at a second synod held at Rome (1079) to demand of him a confession of faith acceptable to the stricter party.23 By this means he succeeded at least in procuring quiet for him; 24 for, though Berengar immediately recalled his forced confession, he was allowed to remain quietly in retirement on the island St. Come near Tours, till his death in the year 1088.25

23 Berengarii Acta, 1. c. p. 762: Papa, qui in conventu illo in festivitate omnium Sanctorum, scriptum suprapositum multa vociferatione fidei sufficere debere, omnibus pronunciari fecerat, nihil scripto demi, nihil a calumniatoribus addi permiserat, usque eo dejectus est importunitate Paduani scurrae, non Episcopi, et Pisani non Episcopi, sed Antichristi;-ut permitteret calumniatoribus veritatis in posteriori quadragesimali concilio scriptum, a se firmatum in priori festivitate oo. SS., Episcoporum consessu, scripto mutari hujusmodi: "Corde credo et ore confiteor, panem et vinum, quae ponuntur in altari, per mysterium sacrae orationis et verba nostri Redemtoris substantialiter converti in veram et propriam et vivificatricem carnem et sanguinem Jesu Christi Domini nostri, et post consecrationem esse verum Christi corpus, quod natum est de Virgine, et quod pro salute mundi oblatum in cruce pependit, et quod sedet ad dexteram Patris, et verum sanguinem Christi, qui de latere ejus effusus est, non tantum per signum et virtutem Sacramenti, sed in proprietate naturae, et veritate substantiae." Ego charta correpta-perpendi, ad sanum intellectum utcunque posse reduci et "substantialiter" et caetera verba, quae in scripto erratici posuissent suo, respondi, quia ita placeret domino Papae, me "substantialiter" additurum. Namely substantialiter might also be understood salva sua substantia, therefore: panis sacratus in altari salva substantia est corpus Christi, i. e., non amittens quod erat, sed assumens quod non erat.-Quod in scripto suo erratici addiderunt "per mysterium orationis," revera contra se scripserunt, quia nihil per mysterium agi poterit, nisi aliud expositum latens habuerit, et quod expositum in hoc negotio Sacramentum, et quod latet res Sacramenti accipitur. After he had done, however, ad interpretationem meam, non ad ipsorum me legere inclamaverunt, ut etiam hoc juramento firmarem, nec (leg. me) secundum eorum sensa scriptum, quod tenebam, deinceps interpretaturum. But he availed himself of the evasion: me ea, quae ante paucos dies mecum inde Papa egerat, sola tenere. See above, note 22.

24 See Literae commendatitiae Gregorii VII. datae Berengario (in d'Achery Spicileg iii. 413)-Omnibus b. Petro fidelibus.-Notum vobis omnibus facimus, nos anathema fecisse omnibus, qui injuriam aliquam facere praesumserint Berengario, Romanae Ecclesiae filio, vel qui eum vocabit haereticum; quem post multas, quas apud nos, quantas voluimus, fecit moras, domum suam remittimus, et cum eo fidelem nostrum Fulconem nomine.

25 The respect in which the memory of Berengarius was held in Tours (comp. especially his disciple's Hildeberti epitaphium in Bereng. ap. Wilhelm. Malmsb., ap. Baron. ad ann. 1088), also the yearly festival at his grave (Mabillon. Act. SS. Bened. saec. vi. P. ii. praef. no 65) gave rise in later times to the assertion that he had at last turned from his error. Mabillon, 1. c. no. 63, ss. Hist. lit. de la Fr. viii. 213, ss. On the other side Mosheim Institutt. hist. eccl. p. 43, note x. Lessing, S. 177, ff. The contemporary Bernaldus in Chron. ad ann. 1083 expressly asserts the contrary.-Of Berengar's doctrine we always find only one-sided views, as, Sacramentum non esse revera corpus Christi et sanguinem, sed veri corp. et s. figuram (Trithem. Chron. Hirs. i. 194, etc.). Hence also he is considered a heretic by Luther (Bekenntn. v. Abendmal Christi, 1528) and all the older Lutherans, but praised by the Calvinists. But after the discovery of many original documents even Mabillon, 1. c. no. 34, ss. and Martene and Durand (Thes. nov. anecd. iv. 99), are of opinion that he only denied transubstantiation, but conceded the praesentia realis; which might have been more accurately determined after his work was discovered. Lessing, p. 152, ff.

FOURTH CHAPTER.

