rights of the clergy did not take place as Charles had intended,' clerical aspirings after greater freedom and power were certainly the more encouraged on this account under the feeble government of his successors. The bishops strove to obtain the pope for their spiritual judge; 10 and, on the other hand, to raise themselves to be judges of kings;" an attempt was also made to change the previously existing right of arbitration possessed by the bishops (Vol. I., § 91, note 4) into a compulsory judicial power over the laity, in certain cases.12 The royal authority, however, over clerical fief-holders was still too firmly established for them to succeed in obtaining any thing in opposition to the will of the king

Capitulare interrogationis de iis, quae C. M. pro communi omnium utilitate interroganda constituit [ann. 811] c. 4: Discutiendum est atque inveniendum, in quantum se Episcopus aut Abbas rebus secularibus debeat inserere, vel in quantum Comes vel alter laicus in ecclesiastica negotia. Hic interrogandum est acutissime, quid sit quod Apostolus eit: "Nemo militans Deo implicat se negotiis secularibus" (2 Tim. ii. 4), vel ad quos sermo iste pertineat. 10 See above, § 7, note 27, ff. 11 See above, § 6, note 13.

1 Capitt. lib. vi. c. 366: Volumus atque praecipimus, ut omnes ditioni nostrae Deo aaxiliante subjecti, tam Romani, quam Franci, Alamanni, Bajuvarii, Saxones, Thuringii, Fresones, Galli, Burgundiones, Britones, Langobardi, Wascones, Benventani, Gothi, et Hispani-banc sententiam, quam ex 16mo Theodosii Imp. libro-sumsimus, et inter nostra capitula-posuimus, legem cunctis perpetuo tenendam; id est : Quicunque litem habens, sive possessor sive petitor fuerit, vel in initio litis, vel decursis temporum curriculis, sive cum negotium peroratur, sive cum jam coeperit promi sententia, si judicium elegerit sacrosanctae legis Antistitis, illico sine aliqua dubitatione, etiamsi alia pars refragatur, ad Episcoporum judicium cum sermone litigantium dirigatur.-Omnes itaque causae, quae vel praetorio jure vel civili tractantur, Episcoporum sententiis terminatae, perpetuo stabilitatis jure firmentur; nec liceat ulterius retractari judicium, quod Episcoporum sententia deciderit. That this law, which also belongs to the eighteen "Extavangantia" of the Cod. Theod. published in Jac. Sirmondi Appendix Codicis Theodosiani, Paris. 1631.8 (see Novellae constitutiones Impp. Theodosii II. etc. xviii. constitutiones quas J. Sirmondus divulgavit, ed. G. Haenel. Bonnae. 1844. 4. p. 445), is not at all a lex Constantini, which it pretends to be, may be seen from Gothofred. in Cod. Theod. ed. Ritteri, vi. 339. Savigny Gesch. d. rom. Rechts im Mittelalter, ii. 281, 296. Eichhorn's Kirchenrecht, ii. 131 (although it has been recently pronounced genuine by Jungk Diss. de originibus et progressu episcopalis judicii in causis civilibus laicorum. Berol. 1832. 8, and by G. Haenel, l. c. p. 429). But even the capitulary form, which is only met with in Benedict's collection, proceeds neither from Charlemagne (to whom it has often been referred) nor from any other Frank king. C. S. Berardus (Gratiani Canones genuini ab apocryphis discreti. Taurini. 1752. t. iv. 4), i. 444, and Jodocus le Platt. Diss. de spuriis in Gratiano canonibus, P. iii. c. 14 (in Gallandii Sylloge ed. Mogont. ii. 843, note 8), declare it to be a fabrication of Benedict; Schmidt Kirchengesch. v. 161, and Richhorn deutsche Rechtsgesch. i. 776, which amounts to the same, declares it to be a Pseudo-Isidorianum. Since that lex Const. is also found in Codd. of breviarii Alaricii, since moreover Benedict used for his collection of capitularies the documents collected by Archbishop Riculf (see preface), and since such records were brought from Spain by Riculf (see Hincmar. Laud. c. 24); this law may have arisen among the Visigoths, with whom the bishop's power, was very considerable (see Vol. I. Div. II. § 132, note 6). Thus even the subsequent royal renewing and confirmation of it may have been originally a Visigothic deed, so that Benedict may have only added some national names to make it a Frank regulation.

§ 10.

EFFORTS OF THE CARLOVINGIANS TO PROMOTE THEOLOGICAL

CULTURE.

