Amöneburg for Hesse (732). The most celebrated was Fulda (744). In the mean time Boniface had entered into an association with the new Frankish rulers, Karlmann and Pipin, which proved of no small importance in the course of the great ecclesiastical developments of this century. He made Mainz (745) his archiepiscopal seat, but resigned it (753) to his pupil Lullus, for the sake of preaching among the Frieslanders. He died the death of a martyr at Dockum (5th June, 755).

The chief traits in Boniface's character are, an exaggerated notion of the external unity of the church, and of ecclesiastical statutes, as well as a deep reverence for the Roman See, without which he undertook nothing. As he himself sought for ecclesiastical laws, even with regard to the most indifferent actions of daily life, so was he severe and persecuting against all who departed from Roman-ecclesiastical regulations, 10 as in the instance of the two clergymen Adelbert and Clement." Thus

9

8 Till the death of the Friesian king Radbod (719), Utrecht still belonged to Friesland; Wiltaburg, which lay opposite to it, to Franconia. (Vita Bonifacii auct. Wilibaldo, § 13. Pertz, ii. p. 839. Gesta abb. Fontanell. c. 3, 1. c. p. 277.) From this time Frankish rule spread more and more toward the east, especially after Charles Martel's victory, 734 (Fredegar. c. 109). Thus, therefore, a much better prospect of success presented itself here since the first missionary labors of Boniface.

Which had been abundantly furnished to him by Rome, because such fetters of the conscience bound at the same time to the Roman See. For example, Gregorii III. Epist. ad Bonif. (ed. Serar. 122, Würdtw. 25, ap. Mansi, xii. 277): Agrestem caballum aliquantos adjunxisti comedere, plerosque et domesticum. Hoc nequaquam fieri deinceps, sanctissime frater, sinas, sed quibus potueris modis Christo juvante per ómnia compesce, et dignam eis indicito poenitentiam. Immundum enim est et execrabile. Zachariae Epist. ad Bon. (ed. Serar. 142, Würdtw. 87, ap. Mansi, xii. 345): Flagitasti a nobis, quae recipienda, quae respuenda sint. Imprimis de volatilibus, i. e., graculis et corniculis atque ciconiis, quae omnino cavendae sunt ab esu Christianorum. Etiam et fibri et lepores et equi salvatici multo amplius vitandi. Attamen, sanctissime frater, de omnibus e Scripturis sacris bene compertus es.-Et hoc inquisisti, post quantum temporis debet lardum comedi. Nobis a Patribus institutum pro hoc non est. Tibi autem petenti consilium praebemus, quod non oporteat illud mandi, priusquam super fumo siccetur aut igne coquatur. Si vero libet, ut incoctum manducetur, post Paschalem festivitatem erit manducandum.-Seiters, p. 226, would consider these regulations as directed merely against impediments to civiliza In this way, certainly, the use of raw flesh generally, not of single beasts, might be accounted for, but not the entire use of certain beasts. Besides, Zacharias expressly refers to holy Scripture and the fathers. It is obvious that he makes his Italian usages, respecting meats, Christian laws relative to food.

10 Particularly also against married priests, who are designated as fornicatores. Rettberg, i. 323.

11 Bonif. Ep. ad Zachariam P. (ed. Serar. Ep. 135, Würtdw. 67): Maximus tamen mihi labor fuit contra duos haereticos pessimos et publicos et blasphemos contra Deum et contra catholicam fidem. Unus qui dicitur Adelbert natione generis Gallus est; alter qui dicitur Clemens genere Scotus est: specie erroris diversi, sed pondere peccatorum pares. Contra istos obsecro apostolicam auctoritatem vestram, quod mean mediocrita tem defendere et adjuvare, et per scripta vestra populum Francorum et Gallorum corri

12

he bound the new German Church to Rome still more firmly than the English was.12 On the other hand, his true Christian piety, which shone forth under all external forms, and his strict morality, which exceeded even his reverence for Rome, are worthy of all respect.

