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from moral rectitude is to be found in his history, argued in his favour. He is compared with Minos, Numa, Lycurgus, and Mahomet. The scheme of Jesus, if founded in fraud, proved to be less excusable than those of these acknowledged deceivers, consequently not imputable to one of his good character. The inquiry, whether he could have been actuated by any good motive to assume false pretensions, answered in the negative.

In chapter the seventh, Mr. Godwin's misrepresentations of the Christian Religion, and the character of its founder, are examined.

A passage from Mr. Godwin's Enquirer is quoted, and the charges in it are reduced to three heads. 1. That bigotry and intolerance are encouraged by the Christian Religion. 2.That an improper stress is laid upon faith. 3. That there are certain moral defects in the character and temper of Jesus Christ. Each of these charges is examined separately, and confuted, partly by historical documents, and partly by critical enquiry into the texts, Mark xvi. 16. and Matth. xxiii. 33.

This writer is shewn to have misunderstood or perverted them. A fair deduction is then made from the subjects of the enquiry in favour of christianity.

. Persuaded that our readers will be gratified with a perusal of able and decisive arguments against such gross misrepresentations of the Christian religion, it is with pleasure we extract the following refutation of the charge, that bigotry and intolerance are sanctioned by the doctrines of the Christian religion, "This author (Mr. G.) is so eager to fix the odious charge of bigotry upon the Christian system, that he seems to represent such a spirit as not having been introduced into the world, till this religion arose to discover and to cherish it. It appears then that he is ignorant of the bigotry of the Egyptians; between two of whose tribes an animosity arose, from a difference in religious sentiments, which cannot be characterized in stronger terms than in those which the satyrist has employed."

'Inter finitimos vetus atque antiqua simultas, Immortale odium, et nunquam sanabile

vulnus Ardet adhuc1.

Juvenal, Sat. xv. 33. See xv, 78, &c.

"It may be that he has forgotten the glowing picture which the same poet has drawn of the consequences of bigotry, with which the ingenuity of malevolence itself cannot slander Christianity, as having the most remote connection. It may be, that he has passed slightly over a scene, from the barbarity of which human nature almost recoils-in which, however an infidel historian, with perfect consistency, finds only some obscure traces of an intolerant spirit!

"If, without the authority of the Areopagus, any one had attempted to introduce the worship of a strange god, the laws of Athens assigned death for his punishment 3. But were a similar severity to be employed in a Christian state, it would be imputed 2 Gibbon, c. ii. note 3.

3 Joseph. c. Apion ii. 37. Nóμw ♪ τότο παρ' αὐτοῖς (Αθηναίοις) κεκωλυμενον, καὶ τιμωρία κατά των ξένον εἰσαγόντων θεὸν ωρίσα θάνατος.

See Wesseling's note on Petit's Legg. Att. p. 69. Even Mr. Hume has shewn his tenderness to the religions of antiquity, when he says, that except the banishment of Protagoras, and the death of Socrates, which last event proceeded partly from other motives, there are scarce any instances to be met with

in antient history, of this bigoted jealousy with which the present age is so much infected.' I readily agree, that other considerations, beside those of religion, actuated the persecutors of Socrates; but if impiety had not been made the pretext, his countrymen would not have put him to death; and this circumstance it became the candour of Mr. Hume to point out. I must further observe, that Mr. Hume passes in silence over the case of Anaxagoras, who certainly was compelled to quit his country because he was accused, or at least suspected of impiety. Diogenes Laertius is content with telling us, περὶ τῆς δικῆς αὐτε διαφορα λέγεσθαι ; but the dixn, to whatever extent it might go, evidently was on account της ασεβείας αὐτό. According to Plutarch, he was not condemned, nor even regularly accused; but by the advice of Pericles he left Athens, for the purpose of avoiding accusation. That advice however was given in consequence of the law which Diopithes had proposed to the people; (εἰσαγγέλλεσθαι τὰς τὰ θεία μὴ νομί

oras,) and which alarmed Pericles for the safety of Anaxagoras. Vidend. Plutarch in Vit. Pericles. See also the whole chapter of Josephus above cited, in which many instances of intolerance among the antients, and particularly the Athenians, are stated and commented upon. Respecting the charge brought against Anaxagoras, consult Mitford's History of Greece, cap. xxii, sec. 3. Vol. v, p. 141, 8vo.

