1 chieftains and gentlemen, who were many of them stock farmers and graziers, though much better accommodated than their inferiors, occasionally lived like the common people *, and contended with them in hardiness, maintaining that it was unworthy of a Highlander to stand in need even of oatmeal to discharge the prime duty of a man, and fight for his chief." "In these words, which are their own, the Highlanders expressed their opinion of themselves, and their enthusiasm for clanship. As that singular institution formed and stamped the peculiar character of the Highlanders, I shall endeavour to explain the principle of the domination of chiefs, which now exists no more." "The Highlands are divided into a number of territories or districts, separated by rivers, lakes, or mountains, sometimes by ideal and arbitrary boundaries. Each of these districts, called by the natives a country, was the residence of a clan or kindred, who paid implicit obedience to the Cean Cinne or head of the kindred. This person (known in the English language by the name of chief) was the hereditary magistrate, judge, and general of the clan: he determined all disputes that arose amongst his people, and regulated their affairs at his discretion. From his judgment there was no appeal: to decline the tribunal of the chief, and apply to any of the king's courts for redress against one of the same kindred, was considered as highly criminal, a kind of treason against the constitution of clanship, and the majesty of the chief. The sirname of the chief was the name of the clan, and the title which he bore constantly reminded the Highlanders of the kindly origin of his power; for the Cean Cinne was the kinsman of his people, the source and fountain of their blood. His habitation was the place of general resort, the scene of martial and manly exercises: a number of the clan constantly attended The Highland gentlemen used to make hunting parties, and go to the hills in time of frost and snow, where they remained several days. They carried with them no provisions but bread and cheese, with some bottles of whiskey, and slept upon the ground, wherever night overtook them, wrapped up in their plaids. The words of Sir Ewen Cameron, often quoted by his countrymen. him both at home and abroad: the sons of the most respectable persons of the name lived a great part of the year at his house, and were bred up with his children. To bind the kindred faster together, the cord of interest (in the most ordinary sense of the word) was drawn strait between them: the lands of the chief were let to his nearest relations upon very easy terms; and by them parcelled out to their friends and relations, in the same manner. That consanguinity, the great principle of clanship, might not lose its force by being diffused amongst a multitude of men, many of whom were far removed from the chief, there were intermediate persons called the chieftains, through whom the inferiors looked up to their chief. Every clan consisted of several tribes, and the head of each tribe was a representation of a family descended from that of the chief. His patronimick (which marked his descent) denominated the tribe of which he was chieftain, and his lands (for every chieftain had some estate in land) were let to his friends and relations in the same manner that the lands of the chief were let to his friends: each chieftain had a rank in the clan regiment, according to his birth, and his tribe was his company. The chief was colonel, the eldest cadett was lieutenant colonel, and the next cadet was major. In this state of subordination, civil and military, every clan was settled upon their own territories, like a separate nation, subject to the authority of their chief alone. To his counsels, prowess, and fortune, (to his auspices,) they ascribed all their success in war. The most sacred oath to a Highlander was to swear by the hand of his chief. The constant exclamation, upon any sudden accident, was, May God be with the chief, or, May the chief be uppermost. Ready at all times to die for the head of the kindred, Highlanders have been In settling the rank of their officers, the same rule was not observed by every clan that took arms in the year 1745. In some regiments, the eldest cadet was lieutenant colonel, and in others the youngest cadet. The Highlanders say, that according to the original customs of clanship, the eldest cadet ought to be next in command to the chief, and that the appointment of the youngest cadet to the lieutenant colonel, was an innova. tion introduced by those chiefs who had great land estates. known to interpose their bodies between the pointed musket and their chief*, and to receive the shot that was aimed at him." "In such communities the king's peace and the law of the land were not much regarded: beyond the territories of each clan, the sword was the arbiter of all disputes: several of the clans bad inveterate quarrels, and deadly feuds; they went to war and fought battles. Rapine was often practised under pretext of reprisal and revenge; and in those parts of the low country that bordered upon the Highlands, depradation and rapine were often committed without any pretence at all: hence, fierceDess of heart, prompt to attack or defend, at all times and places, became the characteristic of the Highlanders. Proud of this prime quality, they always appeared like warriors, as if their arms had been limbs and members of their bodies; they were