13

gere studeatis, ut per verbum vestrum isti duo haeretici mittantur in carcerem,-et nemo cum eis loquatur vel communionem habeat.-Propter istos enim persecutiones et inimicitias et maledictiones multorum populorum patior.-Dicunt enim de Adelberto, quod eis sanctissimum Apostolum abstulerim, patronum et oratorem, et virtutum fac torem, et signorem ostensorem abstraxerim. Sed pietas vestra audiens vitam ejus judicet. In primaeva enim aetate hypocrita fuit, dicens quod sibi angelus Domini in specie hominis de extremis finibus mundi mirae et tamen incertae sanctitatis reliquias attulerit, et exinde posset omnia quɛecunque a Deo posceret impetrare: et tunc demum-domos multorum penetravit et captivas post se mulierculas duxit oneratas peccatis,-et multitudinem rusticorum sedaxit, diccutium quod ipse esset vir apostolicae sanctitatis, et signa atque prodigia faceret. Deinde conduxit Episcopos indoctos qui se contra praecepta canonum absolute ordinaverunt: Tum demum in tantam superbiam elatus est, ut se aequipararet Apostolis Christi. Et dedignabatur in alicujus honore Apostolorum vel Martyrum ecclesiam consecrare, improperans hominibus etiam, cur tantopere studerent sanctorum Apostolorum limina visitare. Postea, quod absurdum est, in proprii nominis honore dedicavit oratoria, vel, ut verius dicam, sordidavit. Fecit quoque cruciculas et oratoriola in campis, et ad fontes, vel ubicumque sibi visum fuit: et jussit ibi publicas orationes celebrari, donec multitudines populorum, spretis caeteris Episcopis, et dimissis antiquis ecclesiis, in talibus locis conventus celebrarent, dicentes: Merita sancti Adelberti adjuvabunt nos. Ungulas quoque et capillos suos dedit ad honorificandum et portandum cum reliquiis S. Petri principis Apostolorum. Tum demum, quod maximum scelus, et blasphemia contra Deum esse videbatur, fecit. Venienti enim populo et prostrato ante pedes ejus, et cupienti confiteri peccata sua dixit: Scio omnia peccata vestra, qui mihi cognita sunt omnia occulta. Non est opus confiteri, sed dimissa sunt peccata vestra praeterita: securi et absoluti redite ad domos vestras cum pace. Alter autem haereticus, qui dicitur Clemens, contra catholicam contendit ecclesiam, et canones ecclesiarum Christi abnegat et refutat: tractatus et sermones SS. Patrum, Hieronymi, Augustini, Gregorii recusat. Synodalia jura spernens, proprio sensu affirmat, se post duos filios, in adulterio natos sub nomine Episcopi esse posse christianae legis Episcopum. Judaismum inducens judicat justum esse Christiano, ut, si voluerit, viduam fratris defuncti accipiat uxorem. Contra fidem quoque SS. Patrum contendit, dicens, quod Christus filius Dei descendens ad inferos omnes, quos inferni carcer detinuit, inde liberavit, credulos et incredulos, laudatores Dei simul et cultores idolorum: et multa alia horribilia de praedestinatione Dei contraria fidei catholicae affirmat. This led to the assembling of a synod at Rome, whose acts are in Mansi, xii. 373. Zachariae P. Epist. iii. ad Bouf (e. Serar. Ep. 144, 139, 138, b. Mansi, xii. 321, 334, 336). Walch's Ketzerhist. x. 1. Neander's K. G.

iii. iii. Rettberg, i. 314, 324.

12 Neander's Denkwürdigkeiten, iii. ii. 76. 13 Bonifacii Ep. ad Zachariam (ed. Serar. Ep. 132, ed. Würdtw. 51): After complaining that a layman in Rome wished to obtain a dispensation, ut in matrimonium acciperet viduam avunculi sui, quae et ipsa fuit uxor consobrini sui, et ipsa illo vivente discessit ab eo, he continues: Carnales homines, idiotae Alemanni vel Bajoarii vel Franci, si juxta Romanam urbem aliquid facere viderint ex his peccatis, quae nos prohibemus, licitum et concessum a sacerdotibus esse putant, et nobis improperium deputant, sibi scandalum vitae accipiunt. Sicut affirmant, se vidisse annis singulis in Romana urbe, et juxta ecclesiam in die vel nocte quando, Kalendae Januarii intrant, paganorum consuetudine choros ducere per plateas, et acclamationes ritu Gentilium, et cantationes sacrilegas celebrare: et mensas illa die vel nocte dapibus onerare: et nullum de domo sna vel igrem

SECOND CHAPTER.

HISTORY OF THE PAPACY.

§ 5.

EXTENSION OF THE PAPAL POWER IN THE WEST, TO THE TIME OF CHARLEMAGNE.