not merely to the policy of governors, but to the temper of priests. The odious bigotry of Antiochus Epiphanes, will not easily escape the recollection of any, but of those who will impute no fault, nor arraign any crime, except it be found to involve in its consequences the friends of revealed religion. Had the law which was inscribed in the xii tables, Peregrinos Deos ne coluntos, been considered as the edict of a Christian prince, we should probably have heard the loudest complaints against the spirit of bigotry by which it was dictated and if the demolition of the temple of Seraphis and Isis had been effected by the order of an ecclesiastical synod, instead of a heathen senate, it would doubtless have been styled an atrocious outrage upon the unalienable rights of private judgment, instead of being represented as proceeding from the use of a common privilege,' and ascribed to the cold and feeble efforts of policy.' But it is particularly remarkable, that a spirit of intolerance should be represented as owing its introduction to Christianity, when the violent means which were adopted for the purpose of crushing this very religion at the time when its professors are universally acknowledged to have been inoffensive and unambitious, are too well known to be controverted. The force of historic truth is in this instance too powerful to be suppressed, or evaded: upon this occasion, therefore, the historian, who would gladly co-operate with any plausible attempt to injure Christianity, must be brought forward to op

4 1 Maccab. i. 41. I am unwilling to urge the conduct of Cambyses, when he stabbed Apis, and ordered the priests to be Scourged, and put the leading men at Memphis to death. See Herodot. b. iii. c. 29. The vexations of Cambyses from his misfortunes probably produced a phrensy, and that phrensy burst out in acts of violence, where intolerance was plainly mixed with impiety and revenge. It is however impossible to exonerate the Persian Magi, or Xerxes, who acted under their direction, from the charge both of intolerance and fanaticism.' Nec sequor magos persarum; quibus aucto

ribus Xerxes inflammasse templa Græciæ dicitur. Cic. de Legg. lib. ii. sec. 10. Edit.

Emerti.

5 Separatim nemo habessit Deos; neve no

vos, sine advenas, nisi publice adscitos, pri

vatim colunto. Cecer. ibid. sect. 8.

6 Gibbon, Vol. I. p. 33. and note 15,

pose the statement of his zealous coadjutor in the cause of infidelity. Mr. Gibbon admits, that the religious policy of the ancient world seems to have assumed a more stern and intolerant character, to oppose the progress of Christianity. About fourscore years after the death of Christ, his innocent disciples were punished with death by the sentence of a proconsul of the most amiable and philosophic character; and according to the laws of an emperor, distinguished by the wisdom and justice of his general administration. The apologies which were repeatedly addressed to the successors of Trajan, are filled with the most pathetic complaints, that the Christians, who obeyed the dictates, and solicited the liberty of conscience, were alone, among all the subjects of the Roman empire, excluded from the common benefits of their auspicious government".'

"So far a check is put upon the assertion of Mr. Godwin with respect to the introduction of bigotry. But the zeal of the historian does not allow him to continue long the adyovocate of the church, since he immediately seizes the opportunity of making the following observation : ⚫ From the time that Christianity was invested with the supreme power, the governors of the church have been no less diligently employed in displaying the cruelty, than in imitating the conduct of their pagan adversaries!'

"Still, however, the historian does not keep pace with the philosopher. Consistently enough with their different provinces, the former satisfies himself with diligently remarking the facts, which in his opinion disgrace the cause of Christianity, while the latter more boldly aims his attack at its very principles, and at once endeavours to strip it of all pretence to divine origin, by declaring that the odious spirit, of which he complains, is countenanced in its doctrines. Upon this ground also we are ready to meet him; and here it is obvious to remark, that he has been led into the vulgar error of confounding the principles of the Christian doctrine, with the mistaken notions and corrupt practices of some, who have professed themselves bound to obey that doctrine implicitly. That too many in

7 Vol. I. p. 519.

dividuals, and even parties, styling themselves Christian, have deviated from the spirit of their religion so completely, as to encourage bigotry and practise intolerance, is certainly true; but that such doctrines or practices are authorized by scripture, we are warranted by its whole tenour in denying. If Mr. Godwin will take the pains to learn to recollect what the national spirit of the Jews was, and what their inveterate prejudices, before Jesus appeared among them, and will then remark all that he did to enlarge their minds and purify their hearts; that his doctrines were those of the most unbounded philanthropy, and his life one uniform scene of benevolence; Mr. G. will blush at the charge he has adduced against the Christian religion and the character of its founder. Jesus, who first pronounced a blessing upon the merciful and peace-makers, who inculcated the return of good for evil; who enforced in the most authentic and persuasive manner, the virtues of humility, mutual forgiveness, and universal good-will, could not preach a religion of bigotry and intolerance. He, who rebuked his disciples, when they would have called down fire from heaven upon the inhospitable Samaritans; who himself healed the wound, which had been inflicted in his defence by the unseasonable zeal of one of his followers; he, who taught the rejection of the Jews, and admission of the Gentiles into the Messiah's kingdom; he, who breathed out a prayer for his murderers, when they were piercing his body with the instruments of torture; he, surely, has thus taught the most effectual lesson against every species of bigotry and intolerance. Nor is it merely by the force of his example, and the obvious sense of his precepts, that he fully repels the odious imputation; but the manner in which his religion was offered to the acceptance of mankind, both by himself and by his disciples, abundantly shews how foreign from its nature is every thing which

8 Compare Luke xxii. 51. with Matt. xxvi. 32. " Christianity," (observes Newcome) "is very far from promising a special protection to those who have recourse to violence

and arms, in support even of truth and right." p. 283. How different is this from the spirit of Mahometism and of Popery!