Jo. Launoji de Scholis celebrioribus s. a Carolo Magno s. post eundem Car. per Occidentem instauratis liber. Paris. 1672. 8 (in addition to Jo. Mabillonii Iter German. republished by J. A. Fabricius. Hamb. 1717. 8). L. Thomassini Vet. et Nov. Eccl. Discipl. P. ii. lib. i. c. 96-100. Histoire literaire de la France par des religieux Benedictins de la Congrég. de S. Maur. (Paris. 1733, ss. 20 tomes 4, is continued), t. iv. et v. Bossuet's Weltgeschichte, continued by J. A. Cramer, v. ii. 118-180. C. H. van Herwerden Comm. de iis, quae a Carolo M. tum ad propagandam religionem christ. tum ad emendandam ejusdem docendi rationem acta sunt. Lugd. Bat. 1825. 4. Dr. J. Chr. F. Bähr's Gesch. d. rom. Literatur im karoling. Zeitalter. Carlsruhe. 1840. 8.

2

As soon as Charlemagne had become acquainted with the liberal sciences in Italy, he became anxious to introduce them immediately into his own kingdom, and in particular among the clergy. Accordingly he invited to his court learned foreigners,' for instance Petrus Pisanus, Paulus Warnefridi († 799), Paulinus, patriarch of Aquileia († 804),3 and in 782, the most distinguished of all, Flaccus Alcuinus or Albinus († 804).* By precept and example, he excited a zeal for those studies, and erected schools attached to cathedrals and monasteries," in

1 Annales Laurissenses ad ann. 787 (ap. Pertz, i. 171): Et domnus Rex Carolus a Roma artis grammaticae et computatoriae magistros secum adduxit in Franciam, et ubique stu. dium literarum expandere jussit. Ante ipsum enim domnum Regem Carolum in Gallia nullum studium fuerat liberalium artium.

2 From him we have de Historia Longobardorum libb. vi. et Historiae miscellae libb. xvi., afterward enlarged by the addition of eight books (both best edited in Muratorii Rer. Ital. scriptor. t. i.). Vitae Gregorii M., Benedicti, etc. Excerpta de primis Metensium Episcopis (in Pertz Monum. Germ. Hist. ii. 260). Homiliarium. Bahr, S. 356. * Controversial writings against Adoptians. Biblical commentaries. Doctrinal writings, especially De fide S. Trinitatis libb. iii. ad Car. M. De virtutibus et vitiis 1. Vitae S. Willebrordi, Martini, etc. Homiliae. De vii. artibus. Carmina. Espec. Epistolae 232. Opp. ed. Frobenius. Ratisbon. 1777. tomi ii. fol. Alcuin's life by Dr. F. Lorenz. Halle. 1829. 8. Bahr, S. 302, 78, 192.

Car. M. Epist. ad Baugulfum Abb. Fuldensem, or rather a circular letter to all bishops and abbots, A.D. 787 (Baluz. i. 201. Pertz, iii. 52): Notum sit-devotioni vestrae, quia nos una cum fidelibus nostris consideravimus utile esse, ut episcopia et monasteria-etiam in literarum meditationibus, eis qui, donante Domino, discere possunt, secundum uniuscujusque capacitatem, docendi studium debeant impendere: qualiter sicut regularis norma honestatem morum, ita quoque docendi et discendi instantia ordinet et ornet seriem verborum, ut qui Deo placere appetunt recte vivendo, ei etiam placere non negligant recte loquendo. Quamvis enim melius sit bene facere quam nosse, prius tamen est nosse quam facere. Nam cum nobis in his annis a nonnullis monasteriis saepius scripta, dirigerentur, cognovimus in plerisque-eorumdem et sensus rectos et sermones incultos

6

which the trivium and quadrivium were taught. Monastic schools were divided from A.D. 817 into external and internal.' Though Lewis the Debonaire, Lotharius, and Charles the Bald,' were friends and patrons of the sciences no less than

Unde factum est, ut timere inciperemus, ne forte, sicut, minor erat in scribendo prudentia, ita quoque et multo minor esset, quam recte esse debuisset, in eis SS. Scriptura. rum ad intelligendum sapientia. Quamobrem hortamur vos literarum studia non solum non negligere, verum etiam humillima et Deo placita intentione ad hoc certatim discere, ut facilius et rectius divinarum Scripturarum mysteria valeatis penetrare. Tales vero ad hoc opus viri eligantur, qui et voluntatem et possibilitatem discendi et desiderium habeant alios instruendi, etc. Capitul. Aquisgr. ann. 789, c. 70 (Baluz. i. 237): Non solum servilis conditionis infantes sede etiam ingenuorum filios (Canonici et Monachi) adgregent sibique socient. Et ut scholae legentium puerorum fiant. Psalmos, notas, cantus, computum, grammaticam per singula monasteria vel episcopia discant.-Mentioned yet again by Concil. Cabilonense (A.D. 813), c. 3. T. König's geschichtl. Nachrichten über des Gymnas. zu Münster in Westphalen seit Stiftung dess. durch. Karl d. G. bis auf die Jesuiten. Münster. 1821. 8. Respecting Charlemagne's literary occupations see Alcuin's life by Lorenz. pp. 20, 164; on his alleged Academy, ibid. p. 169.