SOURCES: Codex Carolinus in Muratorii Script. rerum Ital. t. iii. P. 2, p. 73, ss., best, besides other original documents, in: Cajet. Cenni Monumenta dominationis pontificiae (Romae. 1760, 61. tomi ii. 4. Comp. Ritter's review in Ernesti's Theol. Bibl. vi. 524. 911) t. i.

François Sabbathier Essai historique-critique sur l'origine de la puissance temporelle des Papes, à la Haye. 1765. 8. J. R. Becker, über den Zeitpunkt der Veränderung in der Oberherrschaft über die Stadt Rom. Lübeck. 1769. 8. Die Karolinger u. die Hierarchie ihrer Zeit, v. J. Ellendorf. 2 Bde. Essen. 1838. 8. Planck's Gesch. d. christl. kirchl. Gesellschaftsverf. Bd. 2, S. 714, ff.

The prohibition of image-worship by the emperor Leo the Isaurian (see § 1) was the cause of Rome, under the guidance of the popes,' being in a state of rebellion against the emperors,

vel ferramentum vel aliquid commodi vicino suo praestare velle. Dicunt quoque, se vidisse ibi mulieres pagano ritu phylacteria et ligaturas, et in brachiis et cruribus ligatas, habere, et publice ad vendendum venales ad comparandum aliis offerre. Quae omnia eo, quod ibi, a carnalibus et insipientibus videntur, nobis hic et improperium et impedimentum praedicationis et doctrinae perficiunt.—Si istas paganias ibi paternitas vestra in Romana urbe prohibuerit, et sibi mercedem et nobis maximum profectum in doctrina ecclesiastica acquiret. Other traits of liberal thinking against Rome may be seen in Rettberg, i. 413. 1 Gregory II. from 715-731, Gregory III. † 741, Zachary † 752, Stephanus II. † 757, Paul J. † 767, Constantine II. † 768, Stephanus III. † 772, Hadrian I. † 795, Leo III. † 816, Stephanus IV. † 817, Paschalis I. † 824, Eugenius II. † 827, Valentinus † 827, Gregory IV. † 844, Sergius II. † 847, Leo IV. † 855, Benedict III. † 858. The female pope, Johanna (Johannes Anglicus, or Johann VIII.), who is said to have sat in the chair between Leo IV. and Benedict III., is a later fable. It is disputed when this story first appeared. In some MSS. of the Liber pontificalis it has been interpolated from Martinus Polonus. Kist (Nederlandsch Archief voor kerkelijke Geschiedenis III. 27) has drawn attention to the circumstance that, in two Milan Codd. of it, the texts of the vitae of Leo IV., Benedict III., and Nicolaus I., differ very much from the printed texts, and that the design of preventing the possibility of making a female pope appears to have had an influence in part on the printed texts of these lives. But when, p. 39, he wishes to find in a remark of Muratori's, the text of these MSS. relating to the female pope, he ventures to bring the words of Muratori to allude to the point without sufficient authority. In the older editions of the Chronicles of Marianus Scotus († 1086) and of Sigebertus Gemblacensis († 1113) is found a short passage respecting the female pope, but in the MSS. it is wanting, and was probably in. serted at first by the original editors (Monum. Germ. hist. ed. Pertz, Scriptorum, v. 551, vi. 840, 470). Thus there appears to remain, as the first voucher for the fact, a person who

without, however, entirely separating itself from the empire. For they feared the dominion of the Lombards; who, under

