12

For the amelioration of the monastic institutions, Benedict, abbot of Aniane († 821), was very active in his endeavors, who accordingly reformed several monasteries, and at whose instance the capitulare Aquisgranense de vita et conversatione monachorum 13 was issued by Lewis the Debonaire, A.D. 817.

In general, Charlemagne chose the Church of Rome, as the most ancient church of the west, for his model in the ecclesiastical enactments he made. As he had received from Adrian I. a codex canonum, 14 SO he afterward sent to the same person for the Sacramentarium Gregorii M.15 and two singers, that he might introduce the Roman church-music into his empire.16

The laws concerning marriage were also conformed to the principles of the Roman church," the benediction of a priest was made necessary to its legality, and points about marriage, as

18

ad ann. 849, Audradus Chorepiscopus Senonensis-Parisius ad concilium evocatus est, et non solum ipse, sed etiam omnes alii Chorepiscopi, qui erant in Francia, in eodem concilio depositi sunt.

12 From him proceeded Codex regularum ed. Luc. Holstenius. Romae. 1661; recus. Paris. 1664. 4. Concordia regularum ed. Hugo Menardus. Paris. 1638. Báhr's Gesch. d. rom. Liter. im karolingischen Zeitalter, S. 366.

13 Baluz. cap. i. 579.

14 See above, § 7, note 21.

15 Hadriani Epist. ad. Car. in Cod. Carol. no. 82, ap. Mansi, xii. 798. Landulphus Senior (about 1070) Hist. Mediolan. lib. ii. c. 10 (Muratorii Scriptt. rer. Ital. iv. 73) first speaks of a Roman council under Hadrian, which had rejected the Ambrosian ritual, on which Charlemagne, at the destruction of the Lombard empire, omnes libros Ambrosiano titulo sigillatos-alios comburens, alios trans montes secum detulit. This narrative is give in excerpt by Gulielm. Durandus (1286) Rationale divin. offic. lib. v. c. 2. See Carolus M below, note 16.

16 Monachus Sangallensis de Gestis Car. M. lib. i. c. 11. Ann. Laurissenses ad ann. 787. (Pertz, i. 170). Vita Adriani in Mabillonii Museum Ital. i. ii. 41 (cf. Capit. eccles. ann. 789, c. 79. Capit. in Theodonis villa promulgatum ann. 805, c. 2). Carolus M. contra Synodum Graeciae pro adorandis imaginibus gestam, lib. i. c. 6: Nostrae partis ecclesia dum a primis fidei temporibus cum ea [Eccl. Romana] perstaret in sacrae religionis unione-venerandae memoriae genitoris nostri-Pippini regis cura et industria, sive adventu in Gallias-Stephani Romanae urbis antistitis, est etiam ei in psallendi ordine copulata, ut non esset dispar ordo psallendi, quibus erat compar ardor credendi.—Quod quidem et nos, conlato nobis a Deo Italiae regno, fecimus, S. Romanae Ecclesiae fastigium sublimare cupientes, et reverendissimi Papae Adriani salutaribus exhortationibus parere nitentes: scil. ut plures illius partis Ecclesiae, quae quondam apostolicae sedis traditionem in psallendo suscipere recusabunt, nunc eam omni diligentia amplectantur:-quod non solum omnium Galliarum provinciae, et Germania, sive Italia, sed etiam Saxones et quaedam Aquilonaris plagae gentes, per nos Deo annuente ad verae fidei rudimenta conversae, facere noscuntur.-Singing schools in Metz and Soissons. Mon. Sang. : Ut nunc usque-ecclesiastica cantilena dicatur Metensis, apud nos vero qui Teutonica s. Teutisca lingua loquimur, aut vernacule Met aut Mette, vel secundum Graecam derivationem usitatc vocabulo Metisca nominetur. Cf. Thomassinus P. i. l. ii. c. 80.