HISTORY OF MONACHISM.

Jo. Mabillonii Annales ord. S. Bened., libb. xxxv. lxii. Ejusd. Acta SS. ord. S. Bened. saec. v. et vi.

§ 30.

CORRUPTION OF THE CONVENTS.

The

The monasteries suffered most in these rude times. abuse of bestowing them as fiefs on persons not monks, reached its height.' From all sides rapacious hands were stretched out toward the possessions of the monasteries; while those who were abbots became worldly in their strivings after reputation and power. Hence all discipline was neglected, disorders and excesses of all kinds prevailed among monks and nuns.3

3

Comp. § 7, note 10, Epist. Episc. e synodo apud Carisiacum missa ad Ludov. Reg. Germ. A.D. 858 (in Caroli Calvi Capitul. tit. xxvii. ap. Baluz. ii. 101) cap. 8, that Charles the Bald bestowed many monasteries partim juventute, partim fragilitate, partim aliorum callida suggestione, etiam et minarum necessitate, quia dicebant petitores, nisi eis illa loca sacra donaret, ab eo deficerent, on laymen. Afterward they were even bestowed by inheritance without distinction of sex. Comp. Rudolf's (King of Upper Burgundy) document of 888, in Mabillon. Annal. app. ad lib. 39, no. 36, where he bestows on his sister Adelaide abbatiam Romanis in comitatu Waldense, ut haberet post discessum suum potestatem relinquendi cuicumque voluerit heredum suorum. To another Adelaide, daughter of Rudolf II., King of Upper Burgundy, Lotharius King of Italy, 938, gave for dowry among other things three abbeys (Mabill. Ann. lib. xliii. no. 95). Of the Emperor Conrad II. (from 1024-1039) his biographer Wippo says (Scriptt. vi. rer. germ. ed. J. Pistorius, p. 432), Ernestus, Dux Alemanniae, aliquantulum Regi militans, Campidonensem Abbatiam-in beneficium accepit a Rege. And p. 437: Manegoldus Comes, miles Imperatoris, de Augensi Abbatia magnum beneficium (habebat) ab Imperatore. The bishops followed these examples, and Hatto, archbp. of Mainz (from 891-912) is said to have possessed as many as twelve abbeys. 2 Comp. § 24.

Conc. Troslejan. ann. 909, cap. 3 (Mansi, xviii. 270): De monasteriorum vero non statu, sed lapsu quid dicere vel agere debeamus, jam paene ambigimus. Dum enim, mole criminum exigente-quaedam a Paganis succensa vel destructa, quaedam rebus spoliata, et ad nihilum prope sint redacta, si tamen quorundam videntur superesse vestigia, nulla in eis regularis formae servantur vestigia. Sive namque monachorum, seu canonicorum, seu sint sanctimonialium, propriis et sibi competentibus carent rectoribus, et dum contra omnem Ecclesiae auctoritatem praelatis utuntur extraneis, in eis degentes partim indigentia, partim malevolentia, maximeque inhabilium sibi praepositorum faciente inconvenientia, moribus vivunt incompositis: et qui sanctitati religionique caelesti intenti esse debuerant, sui velut propositi immemores, terrenis negotiis vacant: quidam etiam,

§ 31.

REFORMATION OF MONACHISM.

First of all the rules of Benedict were restored in the convent Cluniacum (Clugny) that had been founded by Duke William of Aquitania, by the abbot Berno, A.D. 910.1 But it was under the second abbot Odo (927-941), who sharpened those rules by additions of his own, that the fame of this convent became general. He and his successor (Aymardus, till 948, Mayolus,

etc.

