The Prelates had now to suffer more than ever from their administrators. They sought help against their encroachments partly from the Lords of the soil; but partly following the example of the Cistercian order, which from its first foundation had allowed no administrators of finance, they endeavored to shake them off by all possible means.1o

main. This was the case in Montpellier (1113. Hist. gén. de Languedoc ii. Preuves, p. 388), Erfurt (Guden Hist. Erfurt, p. 61), Lubeck (Jus Lubec. in de Westphalen monum. inedita, iii. 625, 669, 687). In Lubeck, also, oblations were restricted by law with the same view, the increase of masses for the dead forbidden, with other measures of the same kind, see Theol. Studien u. Krit., I. i. 116. Alphonso II., king of Portugal, in the year 1211, forbade churches and monasteries to acquire any other landed property, except what was in use for anniversaries and other duties for the dead; but this law remained without effect, see Schafer's Gesch. v. Portugal, i. 146, 330.

So says a bishop of Munster in 1185, in Falke codex traditt. Corbejensium, p. 229 : universitas Ecclesiarum advocatorum insolentia laborat et fere succumbit. The oppression was often made more severe by this circumstance that the bailiwicks became hereditary fiefs, and were often broken up into small offices, and granted in mesne tenure. See Hullmann's Gesch. des Ursprungs der Stande in Deutschland, 2te Ausg. (Berl. 1830) s. 257 ff. Montag, ii. 450, 508. Raumer, vi. 383. Hurter, iv. 61. Honorius III. says in the year 1221 (in Lacomblet's Urkundenbuch, ii. 51): nonnulli-in bonis ecclesiasticis, in quibus advocationis jus obtinent, non solum prodigaliter debacchantur, verum etiam ea diripiunt ut praedones. Compare the letter of remonstrance sent by Tulcard, abbot of Lobbes, to the Emperor Henry IV. in d'Achery spicileg. ii. 747. There are other examples in Zirngibl's Abh. über das Mundiburdium, in d. neuen hist. Abhandl. d. baier. Akad. d. Wissensch. Bd. 5 (München, 1798. 4), s. 286, 318. Riedel's diplom. Beitrage zur Gesch. d. Mark Brandenburg, Th. 1 (Berlin, 1833), Urk. xvi. xxxi. xxxii. The most remarkable instance of this kind is furnished by the Vicedominus Ludovicus against Godfrey, archbishop of Treves (from 1124-1128), as the contemporary Baldricus relates in his vita Alberonis (in Honthemii hist. Trevir. i. 468): D. Godefridum Archiepiscopum suis artibus in tantum sibi subegerat, quod dicebat, se in beneficio tenere palatium atque omnes reditus episcopales in illud deferendos, et quod ipse pascere deberet Episcopum cum suis Capellanis, et caetera omnia ad Episcopatum pertinentia de suo esse beneficio. Ad Episcopum autem dicebat pertinere Missas, et ordinationes clericorum, et consecrationes Ecclesiarum celebrare: sui vero juris dicebat esse terram regere, omniaque in Episcopatu disponere et militiam tenere. Unde per singulos dies ad prandium Episcopi sextarium vini et duos sextarios cerevisiae administrabat, ipse vero cum multitudine hominum in mensa sua quasi magnus Princeps quotidie epulabatur splendide, stipatus caterva militum ubique incedebat, et omnibus modis toti terrae principabatur.

The efforts of the Popes with this view may be found in Hurter, iv. 75, comp. above, ◊ 53, note 6, § 54, note 16. The oft-repeated orders of the Emperors on the condition of the administrators (for instance, in Ratisbon, 1104, in Pertz, iv. 62; in Gelnhausen, 1180, p. 164) are to be found in Hüllmann, s. 251. Montag, ii. 488. Raumer, vi. 384.

Montag, ii. 514 ff.

10 Zirngibl. s. 320 ss. Hüllmann, s. 268 ss.

Eichhorn's deutsche Staats- u. Rechts

geschichte, ii. 528. Raumer, vi. 125. Hurter, iv. 67, 80.

General Literature, see vol. i. div. 2, before 95 and 119.