17 G. W. Böhmer über die Ehegesetze im Zeitalter Karls d. G. und seiner nächsten Re gierungsnachfolger. Gött. 1826. 8.

18 Capitt. lib. vi. c. 130, 327, 408, lib. vii. c. 179.

19

22

matters referring to the making of wills, were referred to the bishops. The old freedom of divorce 20 was restricted by laws.21 Until the time of Charlemagne the party not accused of crime was permitted to marry again; but afterward the Roman notion began to prevail more and more, viz., that divorced persons could not marry again so long as the other party was alive."3 The discipline of the church was enforced not only by spiritual terrors," but also by secular punishments.25 In particular, the

29 Planck, ii. 275, ff. Böhmer, S. 126, ff.

20 See Vol. I. § 125, note 14.

2: The lawful causes of divorce see in Böhmer, S. 89, ff. 22 Thus Pipin allowed the husband who had put away his wife for adultery, Capit. ann. 757, c. 8: Si vult, potestatem habet accipere aliam. Capit. ann. 752, c. 5: Si qua mulier mortem viri sai cum aliis hominibus consiliavit-ille vir potest ipsam uxorem dimittere, et, si voluerit, aliam accipiat. The same thing is even allowed the husband, cap. 9, si quis necessitato inevitabili cogente in alium ducatum s. provinciam fugerit-et uxor ejus-eum sequi noluerit. At that time, however, they were less strict even in Rome, cf. Gregorii 11. Ep. ad Bonifacium, A.D. 726, c. 2, ap. Mansi, xii. 245 (also in Gratianus caus. xxxii. qu. 7, 3. 10): Si mulier infirmitate correpta non voluerit debitum viro reddere-ille, qui se non poterit continere, nubat magis. Zacharias P. about 744 (ap. Gratian. 1. c. c. 23, and in Lombardi Sent. lib. iv. dist. 34): Concubuisti cum sorore uxoris tuae? Si fecisti, neutram habeas et si illa, quae uxor tua fuerit, conscia sceleris non fuit, si se continere non vult, nubat in Domino, cui velit. Still Pope Leo VII. († 939) writes in Epist. ad Eberhardum ducem Bojariae (in Aventini Annal. Bajorum lib. iv. c. 23, ed. Gundling. p. 461): Si quis piam uxori adulterae repudium remiserit, nec hi conjuges in gratiam redigi conniverint, nulla lex, nulla religio vetat illum novas facere nuptias. Satias enim est casto connubio frui, quam multarum amore deperire aut scortari. This Epist. ad Eberh., which Aventinus gives in excerpt, is still extant (ap. Mansi, xviii. 379); but this passage, and another which Aventinus had, is wanting in it; a circumstance that must make one very suspicious about the integrity of the printed papal letters.

23 So first Conc. Paris. ann. 829, lib. iii. c. 2. (Mansi, xiv. 596): Quod nisi causa forni cationis, ut Dominus ait, non sit uxor dimittenda, sed potius sustinenda. Et quod hi, qui causa fornicationis dimissis uxoribus suis alias ducunt, Domini sententia adulteri esse notentur. This regulation is adopted by Benedictus Levita in his collection of Capitularies (Capitt. lib. vi. c. 235), but he perverts the sense of the first sentence by leaving out nisi, so as to make it have the opposite sense. Benedict has preserved several capitula of older synods against the remarrying of divorced persons (lib. vi. c. 63, c. 87; vii. c. 73, c. 381), though he does not omit to give also the opposite regulations of Frank kings (Ex. gr. lib. v. c. 21, from Capit. ann. 757, c. 8, see above, note 22). But the civil law did not yet go as far as the ecclesiastical view. See Lothari I. legg. Langobard. c. 92 (in Walter Corp. juris Germ. t. iii. p. 656): Nulli liceat excepta causa fornicationis adhibitam sibi uxorem relinquere, et deinde aliam copulare. S. Böhmer, S. 108, ff.

24 Comp. the Epistola Jesu Christi (in Baluzii Capitul. ii. 1396), fabricated in Charlemagne's time, with horrible threats against those who did not keep Sunday holy, who ob served heathen usages, etc.

25 Childebert's decretio A.D. 595, c. 2 (see Vol. I. Div. II. § 124, note 17), against those excommunicated for incest, who continued obstinate. More general Pippini Capit. vern. ann. 755, c. 9: Si aliquis ista omnia contemserit, et Episcopus emendare minime potuerit, Regis judicio exilio condemnetur. Cf. Capitt. lib. vii. c. 215.-Synodus Regiaticinia [Pavia] A.D. 850, c. 12 (ap. Mansi, xiv. 934): Hoc autem omuibus Christianis intimandum est, quia hi, qui sacri altaris communione privati, et pro suis sceleribus reverendis adytis exclusi publicae poenitentiae subjugati sunt, nullo militiae secularis uti concilio, nullamque reipublicae debent administrare dignitatem, etc.

yearly visitations made by the clergy to inspect the churches (Synodi) 26 served to preserve a certain outward decency.