never seen without them: they travelled, they attended fairs and markets; nay, they went to church with their broad swords and dirks; and in latter times with their muskets and pistols. Before the introduction of fire arms, the bow, the broad sword, and target with the dirk, were the weapons offensive and defensive of the Highlanders. When the use of fire arms became common in the kingdom, they * Examples of this sort of enthusiasm are handed down by tradition, and preserved in the memoirs and manuscript histories of the Highland families. A low-country man, not many years ago, expressing his admiration of one of those commoners who sacrificed himself to save the life of his chief, a Highland gentleman said, that he saw no reason to admire the action so much, that the man did his duty, and no more; for he was a villain and a coward who in the same circum. stances would not do the same. The chiefs sometimes went to law with one another; but the decisions of the court of session, and the judgments of the privy counsel, were not of much avail, unless the party who had obtained judgment in his fayour was more powerful than his antagonist, or better supported by his neighbouring chiefs. Locheil and Mackintosh were at law and at war for 360 years. In those days, that is about 150 years ago, a clergyman in the Isle of Skye, went to church with a broad sword at his side, and his servant walked behind him with his bow and quiver full of arrows, Letter from the Isle of Skye, Appendix, No. xxvii. assumed the musket instead of the bow, and, under the smoke of their fire, advanced to close with the enemy. As to their dress, or Highland garb (for so they call it at this day), which, like every thing unusual in war, had an effect of terror in the last rebellion, it is needless now, when so many battalions of the king's troops wear it as their uniform, to describe a dress which is to be seen every day in the streets of London and Edinburgh; but it seems necessary to mention, that the target was no part of a Highlander's accoutrement, except in the day of battle; and in those battles that were fought during the rebellion, most of the men in the front rank of every clan regiment, besides his other arms, had a pistol; though in the present times, neither the 42d regiment, renowned for valour, nor any other Highland regiment, has any arms but the musket and bayonet." "Such were the arms and accoutrements of the Highlanders when they went to war. Order and regularity acquired by discipline, they had little or none; but the spirit of clanship, in some measure, supplied the want of discipline, and brought them on together; for when a clan advanced to charge an enemy, the head of the kindred, the chief, was in his place, and every officer at his post supported by his nearest relations and most immediate dependants. The private men were also marshalled according to consanguinity: the father, the son, and the brother, stood next each other. This order of nature of their art of war." p. 5-12. was the sum of their tactic, the whole The author then states the affecfamily, and narrates the different retion of the Highlanders for the Stuart bellions in which they have engaged, concluding the first chapter with an account of the discovery of the last rebellion before it broke out by Duncan Forbes, who warned government and proposed a plan to prevent it. racy to restore the family of Stuart, Chap. II. Describes the conspiwith the negociations between the Jacobites, the Pretender's son, and the court of France, which produce a determination to invade England ; this design is frustrated by a storm, and Charles, without any troops accompanying him, lands in the Highlands, and engages the Highlanders in his cause. Chap. III. Charles abode a little time at Boradale, where he saw several of the chiefs, and having erected his standard, commences hostilities, and is successful. The rebels take possession of Perth and cause great alarm at Edinburgh, where the inha bitants petition for leave to take arms, which is granted. Chap. IV. Gives an account of the preparations made to defend Edin burgh, with the occurrences which took place upon the arrival of the rebels, who take possession of the city. Chap. V. Relates the arrival of Charles at Holyrood-House, and the proclaiming of his father at the cross; the account of the proceedings previous to the battle of Preston, with the manoeuvres of both armies, and the success of the rebel army at that place. Chap. VI to X. Give accounts of the proceedings of both armies, and the battles fought during the rebellion, which is terminated at the battle of Culloden, by the dispersion and defeat of the rebels. Chap. XI. Details the proceedings of Charles after the battle of Culloden, to the time of his embarking with some of his friends for France; his many difficulties and narrow escapes from danger are particularly noticed and described. The Appendix contains a number of letters and papers relating to the rebellion, with which the work concludes. LI. ORIENTAL CUSTOMS; or an Illustration of the Sacred Scriptures, by an Explanatory Application of the Customs and Manners of the Eastern Nations, and especially the Jews, therein alluded to; together with Observations on many difficult and obscure Texts, collected from the most celebrated Travellers and the most eminent Critics. By SAM. BURDER. THE HE author explains the plan and nature of his work in the preface, from which the following