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enhance the importance of their order. The Dominicans furnished a new instrument of superstition in the rosary.10 The Carmelites, ever since they had united themselves to the mendicant orders and their policy, partook as well of their inward corruption11 as of their inclination to pious frauds. They availed themselves of their shadowy origin in the east (see § 67, note 6, and § 68, note 14) to make out that Elias was their founder, the Holy Virgin a Carmelite nun, and therefore themselves, fratres b. Mariae de monte Carmelo.12 All mendicant orders encouraged the superstition that they could guarantee to all their members, even to those who took the cowl upon their death-bed, an earnest of future bliss.13

10 Ever since virtue was supposed to attach to frequent repetitions of forms of prayer, people naturally were in want of means for facilitating and securing the enumeration of them. Thus an Egyptian monk, Paulus, before now used to count his prayers by the help of stones (Palladii hist. Lausiaca, c. 23); Godiva, an English countess, about 1040, by a necklace, which, however, is no evidence for the existence of the rosary as an article in common use. Yet in the 13th century, a medallion with sacred symbols on it, set round with knobs for counting, was in use. Rings also are found, furnished with such knobs all round (Hist. de l'acad. roy. des inscriptions et belles lettres, xviii. 321). Certainly Alanus de Rupe, a very fabulous biographer of St. Dominick, in the 15th century (Acta ss. August. i. 364), deserves no credit, when he, the first to say so, represents this saint as preaching specially about the rosary, for this style of preaching first belongs, as the indulgences granted to prayers on a rosary do, to the 15th century. Nevertheless, since the rosary is first heard of among the Dominicans, and certainly as early as 1270, under the technical name of Paternoster, we may well believe that it belongs in an especial manner to this order, and is not much later in date than the order itself. About 1270 it is said, for example, with reference to a Dominican monk, Nicolas: Pater noster, quod personaliter quatuor annis portaverat (s. Quetif et Echard scriptt. Ord. Praedicatorum, i. 411, comp. p. 852). Mabillon Acta ss. Ord. Bened. saec. v. praef. p. lxxvi. Acta ss. Aug. i. 422.

11 Nicolaus Narbonensis (in Flacii catal. test.: Gallus), in 1250 vicar general of the Carmelites in the East, in 1265 general, struggled against this in vain; for this reason, in 1270 he withdrew himself again into solitude, and launched against this corruption his Sagitta ignea, in which he calls his brethren of the order, cauteriatos, errones, fabulatores, garrulos, inutiles consiliarios, malignos discussores, Sodomae cives, optimi testamenti contemptores, praesentium et futurorum, seductores, see Histoire litéraire de la France, xix. 127.

12 According to Papebrochius (Act. ss. April. i. 794), after the Capitulum Aylesfordiense in 1245. This first fable was afterward followed by that of the holy Scapulary.-On these sacred legends the Carmelite order set so high a value, that it considered itself injured to the uttermost when Papebrochius attacked them in that treatise (1. c. p. 774 ss.), and Innocent XII. in 1698 could only put an end to the violent interchange of pamphlets by commanding silence.

13 Thus the idea was enforced that the monastic vow had a like efficacy with baptism, which is found so early as in St. Jerome (see vol. i., Part 2, 95, note 22). Thomas Aquin. Secunda Secundae qu. clxxxix. art. 3: Rationabiliter dici potest, quod etiam per ingressum religionis aliquis consequatur remissionem omnium pecatorum. Si enim aliquibus eleemosynis factis homo potest statim satisfacere de peccatis suis, secundum illud, Daniel, iv. 27: Peccata tua eleemosynis redime; multo magis in satisfactionem pro omnibus peccatis sufficit, quod aliquis se totaliter divinis obsequiis mancipet per religionis ingres

It could not but happen that the interests of the different mendicant orders, coming into contact with each other as they did every where, should furnish occasion for discord among themselves. For instance, a lasting jealousy grew up between the Franciscans and Dominicans,1 considerably increased by differences in doctrine which afterward arose.

sum, quae excedit omne genus satisfactionis, etiam publicae poenitentiae, ut habetur in Decr. xxxiii. quaest. 1, cap. Admonere: sicut etiam holocaustum excedit sacrificium, ut Gregorius dicit super Ezech. (hom. xx. a med.). Unde legitur in vitis Patrum (lib. vi. libello 1, num. 9), quod eandem gratiam consequuntur religionem intrantes quam consequuntur baptizati. Besides, the orders profited by the theory of the thesaurus supererogationis perfectorum, to promise their members an especial interest in the good works accumulated by their patron saints, see below, § 84, notes 19 and 20.