On the condition of all the Orders in this period, see Jac. a Vitriaco (bishop of Acco, then Cardinal † 1244: he wrote, Hist. orientalis et occidentalis ed. Fr. Moschus. Duaci, 1597.8) hist. occidentalis, c. 12-c. 33.

[Eustathius, v. Thessalonischa Betrachtungen über den Mönchsstand; aus dem griechischen, von G. L. Tafel, 1847. Cf. Kitto's Journal, vol. iv.]

§ 67.

MONASTIC ORDERS DOWN TO THE TIME OF INNOCENT III.

Martene et Durandi vett. scriptt. collectio amplissima, T. vi. praef. p. 2. Hurter's Innocenz III. iv. 85.

The cycle of advance from the institution of fresh orders to fresh decay, and the reverse, a cycle in which monastic history incessantly travels, has never repeated itself more often than in this period. Especially in France, there rose many founders of orders, who desired no less than the Popes to restore a stricter discipline in the Church, and endeavored with this in view to bring back monastic rules to their first severity. Stephen of Tigerno founded (1073-1083) the order of Grammont (ordo Grandimontensis);1 Bruno of Cologne (1084) the Carthusian order (La Grande Chartreuse in Grenoble, ordo Curtusianus);2 Robert of Arbrissel (1094) the order of Fontevraud (ordo Fontis Ebraldi);3 the Abbot Robert

Vita s. Stephani by Gerhard, seventh prior of Grammont, in Martene et Durand ampliss. collectio, vi. 1050.-Mabillon annal. Ord. s. Ben. v. 65, 99. Ejusd. act. SS. Ord. Ben. saec. VI. ii. praef. p. xxxiv. Hurter, iv. 137.

2 Mabillon annales, v. 202. Ejusd. act. SS. Ord. Ben. saec. VI. ii. praef. p. xxxvii. Acta SS. Oct. iii. 491, ad d. 6, Oct. The true origin of the order is recorded by Bruno's later contemporary Guibert, Abb. b. Mariae de Novigento, de vita sua lib. i. c. 11 (Opp. ed. d'Achery, p. 467): The tale of the miraculous inducement which led S. Bruno to renounce the world is first found at the end of the 13th century, and is gathered from the Breviar. Romanum under Urban VIII. Jo. Launoji de vera causa secessus s. Brunonis in eremum. Paris, 1646. (Opp. II. ii. 324.) Pragm. Gesch. d. vornehmsten Mönchsorden (10 Bde. Leipz. 1774-83), iv. 1. Hurter, iv. 149.

› Mabillon, ann. v. 314. Acta SS. Febr. iii. 593, ad d. 25. Febr. Robert's Life by his contemporary, Baldricus Abb. Burguliensis in Act. SS. 1. c. The long-forgotten superstition of the Syneisactae was renewed by Robert (see vol. i. part 1, § 73, note 17), as we are given to understand by the warnings in Godefridi Abb. Vindocinensis, lib. iv. ep. 47, ad Robertum (in Sirmondi opp. iii. 549. Bibl. PP. Lugd. xxi. 49, that this letter is not a forgery, as the Bollandists would make us believe, see Mabillon, 1. c. p. 424), and in the

(1098) the monastery and order of Citeaux (Cistercium. ordo Cisterciensis). In the course of the 12th century the Premonstrant order was added; it was founded by Norbert, a canon of Zante, at Premontré (Premonstratum) in 1120,5 and the Carmelite order, which received its origin about 1156, on Mount Carmel, from one Berthold, a Calabrian. Gaston, induced by the prevalence of a pestilential disease distinguished by the name of St. Antony's Fire, founded (1095) the order of St. Antony at Vienne, for the cure of the sick (called Hospitalarii s. Antonii Abbatis, Antonier, Antoniterherren): Guido instituted at Montpellier, about 1178, the Brethren of the Hospital; Innocent III., in 1204, appointed the newlyrevived Hospitale s. Spiritus in Saxia as their Mother-house at Rome; similar Hospitalia s. Spiritus were founded in connection with this in many towns (the brethren were called Hospitalarii s. Spiritus, Kreuzherren). For the liberation of captive Christians letter of Marbod, bishop of Renn. to Robert (Mabillon, 1. c. p. 425). The order remained chiefly confined to France. gm. Gesch. i. 279. Hurter, iv. 229.