• The notion of seven artes liberales, though previously indicated, proceeds from Augustine de Ordine lib. ii.; Encyclopaedia of Martianus Capella (about 460) containing the seven liberal sciences, Satyricon libb. ix.; Boëthius († 524) de arithmetica libb. iii. (where, i. 1, the name and establishment of the Quadrivium are first met with); Cassiodorus († after 562) de vii. disciplinis were the first manuals, and those much used in the middle ages. See Jac. Thomasius in the Observationibus select. Halens. t. ii. p. 40, ss. F. Cramer's Gesch. d. Erziehung und des Unterrichts in d. Niederlanden während des Mittelalters. Stralsund. 1843. S. 5. The division into the trivium and quadrivium is given in the memorial lines :

Gram. loquitur, Dia. verba docet, Rhe. verba colorat ;

Mus canit, Ar. numerat, Geo. ponderat, As colit astra.

7 Scholae exteriores or canonicae, and interiores, in consequence of the regulation in the capitulare of the year 817, § 45 (Pertz, iii. 202), ut schola in monasterio non habeatur, nisi eorum, qui oblati sunt. Comp. Kunstmann's Rabanus Maurus, S. 54. R. v. Raumer's Einwirkung des Christenth. aus die althochdeutsche Sprache. Stuttgart. 1845. S. 199.

Capit. Altiniacense, ann. 822, c. 3 (ap. Pertz, iii. 231). Capit. Aquisgr. ann. 825, c. 6 (ap. Pertz, iii. 243). Conc. Paris. vi. ann. 829, lib. i. c. 30 (ap. Mansi, xiv. 558). The passage of the Epist. of this council ad. Ludov. Imp. (lib. iii. c. 12): Similiter obnixe ac sup. pliciter vestra celsitudini suggerimus, ut morem paternum sequentes saltem, in tribus congruentissimis imperii vestri locis scholae publicae ex vestra auctoritate fiant: ut labor patris vestri et vester per incuriam, quod absit, labefactando non pareat, must be understood of the higher places of education. C. E. Bulaei Hist. Acad. Paris, i. 159.

Herici Mon. ad Car. Calvum, about A.D. 876 (Dedication prefixed to his lib. vi. carmi num de vita S. Germani, see Bouquet, vii. 562): Illud vel maxime vobis aeternam parat memoriam, quod famatissimi avi vestri Caroli studium erga immortales disciplinas non modo ex aequo repraesentatis, verum etiam incomparabili fervore transcenditis: dum quod ille sopitis eduxit cineribus, vos fomento multiplici tum beneficiorum, tum auctoritatis usquequaque provehitis, immo, ut sublimibus, sublimia conferam, ad sidera perurgetis. Ita vestra tempestate ingenia hominum duplici nituntur adminiculo, dum ad sapientiae abdita persequenda omnes quidem exemplo allicitis, quosdam vero praemiis invitatis. Id vobis singulare studium effecistis, ut sicabi terrarum magistri florerent artium,-hos ad publicam eruditionem undecunque vestra celsitudo conduceret, comitas attraheret, dapsilitas provocaret. Dum te tuosque ornamentis sapientiae illustrare contendis, cunctarum fere gentium scholas et studia sustulisti. Spretis ceteris in eam mundi partem, quam vestra potestas complectitur, universa optimarum artium studia confluxerunt.