14 Matth. Paris ad ann. 1243, p. 611: Et ne mundus turbinibus undique multiplicatis vacare videretur, inter fratres Minores et Praedicatores controversia eisdem temporibus ventilata multos, eo quod viam perfectionis, videlicet paupertatis et patientiae, videbantur elegisse, movit in admirationem. Asserentibus enim Praedicatoribus, se fuisse priores et in hoc ipso digniores, habitu quoque honestiores, a praedicatione merito nomen et officium se sortiri, et apostolica dignitate verius insigniri; respondent Minores, se arctiorem vitam et humiliorem pro Deo elegisse, et idcirco digniorem, quia sanctiorem, et ab Ordine Praedicatorum ad Ordinem eorum fratres posse et licenter debere, quasi ab inferiori ad Ordinem arctiorem et superiorem, transmigrare. Contradicunt eis in faciem Praedicatores, asserentes, quod, licet, ipsi Minores nudi pede et viliter tunicati, cinctique funiculis incedant non tamen eis esus carnium, etiam in publico, vel diaeta propensior denegatur, quod fratribus est Praedicatoribus interdictum : quapropter non licet ipsis Praedicatoribus ad Minorum Ordinem, quasi arctiorem et digniorem, avolare, sed potius e converso. In the year 1255, the generals of both orders united, probably by community of interest, against the University of Paris, issued an exhortation to peace (Wadding ad h. a. § 12), by which a fuller light is thrown on the points of difference: Proinde cavendum est, ne nostrum aliquis propriam adeo sequatur commoditatem, quo cum gravi turbatione aliorum loca nimis notabiliter eis vicina recipiant:-ne conceptum transeundi ad alterutrum nostrorum Ordinum, quem aliquis invenerit in aliquo, debilitet vel extinguat, zelo ipsum attrahendi ad suum Ordinem: ne familiares et benefactores alterius Ordinis aliquis a sua devotione audeat avertere, et ad Ordinem suum convertere :-ne loca, quae aliqui pro domibus construendis accipere proponunt, praesentientes hoc alii caute surripiant, alios excludendo. Item ne eleemosynas, quas devotio fidelium aliquibus facere proponit, alii impediant, ut ipsi habeant.—Item ne alii sermones impediant aliorum, vel auditores subtrahant, aut ipsos sermones sibi subripiant alternatim.-Cavendum est, ne quis nostrum sic sanctos suos, sic statum suum imprudenter extollat, quod in aliorum depressionem laus taliter fieri videatur. Item ne quis obloquatur de aliis, non solum coram multis in publicum, sed nec in clanculo coram externis, nec inter fratres proprios in secreto. Item ne, si sinistrum aliquid alii sciverint, aliis denudent, ubi nulla est utilitas nec fructus: ne quis mala sibi relata de aliis, facta vel dicta, vel injuriam aliorum leviter credat, vel hujusmodi inter fratres suos referat, et referendo aggravet, corda fratrum concitet, etc. This treaty of peace was renewed in the year 1278 (Wadding ad h. a. § 25); but even this very circumstance shows how little effect it had.

§ 70.

INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE FRANCISCAN ORDER.

The superstitious veneration of the Franciscans for their founder (Pater Seraphicus)' as the restorer of the genuine evangelical life, the commencer of a new epoch, induced them soon after to recognize his life as a copy of the life of Jesus,2 and to appropri

Among the fanaticisms of the first Franciscans there arose again a very coarse kind of the fanaticism of the ovveιoaktol, see Raumer, iii. 625, from the manuscript chronicle of Salimbeni, a Franciscan monk of the 13th century. Compare Robert v. Arbrissel, ◊ 67,

note 3.