8

• Relatio, qualiter incepit Ordo Cisterciensis, by an unknown author, first published in Auberti Miraei chron. Cisterciensis Ordinis. Colon. Agripp. 1614. 8. p. 8, and here less injured than the copy in Luc. Holstenii cod. regal. ed. Brockie, 11. 386 ss., taken from Rog. Dodsworthii et Guil. Dugdale monasticon Anglicanum, vol. 1. Mabillon. ann. v. 219, 393. Angeli Manrique annales Cistercienses. Lugd. 1642. vol. iv. in fol. Chrysost. Henriquez regula, constitutiones et privilegia Ord. Cisterciensis. Antverp. 1630. fol. Pierre le Nain essai de l'histoire de l'ordre de Citeaux. Paris, 1696 s. voll. ix. in 8. Pragm. Gesch. ii. 49; iii. 1. Hurter, iv. 164.

Compare especially the contemporary Hermanni Monachi de miraculis s. Mariae Laud. libb. iii. c. 2 ss. in Guiberti opp. ed. d'Achery, p. 544 ss. Acta SS. Jun. 1. 804. ad d. 6. Jun. Chrysost. van der Sterre vita s. Norberti. Antverp. 1656. 8. La vie de s. Norbert (par le P. Louis Charles Hugo), Luxemb. 1704. 4. Pragm. Gesch. iv. 271. Hurter, iv. 200.

"The order grew up in some inconsiderable hermitages so unnoticed, that we owe the first intimation of it to the cursory remark of a Greek writer. John Phocas, 1185, in his description of the Holy Land (in Leon. Allatii symmicta. Colon. 1654. 8. P. 1), first mentions the cavern of Elias on Carmel, the ruin of an ancient monastery, and adds ПIpò dé TiVwv χρόνων ἀνὴρ μοναχὸς, ἱερεὺς τὴν ἀξίαν,—ἐξ ἀποκαλύψεως τοῦ Προφήτου τῷ τόπῳ ἐπιδημήσας,—ἀδελφοὺς ὡσεὶ δεκὰ συνάξας, νῦν τὸν ἅγιον χῶρον ἐκεῖνον οἰκεῖ. Even in the year 1211, the society was so insignificant, that Willibrandus ab Oldenburg, in his Itinerarium terrae sanctae (in Allatius 1. c.), mentions indeed the Mansio Eliae, but not this. On the other hand, Jacobus de Vitriaco (1218), in his hist. Hierosol. c. 52 (Gesta Dei per Francos I., 1075): Alii ad exemplum et imitationem sancti viri et solitarii Eliae Prophetae in monte Carmelo-juxta fontem, qui fons Eliae dicitur,-vitam solitariam agebant, etc. However, the society received a rule (probably in the year 1209) from Albert, patriarch of Jerusalem (in Holsten. codex regul. ed Brockie, iii. 18), and confirmation of the rule from Pope Honorius III. 1226, under the name, Fratres eremitae de monte Carmelo, also, eremitae s. Mariae de Carmelo, cf. Dan. Papebrochius in Act. ss. April. i. 774. Pragm. Gesch. i. 1. Hurter, iv. 211.

7 Acta SS. Januar. ii. 160. J. E. Kappii diss. de fratribus s. Antonii. Lips. 1737. 4. Petri Saulnier. diss. de capite s. Ordinis s. Spiritus, in qua ortus progressusque Or

from the hands of the Infidels, John of Matha established in 1198 the order of the Trinitarians (Ordo sanctissimae Trinitatis de redemtione captivorum, Mathuriner), with the principal monastery of Gerffroi in the diocese of Meaux.9

On the other hand, in both the elder orders, that of the Benedictines and of Cluny, desire of independence, ambition, and love of pleasure had increased with their wealth. The Popes encouraged them in the following manner: since the time of Gregory VII., they had been continually granting new exemptions to the monasteries,10 which canvassed for them with jealous rivalry, and episcopal insignia and privileges to the abbots." Besides the genuine dinis totius, ac speciatim Romanae domus amplitudo disseruntur. Lugd. 1694. 4. Vom Orden d. heil. Geistes, in Abele's Mag. f. Kirchenrecht u. Kirchengesch. ii. 421. Hurter, IV. 220.