has been for the most part overlooked, viz. Stephanus de Borbonne, lib. de vii. donis Spir. 8. (written about 1225, in Lyons) in J. Quetifii et A. J. Echardi Scriptores Ord. Praedicat. i. 367: Accidit autem, mirabilis audacia, imo insana, circa ann. Dom. MC. [CM?] ut dicitur in chronicis. Quaedam mulier literata, et in arte nōndi (notandi?) edocta, adsumto virili habitu, et virum se fingens, venit Romam, et tam industria, quam literatura accept, facta est notarius curiae, post diabolo procurante cardinalis, postea Papa. Haec impraegnata cum ascenderet peperit. Quod cum novisset Romana justitia, ligatis pedibus ejus ad pedes equi distracta est extra urbem, et ad dimidiam leucam a populo lapidata, et ubi fuit mortua, ibi fuit sepulta, et super lapidem super ea positum scriptus est versiculus : "Parce pater patrum papissae edere partum." The same story appears in an enlarged form in Martini Poloni († 1278) chron., and here the passage is perhaps genuine, although it is also wanting in several MSS. (Murator. ad Anastas. p. 247; cf. Ptolemaeus Lucensis, about 1312) Hist. eccl. xvi. 8 (in Muratori Scriptt. rer. Ital. xi. 1013): Omnes, quos legi, praeter Martinum, tradunt, post Leonem IV. fuisse Benedictum III. Martinus autem Polonus ponit Johannem Anglicum VIII. Even John XX. († 1227) called himself John XXI. See G. G. Leibnitii flores sparsi in tumulum Papissae (in the Biblioth. hist. Goetting. first part, 1758, p. 297, ss.). p. 330. From this time forward the story was generally believed (comp. the list of writers who repeat it down to the Reformation, in Sagittarii Introd.i.679) (see Leibnitius, l. c. p. 303–309), the sella stercoraria belonging to her was pointed to (Platina de vitis Pont. no. 106, Leibnit. 1. c. p. 335), and statues of her were shown (Mabillon Iter Italicum, p. 157. Leibnit. p. 333): till in the fifteenth century some (Aeneas Sylvius in Ep. 130. Platina, 1. c.) doubted, and Jo. Aventinus († 1534) in the Annal. Bojorum, lib. iv., first rejected it. From this time, being denied by the Catholics, it was adopted and defended by self-entangling Protestant polemics, till David Blondell (Question si une femme a été assise en siège papal de Rome entre Léon IV. et Bénoit III. Amsterd. 1649. 8. Joanna Papissa, s. famosae quaestionis, an foemina ulla inter Leonem IV. et Bened. III. RR. PP. media sederit úváкpioiç. Amstelod. 1657. 8), whom Ph. Labbeus (Cenotaphium Jo. Papissae in Diss. de scriptoribus eccl. Paris. 1660. i. 385. ap. Mansi, xv. 38) transcribed, settled the matter, though the female pope was still defended by F. Spanheim (Diss. de Joh. Pap. in Opp. ii. 577, ss., in French, Histoire de la Papesse Jeanne, by J. Lenfant, 1694, second edition by A. des Vignoles, à la Haye. 1720. 2 t. in 12). The copious literature of this topic may be seen in Sagittarii Introd. i. 676, ii. 626. Fabricii Bibl. gr. vol. x. p. 935. At the head of the numerous grounds that lie against the existence of a female pope, stand those from which it is inferred that Benedict III. immediately succeeded Leo IV. 1. Prudentius, bishop of Troyes († 861), author of the part of the Annales Bertiniani that relates to this topic, says ad ann. 855 (Monum. German. hist. ed. Pertz, i. 449): Mense Augusto Leo, apostolicae sedis antistes, defunctus est, eique Benedictus successit: and ad ann. 858 (p. 452): Benedictus Romanus pontifex moritur: Nicolaus substitutur. By these testimonies from a contemporary are also obviated the general doubts raised by Kist (Nederlandsch Archief, iii. 53) against the received chronology of these popes. 2 Hincmari Epist. xxvi. ad Nicolaum I. A. D. 867 (ed. Sirmond. ii. 298): Missos meos cum literis Romam direxi. Quibus in via nuntius venit de obitu P. Leonis. Pervenientes autem Romam cum praefatis literis, et intervenientibus praedictis Episcopis, Domnus nomine et gratia Benedictus mihi, quod nostis, privilegium inde direxit. 3. Diploma Bened. in confirmationem privilegiorum Corbejae (ap. Mansi, xv. 113, but it was given even by Mabillon de Re diplom. p. 436, much more minutely, from the original) at the conclusion: Scriptum-in mense Octobri indictione quarta. Bene valete. Datum Nonas Octobrias-Imp. Dn.-Aug. Hlothario-anno tricesimo nono, et P. C. (post Consula. tum) ejustanno xxxix., sed et Hludovico novo Imp. ejus filio anno vii., ind. quarta. sign. Benedicti Pape (consequently, the 7th Oct. 855. Leo IV. † 17th July, 855. Lotharius † 28th Sept. 855, in Prüm). 4. A Roman denarius, on one side of which is: Hlotharius Imp., on the other, the inscription round it S. Petrus, and in the middle, B. N. E. P. A.

