealous in prosecuting the war.-Changes take place in the ministry, and Lord Bute was appointed secretary of state, notwithstanding an object of jealousy and aversion to the people, which they evidenced by a riot while the King was in the playhouse, before he had completed the fourth month of his reign, imputing to that nobleman the

tax on beer.

Chap. III. 1761, 1762-Contains the progress of the negociation with Spain, which appeared for a short period after Mr. Pitt's resignation to be friendly to peace; but after Lord Bristol had made repeated inquiries respecting the family compact without effect, he quits Spain, and war is declared.-Spain and France attempt to engage Portugal in their cause without effect; but failing, they declare war against that country.

Chap. IV. begins with the proceedings in Parliament upon the subject of the war-Assistance is granted to Portugal, and the Parliament is prorogued-The Cabinet disagrees, and the Duke of Newcastle resigns--Lord Bute takes the lead in the ministry, and discontinues the Prussian subsidy

Death of Elizabeth, Empress of Russia-The friendship of Peter III. for the King of Prussia, and the peace between them-An account of the revolution in Russia is followed by a detail of the different actions during the war.

Chap. V: 1762, 1763.-This chapter announces the birth of the Prince of Wales, with the joy expressed on the occasion, and the address of the City of London-Negotiations for peace entered into; but as Mr. Pitt had been an advocate for the war, the public were averse to peace, and did not like that Lord Bute should make it, considering the victories obtained a sufficient ground for prosecuting the war. Mr. Beckford is at this time introduced to notice in the following manner: "Mr. PITT was not unmindful of these appearances; he saw that, by securing a strong party in the city, he should best be able to make a separate opposition, and harass the ministry. The appointment of the new lord mayor appeared an object of importance. Alderman Beckford was fixed on for this office; he was a native of Jamaica, of a haughty and turbulent disposition, but respected for the independence of his character, and the incorruptibility resulting from unlimited wealth, and popular from his devoted adherence to Mr. Pitt. the day before his appointment, he attended the common council, requesting to resign his gown; but the court postponed the consideration of his demand, and elected him mayor."

On

The negotiations for peace are

concluded, the terms are detailed, and the objections raised by Mr. Pitt upon the meeting of parliament specified." He attended the House in a state of extreme pain and weakness from the gout. His speech lasted three hours; it embraced every topic of objection, and was expressed in glowing language. He declared, although he was at that instant suffering under the most excruciating torture, yet he determined at the hazard of his life to attend this day, to raise up his voice, his hand, and his arm, against the preliminary articles of a treaty which obscured all the glory of the war, surrendered the dearest interests of the nation, and sacrificed the public faith, by abandoning our allies." p. 115.

We close our account of this chap. ter with the sentiments of the author upon this peace. "The peace of 1762 was wise and just, because it so clearly ascertained points in dispute, as to leave no pretence for future litigation; because it destroyed every pretence for charging the British nation with rapacity, and an overbearing spirit; and because the moderation of the terms tended to obviate every ungracious sentiment which a successful and protracted war might have generated in the bosoms of our opponents. With all the advantages gained by Great Britain, more important cessions might, doubtless, have been obtained from France and Spain, but in every view of the subject, the conditions seem to have been judiciously and prudently arranged, and the termination of the contest was no less advantageous than honourable to Great Britain." p. 113,

114.

- Chap. VI. 1763.-This chapter proceeds to state the formation of opposition, and proceedings in parliament; the discontent produced by, arguments against, and opposition to the cyder tax-the retirement of Lord Bute, the cause of which is thus expressed by himself in a private letter to one of his friends: "Single," he said, “in a cabinet of my own forming; no aid in the house of lords to Support me, except two peers, (Lords Denbigh and Pomfret), both the Secretaries of State silent, and the Lord Chief Justice, whom I myself brought into office, voting for me, yet speaking against me; the ground I tread upon is so hollow, that I am afraid

not only of falling myself, but of involving my royal master in my ruin.-It is time for me to retire." p. 126.