Allusions to this notion appear even in the life by Thomas Celanus, see above, ◊ 68, notes 4 and 5. Also, lib. i. cap. 6, § 45: Deprecati sunt eum fratres tempore illo, ut doceret eos orare.-Quibus ipse ait: Cum orabitis, dicite: Pater noster, adoramus te Christe caet. 48: Et quidem manifestis indiciis saepius hoc probarant, et experti fuerant, occulta cordis eorum Patrem sanctissimum non latere.-Most remarkable are the sacra stigmata, the origin of which Thomas Celanus thus relates, lib. ii. cap. 1, § 94: Faciente ipso moram in eremitorio, quod a loco, in quo positum est, Aumna nominatur (all other authorities call it mons Alvernae), duobus annis antequam animam redderet caelo, vidit in visione Dei virum unum, quasi Seraphim, sex alas habentem, stantem supra, manibus extensis ac pedibus conjunctis cruci affixum.-Cogitabat sollicitus, quid posset haec visio designare. Cumque liquido ex ea intellectu aliquid non perciperet, et multum ejus cordi visionis ejus novitas insideret; coeperunt in manibus et pedibus ejus apparere signa clavorum, quemadmodum paulo ante Virum sanctum supra se viderat crucifixum. According to Matth. Paris, the wounds first appeared 14 days before his death, and vanished after it. The circumstance agrees well with that which happened about the same time in the case of a Marquis of Monteferrando, who, from devotion, stigmata domini Jesu in corpore suo portaverat, cum aliis poenitentiis, quas faciebat in memoriam passionis Domini, cum quibusdam clavis carnem suam singulis sextis feriis usque ad sanguinis effusionem configebat (Stephanus de Borbone in d'Argentré collectio judiciorum, i. 85). If Francis did the same, and privately from humility, one can readily understand how his admiring companions, when they discovered the stigmata, fell into such adventurous conjectures. This explains also how it was that the earliest accounts differ so much from each other. Gregory IX. nevertheless took those legends under his protection in three Bulls, bearing all the same date, ii. Kal. April, 1237. In the first, ad universos Christifideles (Raynald. ann. 1237, § 60. Wadding ad h. a.): Igitur cum id ab universis fidelibus credi firmiter cupimus devotionem vestram rogamus et hortamur in Domino Jesu Christo, in remissionem vobis peccaminum injungendo, quatenus ab assertione contrarii aures de caetero penitus avertentes, Confessorem eundem apud Deum pia vobis reddatis veneratione propitium, cact. The second, ad Episc. Olomucensem (in Wadding, 1. c. Rodericus, 1. c. p. 10), is a strong rebuke for the bishop, who had published, patentes literas exhibendas universis Christifidelibus, and asserted in them, quod, cum solus Patris aeterni filius fuerit pro humana salute crucifixus, et ipsius duntaxat vulnera devotione supplici adorare debeat religio christiana, nec b. Franciscus, nec Sanctorum aliquis cum stigmatibus sit in Ecclesia Dei depingendus, et quod peccat contrarium asserens, nec illi, tamquam inimico fidei, credulitas adhiberi ulla debet. The third, ad Priores et Provinciales Ordinis fratrum Praedicatorum (in Rodericus and Wadding, ll. cc. The last writer, from delicacy, gives the title merely ad Superiores cujusdam sacri Ordinis), was issued against a Dominican monk, who, cum pervenisset Opaviam, Moraviae civitatem,-in communi dicere non ex

ate to him ancient prophecies; and this objectionable tendency continually assumed a more imposing shape in their order.*