§ 9.

PRIVILEGES OF THE CLERGY.

To the Carlovingians the clergy were indebteu for new possessions and privileges. The tithes granted to the Church by Charlemagne, 779, were at first, indeed, reluctantly and irregularly paid, but yet they were carried out into execution.'

26 An improvement of the old church visitation (cf. Conc. Taracon. ann. 516, c. 8: Ut Batiquae consuetudinis ordo servetur, et [Ecclesiae] annuis vicibus ab Episcopo dioceses sitentur). Carol. M. Capit. ann. 769, c. 7: Statuimus, ut singulis annis unusquisque Episcopus parochiam suam solicite circumeat, et populum confirmare et plebes docere, et investigare et prohibere paganas observationes, divinosque vel sortilegos, aut auguria, phylacteria, incantationes, vel omnes spurcitias gentilium studeat. Capit. ii. ann. 813, c. 1: Ut Episcopi circumeant parochias sibi commissas, et ibi inquirendi studium habeant de incestu, de parricidiis, fratricidiis, adulteriis, cenodoxiis et aliis malis, quae contraria sunt Deo, quae in sacris Scripturis leguntur quae Christiani devitare debent. Capitt. lib. vii. c. 148, 465. Conc. Arelatense ann. 813, c. 17 (Mansi, xiv. 61): Ut unusquisque Episcopus semel in anno circumeat parochiam suam. Noverint sibi curam populorum et pauperum in protegendis ac defendendis impositam. Ideoque dum conspiciunt, judices ac potentes pauperum oppressores existere, prius eos sacerdotali admonitione redarguant: et si contempserint emendari, eorum insolentia Regis auribus intimetur, et quos sacerdotalis admonitio non flectit ad justitiam, regalis potestas ab improbitate coërceat. A description of the synods in Regino de disciplina eccl. lib. ii. c. 1, ss. Hartzhemii Conc. Germ. ii. 511. Jo. Morini Comm. hist. de disciplina in administrationo sacramenti poeni. tentiae, lib. vii. c. 3. F. A. Biener's Beitr. zu d. Gesch. d. Inquisitionsprocesses. Leipz. 1827, S. 28, ss. Eichhorn's Kirchenrecht, ii. 73.

1 People had very early begun to consider ecclesiastical oblations as a continuation of the Old Testament first-fruits and tithes (Vol. I. § 53, note 16), and to assert that the laity should proportion the greatness of their oblations to that standard. For a long time this was only enforced as a moral duty, but subsequently it was demanded on pain of ecclesiastical punishment (Conc. Matisconense, ann. 585, c. 5): Let the disobedient person a membris Ecclesiae omni tempore separetur. A letter of Pipin's to Lullus, archbishop of Mainz, A.D. 764, ap. Balaz. i. 185, desires that the bishops should institute a thanksgiving feast, on account of a rich harvest, et faciat unusquisque homo sua eleemosyna, et pauperes pascat. Et sic praevidere faciatis ordinare de verbo nostro, ut unusquisque homo, aut vellet, aut nollet, suam decimam donet, viz., to the poor. Charlemagne made the church law, which required a tenth, the law of the state also, Capit. ann. 779, c. 7: De decimis, ut unusquisque suam decimam donet, atque per jussionem Pontificiis dispensetur. Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae (Pertz, iii. 49), c. 16: Et hoc Christo propitio placuit, ut undecunque census aliquid ad fiscum pervenerit, sive in frido, sive in qualicunque banno, et in omni redibutione [i. e., reditu] ad Regem pertinente, decima pars Ecclesiis et Sacerdotibus reddatur. C. 17: Similiter secundum Dei mandatum praecipimus, ut omnes decimam partem substantiae et laboris sui Ecclesiis et Sacerdotibus donent, tam nobiles quam ingenui, similiter et liti, juxta quod Deus unicuiqui dederit Christiano, partem Deo reddant; subsequently also often repeated. According to a Capit. anni inc. in Martene

2

Parishes received a secure endowment, to which, in particular, a certain extent of land (mansus ecclesiasticus) free of all rent and taxes also belonged. To this were added, not only many donations, but, as the feudal system prevailed, many private estates were converted into ecclesiastical fiefs. Many churcher received judicial power over their tenants,' perhaps also over