Pragm. Gesch. IV. iii. Hurter, iv. 213.

10 of these there were many gradations, see Thomassin. p. I. lib. iii. c. 37 ss. Planck, IV. ii. 542. Montag, ii. 532. Raumer, vi. 363, 374. Hurter, iii. 488: How far these extended in some cases, compare Urbani II. ep. x. ad Abbatem Cavensem (in Mansi xx. 652), in which he grants the monastery first many indulgences, and afterward remarkable privileges: Apostolicae ergo memoriae praedecessoris nostri Gregorii VII. institutis tenacius adhaerentes, Cavense coenobium-nos quoque hujus nostri privilegii pagina communimus, et ab omni tam saecularis quam ecclesiasticae personae jugo liberum esse omnino decernimus.-Concedentes et edicto perpetuo confirmantes, ut tam tu quam successores tui per terras tui monasterii habitas et habendas libere possis ecclesias construere, cum cruce signare, aliaque pontificalia et spiritualia exercere: sacrorum ordinum collationis, basilicarum et altarium consecrationis, ac chrismatis confectionis, tibi tuisque successoribus dumtaxat abdicata penitus potestate. Decernentes, ut tam ipsius coenobii caput, quam Ecclesiae, quas nunc habet, sive plebanae fuerint, vel rurales, in civitate et dioecesi tantummodo Salernitana situatae, ab omni jure et jurisdictione episcopali sint exemptae, de plenitudine potestatis et gratia speciali; ita ut nullo jure seu foro contentioso tu vel tui successores, fratres ipsius monasterii, seu clerici saeculares in praedicta civitate et dioecesi, per Salernitanum praesulem ac capitulum aliquatenus constringantur, quinimo Ecclesiae cum omnibus suis juribus et pertinentiis pleno jure ipsi monasterio sint subditae. Si vero aliquos de tuis monachis, seu clericos saeculares in Ecclesiis civitatis praedictae et dioecesi commorantes ad sacros elegeris Ordines promoveri, liceat tibi tuisque successoribus quemcumque malueris Episcopum convocare, dummodo catholicus fuerit, sed in aliis dioecesibus requisito dumtaxat primitus diocesano. De quibus Ecclesiis, sitis in jam dicta civitate et dioecesi, nihil dioecesanus exigere praesumat. From legacies left to monasteries, the bishops might not demand, quartam vel tertiam partem. The monastery might bury any one who desired it in its church-yard, and so forth.

"The use of the dalmatica and sandals had been before now allowed to many abbots (Montag, ii. 238); the other Episcopal insignia, for instance the mitre, were about this time first assigned to abbots (called from this Abbates mitrati s. infulati). The Abbot of the Monastery of St. Augustine in Canterbury is said, indeed, to have received the mitre and sandals from Alexander II. as early as 1063 (Guil. Thorn. chron. de gestis Abbatum s. August. Cantuar. in Hist. Anglicanae scriptt. x. ed. Twysden, p. 1785). This distinction was discontinued, per simplicitatem Abbatum, until Abbot Roger I. revived it in the year 1179 (1. c. p. 1824): however, the monks of this monastery are so infamous for forged privileges (Wharton Anglia sacra P. II. Praef. p. iv.), that the first statement may well

privileges of this kind, spurious imitations12 were produced in great numbers during this age of forgeries (see above, § 60, note 10). Moreover, the numerous unions of parishes with monasteries which were protected from bishops, no less than from secular patrons, 13 furnished the abbots with an inducement to grasp at Episcopal rights.14 Amid the prosecution of such aims, and in per