1

their great ancestor, yet in their times those institutions suffered from internal disturbances,10 and fell into still greater disorder in the succeeding stormy reigns. Among the schools which flourished from the time of Charlemagne, besides the Schola Palatina," those of Tours, Lyons, Orleans, Rheims, Fulda, old and new Corbie, Hirschau, Reichenau, and St. Gallen, 12 are especially deserving of notice. Among the learned men, by the number and importance of whom the Frank empire was distinguished in the ninth century above all the west, the most worthy of mention are, Agobard, archbishop of Lyons († 841) 13 Rabanus Maurus, 822, abbot in Fulda, 847, archbishop of Mainz († 856)," Haimo, bishop of Halberstadt († 853),15 Walafrid Strabo, a scholastic in Fulda, 842 abbot in Reichenau († 849), Servatus Lupus, abbot at Ferrierers († 862)," Ra

10 Conc. Valentiuum iii. (ann. 855) c. 18 (ap. Mansi, xv. 11): Ut de scholis tam divinae quam humanae literaturae, necnon et ecclesiasticae cantilenae, juxta exemplum praedecessorum nostrorum, aliquid inter nos tractetur, et si potest fieri, statuatur atque ordinetur : quia ex hujus studii longa intermissione, pleraque Ecclesiarum Dei loca et ignorantia fidei et totius scientiae inopia invasit. Conc. Lingonense ann. 859, c. 10 (Mansi, xv. 539): Ut scholae SS. Scripturarum, et humanae quoque literaturae, unde annis praecedentibus per religiosorum Imperatorum studium magna illuminatio, Ecclesiae et eruditionis utilitas processit, deprecandi sunt pii principes nostri, et omnes fratres et coepiscopi nostri in. stantissime commonendi, ut-constituantur undique scholae publicae, scilicet ut utriusque eruditionis, et divinae scilicet et humanae, in Ecclesiae Dei fructus valeat accrescere: quia, quod nimis dolendum est et perniciosum maxime, divinae Scripturae verax et fidelis intelligentia jam ita delabitur, ut vix ejus extrema vestigia reperiantur.

11 Bahr, S. 19, 31, 42.

12 Hüllmann's Städtewesen des Mittelalters, iv. 307. Bähr, S. 21, 43.

13 Among his writings are four against the Jews, several against the superstitions of the time (adv. legem Gundobadi, et impia certamina, quae per eam geruntur. Liber contra judicium Dei. De grandine et tonitruis. Epist. ad Barthol. Episc. Narbon. de quorundam illusione signorum. De picturis et imaginibus) and on the contemporary political events (de divisione imperii Francorum inter filios Lud. Imp. flebilis epistola. Liber apologeticus pro filiis Lud. P. Chartula porrecta Lotharia Aug. in Syn. Compendiensi). Opp. prim. ed. Papir. Masson. Paris. 1605. 8; castigatius St. Baluzius, Paris. 1666. 2 voll. 8; and by this ap. Gallandius, xiii. 405. C. B. Hundeshagen de Agobardi vita et scriptis. P. i. vita. Giessae. 1831. 8. Bähr, S. 383. Gfrōrer, iii. ii. 747. 14 Writings: Commentaries on almost all the biblical books. Homilies. Moral writings. On the customs of the church (De clericorum institutione et ceremoniis eccl. libb. iii. De sacris ordinibus, sacramentis divinis, et vestimentis sacerdot. De disciplina eccl. libb. iii.). Opp. ed. G. Colvenerius. Colon. 1627, vi. t. fol. Hrabanus Magnentius Maurus, v. D. F. Kuntsmann. Mainz. 1841. 8. Hrab. Maurus, der Schöpfer des deutschen Schulwesens, Programm von R. Bach. Fulda. 1835. 4. Bähr, S. 415, 105.

15 Biblical Commentaries.-Historiae eccl. breviarium libb. x. (ed. Jo. Maderus. Helmst. 1671). Bähr, S. 408.

16 De exordiis et incrementis rerum ecclesiasticarum (in Scriptt. de div. offic. ed. Melch. Hittorp. Colon. 1568). Glossa ordinaria in Biblia (ed. Antverp. 1634. 6 voll. fol.). Vitae S. Galli, Othmari, et al. Bahr, S. 100, 217, 398.

17 A work on predestination. Epistolae 132. Opp. ed. St. Baluz. Paris. 1664; emend. Antverp. 1710. 8. Bahr, S. 456.

tramnus, monk in Corbie († after 868),18 Claudius, bishop of Turin († 839),19 and Christianus Druthmar, monk in Corbie († about 840),20 are distinguished as grammatical scholars; as a philosopher, John Scotus or Erigena, at the court of Charles the Bald († after 877).21

For the instruction of the people little could be done, since

18 Called Bertramus merely by a continued error of the copyists. He was not abbot at Orbais, nor should be confounded with Ratramnus, abbot of Neuvillers in Elsace. Hist. lit. de la France, v. 333. De partu virginis. De praedestinatione libb. ii. Contra Graecorum errores libb. iv. De corpore et sanguine Domini. Bahr, S. 471.