Luitprand (712-744), were only waiting for a favorable opportunity of forthwith extending their sway over Rome and the Exarchate of Ravenna; while the popes had been endeavoring to prevent them by every means in their power.2

It is true that the Greek emperors avenged themselves for this rebellion on the popes, by separating from the latter the provinces of the Greek empire which had been hitherto subject to Rome's ecclesiastical oversight, and stretched out their arm (Benedictus Papa). See J. Garampi de Nummo argent. Bened. III. P. M. Rom. 1749. 4. Köhler's Münzbelustig. Bd. xx. S. 305. That the people in Rome knew nothing of the female pope, in the middle of the eleventh century, follows. 5. From an Epist. Leonis P. IX. ad Michaelem Constantinop. Patriarch. opist. A. D. 1054. c. 23 (ap. Mansi, xix. 649): Absit autem, ut velimus credere, quod publica fama non dubitat asserere, Constantinopolitanae ecclesiae contigisse, ut ennuchos contra primum Nicaeni concilii capitulum passim promovendo, foeminam in sede Pontificum suorum sut'ızasset aliquando. Hoc tam abominabile scelus, detestabileque facinus etsi enormitas ipsius vel horror fraternaque benevolentia non permittit nos credere, etc. Origin of the fable: according to Baronius ann 869, note 5, a satire on John VIII. ob nimiam ejus animi facilitatem et mollitudinem; according to others, on the dissolute popes John X. (so Aventinus, l. c.), or John XI. or XII (Onuphrius Panvinius in notis ad Platinam); according to Bellarminus de Rom. Pont. iii. 24, transferred from the see of Constantinople to the Roman (cf. Leon. ix. Epist.); according to Leibnitz (1. c. p. 367), true of some one Pontifex (bishop), Joannes Anglicus; according to C. Blascus de Collect. can. Isidor. Merc. cap. xvi. § 2, and Henke (K. G. ii. 23), a satirical representation of the origin of the Pseudo-Isidorian decretals; according to Gfrōrer K. G. iii. ii. 978, it also referred, in a reproving spirit, to a connection which Leo IV. wished to conclude with the Byzantines. According to Schmidt (K. G. iv. 379), it arose from a misrepresentation of the sella stercoraria (respecting it see Mabillon Comm. in ordinem. Rom. in the Museum Ital. t. ii. p. cxxi.). Recently the Genevan, Galiffe Pictet, has declared the female pope to be the honorable widow of Leo IV. (Nederlandsch Archief, iii. 78, 87). But the Romish Jesuit, Secchi, has declared it to be an invention of the schismatic Greeks, particularly of Gregory Asbesta, and Photius! When Prof. Kist, in his treatises on the female pope (Nederl. Archief voor kerk. Geschiedenis, iii. 1, v. 461), endeavors to show that the inquiry on this subject can not yet be considered as finished; he is only correct so far as the occasion and origin of the fable are not yet explained. It is probable that it will never be possible to arrive at certainty respecting them.

2 Anastasius in vit. xc. Gregorii: Cognita vero Imperatoris nequitia, omnis Italia consilium iniit, ut sibi eligerent Imperatorem, et Constantinopolim ducerent. Sed compescuit tale consilium Pontifex, sperans conversionem Principis-blando omnes sermone, ut bonis in Deum proferent actibus et in fide persisterent, rogabat. Sed ne desisterent ab amore vel fide Romani Imperii, admonebat. Theophanes, p. 338: Tрηуóрιos ó Пúлаs 'Рwμns τοὺς φόρους "Ιταλίας καὶ Ῥώμης ἐκώλυσε, et p. 342 : Απέστησε Ῥώμην τε καὶ Ἰταλίαν καὶ πάντα τὰ ἑσπέρια τῆς πολιτικῆς καὶ ἐκκλησιαστικῆς ὑπακοῆς Λέοντος καὶ τῆς ὑπ' avròv Bac:λɛíaç. The last passage, which is repeated by all the Byzantine writers, must be corrected and explained by that from Anastasius. Still Baronius ad ann. 730, § 5, follows the Greek writers with the application: Sic dignum posteris idem Gregorius reliquit exemplum, ne in ecclesia Christi regnare sinerentur haeretici principes, si saepe moniti in errore persistere obstinato animo invenirentur. So, too, Bellarminus de Rom. Pont. v. 8: Gregorius Leoni Imp. iconomacho a se excommunicato prohibuit vectigalia solvi ab Italis, et proinde mulctavit eum parte imperii. This Ultramontane view, defended even so late as the eighteenth century by A. Sandini, J. S. Assemani, and others, is controverted, particularly by the Gallican Natalis Alexander, L. E. du Pin, J. B. Bossuet, etc Comp. Walch's Ketzerhist. x. 263.