is an extract: "I have endeavoured to select from Mr. Harmer's observations whatever appeared important and interesting. This has not indeed been done in the form of a regular abridgment; buf after extracting such materials as ap peared suitable, I have inserted them in those places, where, according to the passages prefixed to each of the articles, they ought to stand. This method I apprehend to be new, and not before attempted, but I hope will prove both agreeable and useful. As it is the avowed intention of each article to explain some passage, it is proper that it should be inserted at length, and in a manner so conspi cuous as at once to attract the attention of the reader. "To the materials collected from Mr. Harmer, have been added some very important remarks from Shaw, Pococke, Russel, Bruce, and other eminent writers. It is admitted that many of these things have repeatedly passed through the press; but as the valuable observations which have been made by travellers and critics lie interspersed in separate and expensive publications, a compendious selection of them appeared very desirable, and is here accomplished. "But many of the following observations are original: they are not however particularly distinguished from the rest. I must here avail myself of an opportunity to acknowledge my obligations to Mr. Gillingwater, of Harleston, in Norfolk, for the very liberal manner in which he favoured me with the use of his manuscript papers. They consist of additions to, and corrections of Mr. Harmer's observations, and were communicated to that gentleman with a view to assist him in the farther prosecution of his work; but it was too late, as the fourth and last volume was then nearly completed at the press, and in a single instance only towards the close of it was any use made of these materials. From this collection I have made many extracts, and have enriched this volume with several new articles on subjects which had not before been discussed. In the progress of my work I have also derived very considerable assist ance from many valuable books furnished by James Brown, Esq. of St. Albans, for which I acknowledge myself greatly obliged, and especially for his very careful correction of the manuscript before it went to the press." As specimens of the work itself, (which makes an 8vo. vol. of 400 pages) we give the following articles: "No. 45. Exodus xxiii. 19. Thom 'walk several times over the fire. Af'ter the ceremony, the people press to collect some of the ashes to rub 'their foreheads with, and obtain from the devotees some of the flowers with which they were adorned, and which they carefully preserve.' 339 "No. 55. Levit.xxvi. 26, Ten women shall bake your bread in one oven.] An oven was designed only to serve a single family, and to bake for them no more than the bread of one day. This usuage still continues in some places, and gives peculiar force to these words. Harmer, vol. i. p. 259," shalt not seeth a kid in his mother's milk.] CUDWORTH (on the Lord's Supper, p. 14.) gives a very curious account of the superstition, on account of which he conceives the seething of a kid in its dam's milk to have been prohibited. It was a custom of the ancient hea'thens, when they had gathered in all *their fruits, to take a kid, and boil it in the dam's milk, and then, in a ma'gical way, to go about and besprinkle 'with it all their trees, and fields, and 'gardens, and orchards, thinking by this means they should make them 'fructify, and bring forth fruit again more abundantly the following year. "No. 113. 1 Kings ii. 9. Now, thereWherefore God forbad his people, fore hold him not guiltless; for thou art a the Jews, at the time of their in-wiseman, and knowest what thou oughtest gathering, to use any such superstitious or idolatrous rite.'" "No. 54. Levit. xviii. 21. Thou shalt not let any of thy seed pass through the fire 10 Moloch. Horrid as is the practice prohibited in these words, we have irresistible evidence of its prevalence, The manner in which it was performed has been variously described, especially by the rabbins. Sonnerat (Trav. vol. i. p. 154) gives the following account of this custom: A still more astonishing instance of the superstition of the ancient Indians, in respect to this venerated fire, remains at this day, in the grand annual festival holden in honour of Darma Rajah, and called the FEAST OF FIRE, in which, as in the ancient rites of Moloch, the devotees walk barefoot, over a glowing fire, extending forty feet. It is called the feast of fire, because they then walk on that element. It lasts eighteen days, during which time, those who make a vow to keep it, must fast, abstain from women, lie on the bare ground, and walk on a brisk fire. The eighteenth day they assemble, on the sound of instruments, their heads crowned with flowers, the body bedaubed with saffron, and follow in cadence the figures of Darma Rajah, and of Drobede, his wife, who are carried there in procession. When they come to the fire they stir it, to animate its activity, and take a little of the asbes, with which they rub their foreheads, and when the 'gods have been three times round it, they walk either fast or slow, according to their zeal, over a very hot fire, extended to about forty feet in length. Some carry their children in their arms; and others lances, sabres, and stan *dards. The most fervent devotees to do unto him; but his hoary head bring thou down to the grave with