19 The following works of his have been published: Praefatio in libros informationum literae et spiritus super Leviticum, ad Theodemirum Abb. and the conclusion of this work (in Mabillonii Vett. analecta ed. ii. p. 90); Comm. in libros Regum ad Theodemirum Abb. (in Bedae et Claudii Taur. aliorumque opuscula a Canonicis regul. S. Salvatoris edita. Bononiae. 1755. fol. p. 4. From this commentary nothing more than the introductions tc separate books had been published before in F. A. Zachariae Biblioth. Pistoriensis. Aug. Taurin. 1752. fol. p. 60, the complete edition has remained quite unnoticed in Germany); praef. in catenam ad Matthaeum, ad Justum Abb. (in the Spicilegium Romanum, t. iv. Romae. 1840. 8. p. 301); Praef. in commentarios ad epistt. Pauli ad Theodemirum Abb. (in Maji Scriptt. vett. nova collectio, vii. i. 274); Praef. in epist. ad Rom. (in Fabricii Bibl. mediae et infimae Latin. i. 1087); Comm. in epist. ad Galatas (Paris. 1542. 8. Bibl. Patrum, Lugd. xiv. p. 134); Praefatio exposit. in epist. ad Ephesios ad Ludov. Pium (ap. Mabillon, 1. c. p. 91); Expositio epist. ad Philemonem (in the Spicileg. Rom. ix. i. 109); Dicta in lectionem s. Evangelii sec. Matthaeum, viii. 1–13; xi. 25-29; xx. 1-16; and in epist. ad Rom. viii. 1–27 (in Claudii Taur. Ep. ineditorum operum specimina, praemissa de ejus doctrina scriptisque diss. exhibuit A. Rudelbach. Havn. 1824. 8). Many are still lying in the libraries. Cf. Rich. Simon. Hist. crit. des principaux commentateurs du N. T. p. 353. The same author's Critique de la bibliothèque de M. du Pin. i. 284. Oudinus de Scriptt. eccl. ii. 26. Claudius of Turin by Dr. T. Schmidt in Illgen's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol. 1843, ii. 39.

20 Comm. in evang. Matthaei, ed. Argentorati, 1514. Op. Jo. Secerii. Hagenoae. 1530. Bibl. PP. Lugd. xv. 86. Cf. Rich. Simon Hist. des princip. comm. du N. T. p. 370. The same author's Critique de la bibl. de M. du Pin. i. 299. That Druthmar does not belong to the 11th century, as after Fabricius, Bibl. med. et inf. Latin. i. 374, is assumed even by Wachler, Gesch. d. Literatur, Th. 2 (2te Umarbeit. S. 59), may be seen in Histoire lit. de la France, v. 85. Bahr, S. 401.

21 The contemporaries Hincmar, and Anastasius (Ep. ad Carolum in Usserii Vett. epist. Hibern. sylloge. Dublin. 1632. p. 40, ss.) call him Scotigena; Trithemius for the first time Erigena. The story of his return to England and violent death has been often derived from the act of confounding him with one Johannes presbyter et monachus ex Ealdsaxonum genere (Asserii Hist. Alfredi regis) s. Mabillon ann. Benedict. lib. xxxv. v. § 39, lib. xxxviii. § 72. Hist. lit. de la France, v. 418. Hjort, S. 44. See on the opposite side Staudenmaier, S. 115. Works: De divisione naturae libb. v. (ed. Th. Gale, Oxon. 1681. fol.) De praedestinatione Dei.-Opera S. Dionysii latine versa. Joh. Scotus Erig. od v. d. Ursprung einer christlichen Philosophie u. ihrem heill. Beruf, v. D. Peder Hjort, Kopenh. 1823. 8. H. Schmid der Mysticismus des Mittelalters in seiner Entstehungsperiode. Jenae. 1824. 8. S. 114, ff. Joh. Scot. Erig. u. die Wissenschaft seiner Zeit v. Dr. F. A. Staudenmaier, Th. 1. Frkf. a. M. 1834. Dr. Nic. Möller, Joh. Scot. Erig. Mainz. 1844. Philosophia Erigenae ex ipsius principiis delineata ab A. Torstrick. P. i. Gotting. 1844. 8. Helfferich die christl. Mystik. Gotha, 1842. 2 Th. Baur's Lehre von der Dreieinigkeit, ii. 274. Ritter's Gesch. der christl. Philos. iii. 206. Die Lehre des Joh. Scotus Erigena vom Wesen des Bösen von M. Fromüller, in Steudel's Tübinger Zeitschrift f. Theol. 1830. i. 49, iii. 74.