9 See Newcome, pp. 390, 439. VOL. I.

partakes of a desire to prevail with any other weapons than those of truth and reason. Far from requiring assent to assertions destitute of proof, far from expecting conviction without the legitimate means of enforcing it, Jesus supported his claim to the character he assumed, by a series of close and connected reasoning 10, which prejudice indeed did resist, and sophistry may still elude, but which can never be addressed in vain to men of sober and dispassionate judgment. The instruments which reason is accustomed to use in the search or the defence of what it conceives to be truth, were employed by Jesus to confound the petulance, to correct the mistakes, and to enlighten the understanding of his adversaries. Indeed it is impossible for the most captious infidel to suggest any fair and adequate mode of demonstrating his divine mission, which was not at some time or other produced in the sight, and in the hearing of the Jewish people. The disciples exacted not a blind obedience from those whom they addressed; but they reasoned from the prophecies contained in the Scriptures, and enforced their argu ments by the evidence of facts. With great power gave the Apostles witness of the Lord Jesus.'' And Paul, as his manner was, went in unto them, and three sabbath days 'reasoned with them out of the Scriptures, opening and alledging that Christ must needs have suffered, and ' risen again from the dead.' Nor must we forget the generous encomium which is passed by the sacred historian upon the Jews of Berea, not for acquiescing without examination, nor for assenting without enquiry, but because they received the word with

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all readiness of mind, and searched the Scriptures daily, whether those things were so". To the same effect are many passages in the Epistles of the first propagators of the gospel.

10 In the sermon on the mount, Matt. cap. v. vi. and vii, are many admirable specimens of close reasoning and logical inference, as also in the 12th chapter of the same evan

gelist. In St. John, however, are to be found the greatest variety of instances, in which the force of argument is directly applied to establish the divinity of Christ's mission. See chapters iii. 11-20; v. 31, 39; vii. 18; viii. 46-54; x. 25-34; xiv. 10-29; xv. 24.

11 See Acts iv. 33; xviii. 2, 3. and 11

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St. Paul, after enjoining his proselytes to examine themselves whether they be in the faith, openly makes this acknowledgment; we can do nothing against the truth, but for the truth." In the character of a Bishop, drawn by the same Apostle, he is described to be, holding forth the faithful word, as he hath been taught, that he may be able by sound doctrine both to exhort and to convince the 'gainsayers 12 St. Peter also exhorts to the same effect: Be ready always to give an answer to every man that asketh you a reason of the hope that is in you with meekness and 'fear 13.'

"Thus we see that Jesus and his disciples, in publishing the gospel, proposed and adopted the criteria, to which recourse must be had in the investigation of all truth. They appealed to the convincing evidence of facts, and enforced that appeal by the powers of reasoning. They brought forward testimony, which it was competent to their antagonists to disprove or object to, if there had been any grounds of objection; and they reasoned in defence of the conclusions they formed from sources, which it was equally in the power of their hearers to examine and to understand. And as if for the express purpose of guarding against a too hasty assent, they urged their investigation of those sources of information, and praised as noble the conduct of those menwho searched the Scriptures daily, whether those things were so. Now surely no conduct can be more free from the suspicion of artifice, or the imputation of bigotsy. To lay your claims to assent fairly and fully before the world, to desire that they may be scrutinized with all possible exactness, and to expect acquiescence only as you have the means of enforcing conviction, is a proceeding so equitable and reasonable, that it might be

12 Mr. Wakefield's translation of this verse expresses the sense of the original still more clearly, "Keeping to the true doctrine which he hath been taught, that he may be able to encourage some by wholesome instruction, and confute others who contradict." The words το πιςε λόγω, appear to me to mean, that series of facts and doctrines, which formed the substance of the apostles' preaching, and was entirely worthy of credit.

13 Sec 2 Cor. xiii. 8. Tit. i. 9. 1 Pet. iii. 15.

thought no one could refuse such a cause the hearing, and still less object to it as containing in its principles the odious spirit of intolerance.

"Whether therefore we look to the doctrines of the Christian religion, as published by its author, or as enforced by his friends and followers; or whether we consider the manner in which those doctrines were offered to the general acceptance of mankind; it is surely impossible not to acknowledge, that the charge of introducing bigotry into the world is directly contradicted by the most unequivocal testimony that history can supply: and with respect to the charge of perpetuating it, I scruple not to assert, that there is not, in the whole compass of the New Testament, a single passage upon which it can be founded, without bidding defiance to all the established rules of accurate interpretation. Such is my conviction upon the question of fact; and it well deserves to be remarked, that, having so few worldly means for propagating his religion, Jesus would have acted a most unwise and inconsistent part, in encouraging that intolerance, which must have alarmed his hearers for the safety of his own favourite tenets, and determined to resist, even with violence, the introduction of any other." pp. 288 to 300.