pavit, quod in laudem b. Francisci per quosdam ex discipulis suis pie proposita deberent haberi pro reprobis, quod in ejus corpore stigmata non fuissent.-Dicti fratris elatio in tantam prorupit insaniam, quod discipulos memoratos coram populo quaestuarios et falsos praedicatores appellans, impudenter asseruit, quod in ipsos et consimiles auctoritate nostra excommunicationis posset sententiam promulgare; cf. Act. ss. Octobr. ii. 648. The Dominican, Jacobus de Voragine (about 1290), recognizes the reality of the sacra stigmata, but explains them in a remarkable manner (sermo iii. d. s. Francisco in sermonibus de Sanctis). Quinque fuerunt in corde ejus, quae fuerunt causa stigmatum in ejus corpore. Primum fuit vehemens imaginatio. Quod autem imaginatio imprimat, patet per duo exempla, quae ponit Hieronymus in glossa, Gen. xxx. Unum est, quod, dum quaedam mulier Aethiopem peperisset, et ex hoc a viro suspecta haberetur; inventum est, hoc sibi accidisse ex quadam imagine Aethiopis, quam ipsa conspexit. Aliud exemplum est, quod cum quaedam mulier filium parentibus omnino disimilem peperisset, et ex hoc suspecta haberetur; inventum est, quod talis imago in cubiculo habebatur. Dicit enim Philosophus in libro de anímalibus, quod, cum quaedam gallina gallum vicisset, gallinae ex imaginatione victoriae crista et calcaria sunt exorta. Sanctus ergo Franciscus in visione sibi facta imaginabatur Seraphim crucifixum, et tam fortis imaginatio extitit, quod vulnera passionis in carne sua impressit. The four remaining causes, vehemens dilectio, v. admiratio, v. meditatio, v. compassio, lead to the same result. This is the same that Meyer, in the Blatter für höhere Wahrheit, vii. no. 5, says, that pious men, by lively faith and imagination, may experience in their own body something of the wounds of Christ.

Bonaventura in vita Francisci in prologo: Apparuit gratia Dei Salvatoris nostri diebus istis novissimis in servo suo Francisco omnibus vere humilibus et sanctae paupertatis amicis, qui superadfluentem in eo Dei misericordiam venerantes, ipsius erudiuntur exemplo, Christo conformiter vivere.-Hic etenim, quasi stella matutina in medio nebulae, claris vitae micans et doctrinae fulgoribus, sedentes in tenebris et umbra mortis irradiatione praefulgida direxit in lucem; et tamquam arcus refulgens inter nebulas gloriae, signum in se dominici foederis repraesentans, pacem et salutem evangelizavit hominibus, existens et ipse angelus verae pacis. Secundum imitatoriam quoque similitudinem Praecursoris destinatus a Deo, ut viam parans in deserto altissimae paupertatis, tam exemplo quam verbo poenitentiam praedicaret: primum supernae gratiae praeventus donis, dehinc virtutis invictae adauctus meritis, prophetali quoque repletus spiritu, necnon et angelico. deputatus officio, incendioque seraphico totus ignitus, et ut vir hierarchicus curru igneo sursum vectus, sicut ex ipsius vitae decursu luculenter apparet, rationabiliter comprobatur venisse in spiritu et virtute Eliae. Ideoque alterius amici sponsi, Apostoli et Evangelistae Joannis, vaticinatione veridica sub similitudine angeli, ascendentis ab ortu solis, signumque Dei vivi habentis, adstruitur non immerito designatus. Sub apertione namque sexti sigilli, Vidi, ait Joannes in Apocalypsi [7, 2] alterum angelum ascendentem ab ortu sous, habentem signum Dei vivi. Hunc Dei nuncium amabilem Christo, imitabilem nobis, et admirabilem mundo, servum Dei fuisse Franciscum, indubitabili fide colligimus, caet. • Compare particularly the arbor vitae crucifixae, by the Minorite Ubertinus de Casali (about 1312, libb. v. ed. Venetiis, 1485. fol.), in lib. quinto. Especially cap. 3: Abundantibus in fine quinti [status s. temporis] jumentis lasciviae, reptilibus avaritiae, bestiis superbiae, et his omnibus tota deturpata conversatione Ecclesiae peregrinae :-[Jesus] ultimam citationem ad Ecclesiam quinti temporis destinavit, suscitans in medio ejus viros veritatis excelsae, cupiditatem exstirpantes, voluptatem exterminantes,-ac Christum Jesum singulariter prae caeteris imitantes: qui et exemplo suae vitae fortissime arguerunt deformatam Ecclesiam, et verbo praedicationis excitaverunt plebem ad poenitentiam, et argumento defensionis confuderunt pravitatem haereticam, et patrocinio orationis placaverunt iram divinam. Inter quos in typo Heliae et Enoch Franciscus et Dominicus singulariter claruerunt, quorum primus seraphico calculo purgatus, et ardore caelico inflammatus totum mundum incendere videbatur, secundus vero ut Cherub extentus et protegens lumine