The character of Lord Bute, as a minister and a man, is thus given: "Lord BUTE's short administration was rendered additionally unpleasant by his own errors. His undertaking to make peace when the nation was eager for continuing the war, and his offending all those who, by popu larity or family connection, were en abled to co-operate effectually in his views, were rash, though laudable exertions; and his danger was augmented by his negligence of public applause, and ignorance of the means by which it might be acquired He was advised to contemn the clamours of the city, for on the least threat of the king's displeasure, those who were then at his throat would soon be at his feet; and though he neither esteemed nor respected the man who gave this council, the tenor of it seems agreeable to his mode of thinking: the consequence was, that the city connected with the admira tion of Mr. Pitt, a factious and overbearing spirit of resistance to the exertions of government. Even the vir tues of Lord Bute were not calculated to insure respect, or conciliate affec tion. It is said of him, no man 'could complain, during his adminis tration, of a promise broken, or of hopes given and not fulfilled. No inferior person in any department 'where he had served, who did not 'passionately regret the loss of so easy, so kind a superior t.' In diminu tion of this eulogium, it is to be remarked, that Lord Bute made no promises, and gave no hopes, except to persons whose devotion he meant to secure; and that under him the pernicious precedent was introduced of removing every dependent of government, even to the lowest clerks in the public offices, to introduce others of his own nomination ‡. This proceeding necessarily created many enemies, and if it gave him some

*Letter from Lord Melcombe to Lord

Bute, 8th October, 1761.

+ Letter from a Gentleman in Town to his Friend in the Country. p. 11.

Serious Considerations on the Measures

of the present Administration, by Dr. Butler, Bishop of Hereford, p. 10. The same fact is asserted in innurrable other publications.

self alone for subsistence and advancement, was rendered cautious, attentive, and circumspect. Though his efforts had been rewarded by a competent fortune, and the postmastership of America, he did not resign himself to indolence, but still pursued the employments of his younger years with unabated perseverance. An affectionate attachment to literature and natural philosophy, acting upon a bold and ardent genius, rendered him daring and adventurous; but left him all that minute attention and patient calmness which combines triAing accidents and little causes in the promotion and perfection of the greatest designs. His eloquence was simple, but nervous and commanding, and both in speaking and writing abounded with those brief apophthegms, which make a forcible impression on the mind, subjugate the judgment, and are never eradicated from the memory. The projects of Franklin, which in another would have seemed exaggerated and preposterous, were by him so well planned, and so industriously pursued, that they never failed to produce the most extensive, and, to all but himself, unexpected results. His fortune, his knowledge, and his great work, the American revolution, are convincing and incontrovertible proofs of the immense labours which may be achieved by the union of genius, judgment, and perseverance. p. 169, 170.

Chap. VIII. 1765-In this chapter is contained a particular account of the state of Ireland-The division in the cabinet of that kingdom, and the outrages of the lower classes of the people-The state of foreign powers -The seizing and restoring of Tortuga by the French-The Spaniards interrupt our logwood cutters, and capture a ship in the Mediterranean, but make satisfaction---Affairs of Poland and Russia, with the method adopted to place Stanislaus Augustus upon the throne of Poland. This is followed by an account of the treatment which Ivan Antonovitch, joint heir to the crown of Russia with Peter the Great, experienced from Elizabeth and Catherine, the former of whom deposed him when only a year old, and he was removed from one place of confinement to another till he was shut up in the fortress of Schlusselburg, in a small vaulted prison, where the light of day never en

tered, and in this place he was slain by his guards in an unsuccessful attempt to liberate him.-The meeting of the British parliament, with debates on taxing America, general warrants, and on informations ex officio-The Isle of Man added to the realm-Regency act-Insurrection of the silk weavers-Negotiations for a change of ministry, which terminates in the formation of the Rockingham administration-This chapter closes with the death of the Duke of Cumberland and of Prince Frederic.

Chap. IX. Begins with an examination of the motives for opposing the stamp act, and then states the imprudence of the ministry in allowing time for the accumulation of discontents in America, and the formation of parties to oppose the designs of England; among these, the exertions of the Presbyterians are particularly specified, the discontents on the arrival of the stamp act are noticed, and the proceedings in Virginia and New England are stated, with the preparations for holding a congress, and combinations against the use of stamps.-Riots at BostonMeeting, proceedings, and dissolution of congress-The delivery of stamps prevented-The ministry meet to discuss the affairs of America, prior to the meeting of parliament. In the debate on the address at the opening of parliament, Mr. Pitt, in a long and spirited speech, which is here detailed, opposes arguments against the conduct of ministry towards America, and contends, that while he asserted the authority of Great Britain over the colonies to be sovereign and supreme in every case of legislation, yet that Great Britain had no right to lay a tax upon them. The principal argument in support of the proposition is, that the people cannot by the law of England be taxed without their own consent; and as America was not actually represented, Great Britain had no right to lay a tax upon her. During this sitting of parliament the stamp act and cyder tax are repealed, and general warrants' are declared illegal, and a new ministry, termed Mr. Pitt's, is formed. Mr. Pitt is made a peer by the title of Earl of Chatham. This chapter concludes with relating the means which were used to render Lord Chatham unpopular.

Chapters X, XI, XII. The first of