be thought false. On the other hand, the Abbot of St. Maximin in Treves received from Gregory VII. mitram et chiroticas (Aub. Miraei hist. diplom. Belgic. c. 1). Urban II. granted, Dalmaticae, campagorum, chirothecarum et mitrae usum, to the Abbots of Cluny in 1088 (Bullarum Romanorum Pontiff. ampl. collectio op. C. Cocquelines, ii, 62, 83) and of Cassino, 1097 (ibid. p. 98. Chron. Casin. iv. c. 17, in Muratorii scriptt. iv. 503). On the contrary, he granted to the Abbot of St. Sophia in Beneventum, 1092, only permission, on five festivals every year, ad Missarum tantum solemnia chirothecis atque etiam campagis uti (Bull. Rom. 1. c. p. 73). The Abbot of Fulda first received the mitre and ring from Innocent II. in the year 1137 (Schannat cod. prob. hist. Fuld. p. 174). Comp. Petri Blesensis ep. 90, below, note 14. Thomas Cantipratensis (about 1255) bonum universale de apibus, lib. 1. c. 6, no. 2, 3, says, that at first these insignia were rarely granted; afterward, however, they were obtained by many abbots at a great price. Gregory IX. allowed (1236) the Abbot of the Benedictine monastery s. Facundi besides, indumenta sacerdotalia benedicere ac monachos, et clericos saeculares monasterio ipsi pleno jure subjectos usque ad Acolytatus ordinem promovere (see the Bull in Emm. Roderici nova collectio privile giorum mendicantium, Antverp. 1623, fol. p. 12). All these and still further privileges Innocent IV. granted, in 1247 and 1248, to the Abbot of St. Gall, in reward of his gallantry against Frederick II.: in particular, he gave him the right of blessing new sacred vessels, and of ordaining to the ordines minores, he also granted him several parishes, and such other privileges, see Arx, Gesch. des Cantons St. Gallen, i. 361.

12 Comp. Godefridi Episc. Ambianensis († 1118) vita lib. ii. c. 9 ss. in Surius ad d. 8. Nov. The monks of the Monastery of St. Valericus assert their independence of the Bishop of Amiens; they said they were subject to no man but the Roman Pontiff, and in proof of their claim produced forged privileges signed with the name of some Roman Pope. They were convicted of fraud, but now they betake themselves to Pascal II. (c. 14), ply well their gifts, and return home glad and cheerful, having got all they wished from the Roman Pontiff. A bishop of Chalons told Pope Innocent at the Council of Rheims, 1131 (see Epist. Egidii Ebroicensis Episc. ad Alexandrum P. in Wharton Anglia sacra P. ii. Praef. p. v.), quod, dum in Ecclesia b. Medardi Abbatis officio fungeretur, quendam Guernonem nomine ex monachis suis in ultimo confessionis articulo se falsarium fuisse confessum, et inter caetera, quae per diversas Ecclesias figmentando conscripserat, Ecclesiam b. Audoeni, et Ecclesiam b. Augustini de Cant. adulterinis privilegiis sub apostolico nomine se munisse, lamentabiliter poenitendo asseruit. So writes Petrus Blesensis (about 1160) in the name of the Archbishop of Canterbury, to Alexander III. (Petr. Bles. epist. 68, in Bibl. PP. Ludg. xxiv. 988): Falsariorum praestigiosa malitia ita in Episcoporum contumeliam se armavit, ut falsitas in omnium fere monasteriorum exemptione praevaleat. The Monastery of Michelberg, in Bamberg, was infamous for the manufacture of forged documents. Jack's Gesch. d. Bamb. Bibl. II. ix. Comp. Planck, IV. ii. 552. 1 Examples are to be found in Gunther cod. Rhen. Mosell. ii. 62. Lacomblet's Urkundenbuch f. d. Gesch. d. Niederrheins, Bd. 2, vorr. S. xiii. Hurter, iii. 458.

14 Thus complains Arnulphus Episc. Lexoviensis (about 1160) in epist. 69, ad Alexandrum Papam (Bibl. PP. Ludg. xxii. 1339): Est quiddam quod tam meam quam alias vehementer angit Ecclesias, quorundam scilicet rapax et intemperans audacia Monachorum, qui, quo liberius affluant, saecularis potentiae praesidia redimentes, primo Episcopis omnem obedientiam subtrahunt, et parochiales Ecclesias cum altariis et decimationibus caeterisque beneficiis de manu laica recipere pactis quibuslibet sacrilegia temeritate praesu