On this account, the strict Franciscans (spirituales or zelatores) regarded with greater pain the mitigation of the rule of poverty, considered by them so sacred. Brother Elias had commenced this even in the lifetime of Francis, and ever since there had always been a strong party in favor of it in the order. Now that the Popes, by their interpretation of the rule, decided in favor of this party, which was most useful for their purposes, the discontent of

sapientiae clarus et verbo praedicationis fecundus super mundi tenebras clarius radiavit. -Quia vero totum malum quinti temporis fuit in depravatione vanitatis multiplicis, quae ex cupiditate et abundantia temporalium trahit fomentum : idcirco ille, qui temporalia radicalius a se et a suo statu exclusit, ille principalis dicitur hujus temporis reformator. Et quia in ipso sextus status Ecclesiae inchoatur, in quo debet esse reformatio Christi vitae : ideo potest dici, quod ipse per illum primum hominem figuratur, quem Deus deliberato consilio post quinque dierum opera fecit ad imaginem similitudinis suae, ut cunctis temporibus dominetur.—Idcirco ad istum singulariter convertemus sermonem, cui et singularius potest dici, quod ipse fuit signaculum similitudinis vitae Christi, tam vestigio conversationis, quam fastigio contemplationis, quam prodigio admirationis, quam etiam privilegio consignationis vulnerum passionis sacratissimae Jesu Christi. He goes through these four points one after another. On the third he says: Tertio fuit similis hic evangelicus vir Franciscus benedicto Jesu prodigio admirationis, unde convenit sibi illud, Eccles. xlv. (Sirac. 45, 2): Similem illum fecit in gloria Sanctorum. Gloria Sanctorum in hac vita est claritas miraculorum, in quibus b. Franciscus Jesu similis singulariter fuit. Hic sicut Jesus aquam in vinum convertit, panes multiplicavit, et de navicula in medio fluctuum maris miraculose immota, per se a terra abducta, docuit turbas audientes in littore. Huic omnis creatura quasi ad nutum videbatur parere, ac si in ipso esset status innocentiae restitutus. Et ut caetera taceam: caecos illuminavit; surdos, claudos, paralyticos, omnium infirmitatum generibus laborantes curavit ; leprosos mundavit; daemones effugavit; captivos eripuit; naufragis succurrit, et quam plures mortuos suscitavit. In quibus om. nibus vix est inventus similis illi, qui tot miraculis in vita et in morte claruerit, jam a statu Ecclesiae primitivae. And at the end: Fuit ergo Filio Dei similis, non similitudine aequalitatis, qua Lucifer esse voluit similis altissimo, Esai. xiv. ; sed similitudine conformitatis, qualis est similitudo addiscentis ad instruentem, acquiescentis ad consulentem, obedientis ad imperantem, imitantis ad exemplantem.-Sed ultra has similitudines fuit in Francisco corporalis consignationis singularitas, ut propter singularitatem incommunicabilem, et primis temporibus inexpertam, possit de Deo admirative interrogare personas: Quis similis Deo in filiis Dei?

5 Pragm. Geschichte der vornehmsten Mönchsorden, ii. 288.

"The Bull of Gregory IX. Quo elongati, of the year 1231 (in Rodericus, p. 7 ss.) determines, 1. that the will of Francis could not be binding, quod sine consensu fratrum, et maxime ministrorum,-obligare nequivit, nec successorem suum quodammodo obligavit, cum non habeat imperium par in parem. 2. In reference to cap. 4 of the Rule (see above, § 68, note 6) si rem necessariam velint fratres emere, vel solutionem facere pro jam empta, possunt vel nuncium ejus, a quo res emitur, vel aliquem alium, volentibus sibi eleemosynam facere-praesentare. Qui taliter praesentatus a fratribus, non est eorum nuncius, licet praesentetur ab ipsis, sed illius potius, cujus mandato solutionem facit, seu recipientis eandem. Idem nuncius solvere statim debet, ita quod de pecunia nihil remaneat penes eum. Si vero pro aliis eminentibus necessitatibus praesentetur, eleemosynam sibi commissam potest,-apud spiritualem amicum fratrum deponere, per ipsum loco et tempore pro ipsorum necessitatibus, sicut expedire viderit, dispensandam. 3. On chapter 6 of the Rule: Dicimus, quod neque in communi, nec in speciali debent proprietatem habere; sed utensilium, et librorum, et eorum mobilium, quae licet habere, eorum usum ha

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