The eighth and last chapter exhibits a view of the defects of the evidence in favour of the Mahometan religion.

After shewing the connection of the proposed nquiry, with the design of the work, the situation of the Roman and Persian empires; and the genius and temper of the Arabs, the author proceeds to relate the pedigree, patronage, qualifications, pursuits, and influence of the impostor, and other things relative to the opinions of his followers. The claims in favour of the Koran refuted; the deficiency of its evidence proved; and the chapter closes with an appeal to infidels in behalf of our holy religion.

At the end of the illustrations are two Latin pieces. The first is a Thesis, Nequit per se humana ratio cognitione satis plena et certâ assequi, lendus, quæ sint hominum officia, vita quo potissimùm modo Deus sit codenique futura sit; necne, æterna. The second, Concio ad Clerum*.

* Judic xi. comm. 39.

Expletísque duobus mensibus reversa est ad patrem suum: et fecit ei sicut voverat, quæ ignorabet virum.

L THE HISTORY OF THE REBELLION in the Year 1745. By JOHN HOME, ESQ.

HIS work is dedicated to the King, and contains a map of Scotland, a bust of Charles Edward Stuart, engraved by Fittler; and plans of the battles of Preston, Falkirk, and Culloden.

The Introduction commences with a description of the country and manners of the Highlanders, on which subjects it is observed, "Scotland is divided into Highlands and Lowlands: these countries, whose inhabitants speak a different language, and wear a different garb, are not se parated by friths or rivers, nor distinguished by northern and southern latitude: the same shire, the same parish, at this day, contains parts of both; so that a Highlander and Lowlander (each of them standing at the door of the cottage where he was born) hear their neighbours speak a language which they do not under stand." p. 3.

"The Highlands and Islands make nearly one half of Scotland, but do not contain one eighth part of the inbabitants of that kingdom. The face of the country is wild, rugged, and desolate, as is well expressed by the epithets given to the mountains, which are called the grey, the red, the black, and the yellow mountains, from the colour of the stones, of which in some places they seem to be wholly composed, or from the colour of the moss which in other places covers them like a mantle." p. 4, 5.

"In the Highlands, there are no cities nor populous towns*; no trade or commerce, no manufactures but for home consumption; and very little

There are several royal boroughs in the Highlands, that make a part of the different districts (each of which districts sends a representative to parliament). Some of these boroughs lie near the line of separation, and are inhabited by a mixed race of people, Highlanders and Lowlanders. In the borough of Nairne, at the time of the rebellion, the inhabitants of one side of the town spake English, and their neighbours on the other side spake Gælic.

agriculture. The only commodity of the country that fetches money is cattle; and the chief employment of the inhabitants is to take care of the herds of their black cattle, and to wander after them among the mountains."

"From this account of the High, lands, it is manifest that the common people, earning little, must have fared accordingly, and lived upon very little; but it is not easy to conceive how they really did five, and how they endured the want of those things which other people call the conveni ences, and even the necessaries of life. Their houses scattered in a glen or strath †, were usually built of sod or turf, sometimes of clay and stone, without lime. In such habitations, without household stuff, or utensils wrought by an artificer, the common people lived during the winter, lying upon boards, with heath or straw under them, and covered with their plaids and blankets. For a great part of the year, they subsisted chiefly upon whey, butter, cheese, and other preparations of milk, sometimes upon the blood of their cattle §, without much grain or animal food, except what of the latter they could procure by fishing or hunting, which, before the late rebellion, were free to people of all ranks, in a country where the rivers and lakes swarmed with fish, and the hills were covered with game. Making a virtue of necessity, the Highlanders valued themselves upon being able to live in this manner, and to endure cold and hunger to a degree almost incredible. In those days the

A glen is a narrow vale with a rivulet, and hills on each side. A strath is a valley, with its hills and a river.

sisted of a number of such houses, and someThe winter town, as it was called, contimes a better one belonging to a gentleman or farmer. In summer the Highlanders left the winter town with their cattle and servants, and went to the hills, (for to each of the winter towns belonged a considerable tract of land in the adjacent hills.) There they built temporary huts in the shylings, or best spots of pasture, removing from one shyling to another, when the grass failed. About the end of August they left the hills and returned to the winter town.

§ The first thing the Highlanders did when they went to the hills, was to bleed all theirblack cattle, and boiling the blood in kettles, with a great quantity of salt; as soon as the mass became cold and solid, they cut it in pieces, and laid it up for food.

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