blood.] David is here represented in our English version, as finishing his life with giving a command to Solomon to kill Shimei; and to kill him on account of that very crime, for which he had sworn to him by the Lord, he would not put him to death. The behaviour thus imputed to the king and prophet, should be examined very carefully as to the ground it stands upon. When the passage is duly considered, it will appear highly probable that an injury has been done to this illustrious character. It is not uncommon in the Hebrew language to omit the negative in a second part of a sentence, and to consider it as repeated, when it has been once expressed, and is followed by the connecting particle. The necessity of so very considerable an alteration, as inserting the particle NOT, may be here confirmed by some other instances. Thus, Psalm i. 5. The ungodly shall not stand in the judgment, NOR (the Heb. is and, signifying and not) sinners in the congregation of the righteous. Psalm ix. 18.; xxxviii, I.; 1xxv. 5.; Prov. xxiv. 12. If then there are in fact many such instances, the question is, whether the negative, here expressed in the former part of David's command, may not be understood as to be repeated in the latter part; and if this may be, a strong reason will be added why it should be so interpreted. The passage will run thus: Behold, thou hast with thee Shimei, who cursed me, but I sware to him by the Lord, saying, I will not put thee to death by the sword. Now therefore held him NOT guiltless, (for thou art a wise man, and knowest what thou oug ht~ · est to do unto him) but bring NOT down his hoary head to the grave with blood. Now, if the language itself will admit this construction, the sense thus given to the sentence derives a very strong support from the context. For how did Solomon understand this charge? did he kill Shimei in consequence of of it? certainly he did not. For after he had immediately commanded Joab to be slain, in obedience to his father, he sends for Shimei, and knowing that Shimei ought to be well watched, confines him to a particular spot in Jerusalem for the remainder of his life. I'Kings ii. 36-42. Kennicott's Remarks, p. 131." "No. 137. 2 Chron. xxviii. 27. And Ahaz slept with his fathers, and they buried him in the city, even in Jerusalem; but they brought him not into the sepulchres of the kings of Israel.] The Israelites were accustomed to honour in a peculiar manner the memory of those kings who had reigned over them uprightly. this; it was however general as to all But what was singular, the sovereign himself was not exempted from this public inquest upon his death. The public peace was interested in the lives of their sovereigns in their administration, and as death termi deemed for the public welfare, that they should suffer an impartial scrutiny by a public trial, as well as the most common subject. Even some of them were not ranked among the honoured dead, and consequently were deprived of public burial. The Israelites would not suffer the bodies of some of their flagitious princes to be 'carried into the sepulchres appropriated to their virtuous sovereigns. 'The custom was singular: the effect must have been powerful and influ'ential. The most haughty despot, who might trample on laws human and divine in his life, saw, by this solemn investigation of human conduct, 'that at death he also would be doom On the contrary, some marks of post-nated all their actions, it was then humous disgrace followed those monarchs who left the world under the disapprobation of their people. The proper place of interment was in Jerusalem There, in some appointed receptacle, the remains of their princes were deposited: and, from the circumstance of this being the cemetery for successive rulers, it was said, when one died and was so buried, that he was gathered to his fathers. Several instances occur in the history of the kings of Israel, wherein, on certain accounts, they were not thus interred with their predecessors, but in some other place in Jerusalem. So it was with Ahaz, who though brought into the city, was not buried in the sepulchres of the kings of Is-ed to infamy and execration.' What rael. In some other cases, perhaps to mark out a greater degree of censure, they were taken to a small distance from Jerusalem. It is said that Uzziah was buried with his fathers in the field of the burial which belonged to the kings; for they faid, he is a leper. (2 Chron. xxvi. 23.) It was doubtless with a design to make a suitable impression on the minds of their kings while living, that such distinctions were made after their decease. They might thus restrain them from evil or excite them to good, according as they were fearful of being execrated, or desirous of being honoured, when they were dead. The Egyptians had a custom in some measure similar to degree of conformity there was be. tween the practice of the Israelites and the Egyptians, and with whom the custom first originated, may be difficult to ascertain and decide; but the conduct of the latter appears to be founded on the same principle as that of the former, and as it is more circumstantially detailed, affords us an agreeable explanation of a rite but slightly mentioned in the scriptures." "No. 245. Isaiah xxi. 5. Anoint the shield.] As the Israelites were usually very careful of their armour, so particularly of their shields. Upon these their names and warlike deeds were generally engraved. These they . scoured |