3

et Durand Coll. ampl. vii. 10, the disobedient shall first be excommunicated, and if then they will not submit they shall be compelled by civil punishments, succeeding one another by gradation. This ecclesiastical tithe must be distinguished from that tenth which, at the time of the Romans, colonists had to pay from the ager publicus to the state as rent, and which subsequently had come with the possession of that ager into many other hands, and had also in a great measure fallen into the hands of the church (Birnbaum die rechtl. Natur der Zehnten. Bonn. 1831. 8). Such colonists had now to pay a double tithe, decimam et nonam; hence Capit. Francof. ann. 794, c. 23: Ut decimas et nonas sive census omnes generaliter donent, qui debitores sunt ex beneficiis et rebus Ecclesiarum.-Et omnis homo ex sua proprietate legitimam decimam ad Ecclesiam conferat. Experimento enim didicimus, in anno, quo illa valida fames irrepsit, ebullire vacuas annonas a daemonibus devoratas, et voces exprobrationis auditas. Planck, ii. 397. Gfrōrer, iii. ii. 609. Kühlenthal's Gesch. des deutschen Zehntens. Heilbronn. 1837. 8.

Ludov. P. Capit. ann. 816, c. 10: Statutum est, ut unicuique Ecclesiae unus mansus integer absque ullo servitio adtribuatur, et Presbyteri in eis constituti non de decimis, neque de oblationibus fidelium, non de domibus, neque de atriis vel hortis juxta Ecclesiam positis, neque de praescripto manso aliquod servitium faciant praeter ecclesiasticum. Et si aliquid amplius habuerint, inde Senioribus suis debitum servitium impendant. On Mansus see Eugen Montag's Gesch. d. deutschen staatsbürgerl. Freiheit, i. 1, 273 u. 325. The Conc. Rom. ann. 826, c. 16 (repeated ann. 853, ap. Mansi, xiv. 1005), forbids the bishops res immobiles de subjectis plebibus seu aliis piis locis in proprio usu habere. Also by contractus precarios, Planck, ii. 390. Montag, i. i. 278. Kunstmann's Rabanus Maurus, S. 20.-What means were employed in part to obtain these donations may be seen from Caroli M. Capitulare ii. ann. 811, c. 5: Inquirendum etiam, si ille saeculum dimissum habeat, qui quotidie possessiones suas augere quolibet modo et qualibet arte non cessat, suadendo de caelestis regni beatitudine, comminar.do de aeterno supplicio inferni, et sub nomine Dei aut cujuslibet sancti tam divitem quam pauperem, qui simplicioris naturae sunt, et minus docti atque cauti inveniuntur, si rebus suis exspoliant, et legitimos heredes eorum exheredant, ac per hoc plerosque ad flagitia et scelera propter inopiam, ad quant per hoc fuerint devoluti, perpetranda compellunt, ut quasi necessario furta et latro cinia exerceant, cui paternarum [rerum] hereditas, ne ad eum perveniret, ab alio prae repta est. Cap. Iterum inquirendum, quomodo seculum reliquisset, qui cupiditate ductus propter adipiscendas res, quas alium videt possidentem, homines ad perjuria et falsa testimonia pretio conducit; et Advocatum sive Praepositum non justum ac Deum timentum, sed crudelem ac cupidum, ac perjuria parvipendentem inquirit, etc.

• Capit. iii. ann. 811, c. 3: Dicunt etiam, quod quicunque proprium suum Episcopo, Abbati, vel Comiti aut Judici vel Centenario dare noluerit, occasiones quaerunt super illum pauperem, quomodo eum condemnare possint, et illum semper in hostem faciant ire usque dum pauper factus volens nolens suum proprium tradat aut vendat, alii vero, qu traditum habent, absque ullius inquietudine domi resideant. Charles the Bald desired, on the contrary, that every one should come under the feudal obligations, Conventus apud Marsnam, ann. 847 (Baluz. ii. 44. Pertz, iii. 395): Volumus etiam, ut unusquisque liber homo in nostro regno seniorem qualem voluerit, in nobis et in nostris fidelibus accipiat. Eichhorn's deutsche Rechtsgesch. i. 724.

• Such cases had already happened singly among the Merovingians, but now they were more frequent. Thus Treves received the privilege of immunity from the jurisdiction of counts, for church possessions, from Pipin, 761 (Hontheim Hist. dipl. i. 120, confirmed by

the free men that dwelt among them; many also received other Regalia (rights belonging to royalty). From Charlemagne's time all prelates were obliged to keep advocates (Advocati Ecclesiae) for transacting the secular affairs incompatible with their spiritual calling.

Charlemagne exempted the clergy more than ever from the jurisdiction of the civil courts; but the king continued to be supreme judge of all clergymen, even of bishops. And since a more accurate distinction of the peculiar limits belonging to the

Charlemagne, 773, p. 132, and Lewis the Debonaire, 816, p. 167). Osnabruck received from Charlemagne, 804, immunity from all judicial courts, even from that of Missi (Mōser's Osnabrück. Gesch. 3te Aufl. Berlin. 1819. i. 405). Montag, i. i. 220. Eichhorn, i. 735. • Comp. Montag, i. 285. Thus Lewis the Debonaire in particular bestowed on many monasteries and churches, the right of tolls, markets, and coinage (Walch Diss. de pietate Lud. P. 1748, in Pottii Syll. comm. theol. iv. 280). Therefore Heimoldus in Chronic. Slav. lib. i. c. 4, § 2, says that Lewis was so indulgent to the clergy, ut Episcopos, qui propter animarum regimen principes sunt caeli, ipse eosdem nihilominus principes efficeret regni. 7 Caroli Capit. ii. ann. 813, c. 14: Ut Episcopi et Abbates Advocatos habeant. Et ipsi habeant in illo comitatu propriam hereditatem. Et ut ipsi recti et boni sint, et habeant voluntatem recte et juste causas perficere. Cf. Lotharii Capit. tit. iii. c 7, c. 9, c. 18. Pippini Ital. Reges. leges Langobard. c. 7. These Advocati had to appear in courts on behalf of the church they represented, to attend to the administration of justice in them (Montag, i. i. 232, ss. 244, ss.). Many churches had for protection also Defensores Ecclesiae (Montag, S. 250): Both offices, however, were soon united (Montag, S. 254, ff.), and the expressions, Advocati, Defensores, Vicedomini, became synonymous. The appointment of such officers originated in the older, particularly African, synodical decrees, though the new Advocati were quite different from the earlier subordinate Defensores. Cf. Thomassinus, P. i. lib. ii. cap. 97, ss. Planck, ii. 452. Eichhorn's deutsche Rechtsgesch. i. 787. Kaim's Kirchenpatronatrecht, i. 70.

Comp. Vol. I. Div. II. § 124, note 15. Caroli M. alia capitula add. ad leg. Longɔb. ann. 801, c. 1: Volumus primo, ut neque Abbates, neque Presbyteri, neque Diaconi, neque Subdiaconi, neque quislibet de clero, de personis suis ad publica vel ad secularia judicia trahantur vel distringantur, sed a suis Episcopis judicati justitiam faciant. (Cf. Capit. Aquisgran. ann. 789, c. 37: Ut Clerici ecclesiastici ordinis, si culpam incurrerint, apud ecclesiasticos judicentur, non apud seculares). Si autem de possessionibus, sive ecclesias. ticis, sive suis propriis, super eos clamor ad judicem venerit, mittat judex clamantem cum Misso suo ad Episcopum, ut faciat ei per advocatum justitiam percipere. Si vero talis aliqua inter eas exorta fuerit intentio, quam per se pacificare non velint aut non possint, tunc per advocatum Episcopi, qualem lex jusserit, causa ipsa ante Comitem vel judicem veniat, et ibi secundum legem finiatur, anteposito quod dictum est de persona clericorum. (Cf. Capit. Francof. ann. 794, c. 28. Et si forte inter clericum et laicum fuerit orta altercatio, Episcopus et Comes simul conveniant, et unanimiter inter eos causam definiant secundum rectitudinem.) Still the final decision belonged to the king and his ministers. Lothar. imp. in lege Longobard. lib. ii. tit. 45, c. 2. (Baluz. ii. 337): Ut omnes Episcopi, Abbates et Comites, excepta infirmitate vel nostra jussione, nullam habeant excusationem, quin ad placita Missorum nostrorum veniant, aut talem vicarium mittant, qui in omnibus causis pro illis rationem reddere possit. Caroli Calvi Capit. tit. 40) ann. 859, c. 7 (ibid. p. 211): Ut si Episcopi suis laicis injuste fecerint, et ipsi laici se ad nos inde reclamaverint, nostrae regiae potestati secundum nostrum et suum ministerium ipsi Archiepiscopi et Episcopi obedient,―sicut temporibus avi et patris nostri juxta et rationabilis consuetude fuit. Eichhorn, i. 177.