necessitate cogente, monasteriorum septa derelinquunt, et volentes nolentesque saecu laribus juncti saecularia exercent. Nunc autem in monasteriis Deo dicatis monachorum, canonicorum et sanctimonialium, Abbates laici cum suis uxoribus, filiis et filiabus, cum militibus morantur et canibus.-Auditur, quod (monachi) spreta humilitate et abjectione monastica, ornamentis, et his etiam, quae bonis laicis indecentia et turpia sunt, operam impendant; et nequaquam contenti communibus rebus, propriis, et lucris turpibus inserviant, Hence Odo Abb. in collectionibus inveighs against the monks who had isolated property, ex. gr. lib. ii. c. 34, 36; and against those, qui ad sacculum relabuntur, lib. iii. c. 17, ss. Of two nuns he relates, iii. c. 21: Ad hoc autem egredi permissae sunt, ut de rebus parentum, qui forte nuper obierant, aliquid monasterio reportarent. Sed hac occasione saeculum pergustantes oblitae sunt Deum.-Campo, abbot of Farfa (about 930), and his assistant Hildebrand concubinis, quas prius habuerant occulte, postmodum palam abuti coeperunt non solum ipsi, sed et cuncti illorum Monachi hoc scelus non verebantur patrare. sed nuptialiter unusquisque suam ducebat scortam. Campo himself, vii. filias et iii. filios habuit, quos et quas cunctos dotavit de rebus Monasterii, et alios parentes plurimos (see Hugo de Destructione monast. Farfensis, written about 1004, in Muratorii Antiqu. Ital. med. aevi, vi. 279). The same thing took place at this time in the monastery of Sens among six abbots. See Richerii (about 1250) Chronicon Senoniense, ii. c. 18 (in d'Achery Spicilegium, ii. 617): Monachi-impudicis se actibus, comessationibus, ebrietatibus, ac caeteris mundi delectationibus implicabant, nec erat qui corrigeret.-Quaesivit sibi quisque domunculam, ubi non regulariter, sed voluntate propria sibi conversari quiret.— Victu deficiente et vestitu decreverunt more rusticorum agricultores fieri, ut ita saltim possent inopem defendere vitam.

1 Bibliotheca Cluniacensis, in qua SS. Patrum Abbatum Cluniac. vitae, miracula, scripta, caet., cura Mart. Marrier et Andr. Quercetani. Paris. 1614. fol. Planck, iii. 697. Raumer's Gesch. d. Hohenstaufen, vi. 399. F. Hurter's Geschichte Papst Innocenz III. Bd. 4 (Hamburg. 1842), S. 103. Essai hist. sur l'Abbaye de Cluny par M. P. Lorain. Paris. 1839. 8. Bernonis vita in Mabillon. Act. SS. ord. Bened. saec. v. p. 66, ss. Wilhelm's original document (testamentum) ibid. p. 78. The conclusion is remarkable: Sintque ipsi monachi cum omnibus praedictis rebus sub potestate Bernonis Abbatis: post cujus decessum monachi facultatem habeant alterius Abbatis eligendi, quemcumque sui ordinis voluerint, secundum placitum Dei et regulam S. Benedicti, ita ut nullius potestatis contradictione haec electio impediatur; sitque hic locus subjectus soli Romanae Ecclesiae, cui per singula quinquennia x. solidi ad luminaria Apostolorum persolvantur.

2 Odonis vita libb. iii. by his pupil John, ap. Mabillon, 1. c. p. 150, ss. Comp. Hist. lit. de la Fr. vi. 229. His ascetic writings (among them Collationum, lib. iii. and Moralium in Job. libb. xxxv. extracted from Gregory the Great) in Bibl. PP. Lugdun. xvii. 252; comp. Bahr's Gesch. d. rom. Lit. im karol. Zeitalter, S. 538.

The ritus et consuetudines Cluniacenses were first written down in the eleventh century, by Bernhard, monk at Claguy (Ordo Cluniacensis per Bernardum libb. ii. in Vetus

till 994, Odilo, till 1048) soon became objects of pious wonderment, and were constantly called to found new convents and to reform old ones." Thus originated, in the order of the Benedictines, the first Congregation (Congregatio or Ordo Cluniacensis), a particular association of many convents under a common head, the abbot of Clugny. From this time lay abbots gradually disappeared in France.

6

7

In Italy the reformation of monachism was begun somewhat later by Romualdus, who founded the hermit order of Camaldulensians at Camaldoli (Campus Maldoli, Camaldulum in the Apennines near Arezzo) about 1018 († 1027); and John Gualbert, from whose hermitage in Vallombrosa (Vallis umbrosa, also in the Apennines, not far from Florence) († 1093) originated the coenobites of Vallombrosa, about 1038.8

In Germany, the attempts to bring about a similar reformation proved fruitless for a long time, from the obstinate attachment of the monks to a free mode of life, and from the political posi

¿isciplina monasterica s. Collectio auctorum qui de monastica disciplina tractarunt (Opera Marqu. Herrgott). Paris. 1726. 4. p. 133: then about 1070 by Ulrich, monk in Clugny, for William, abbot of Hirschau (Antiquiores consuetudines Cluniacensis monasterii, lib. iii. in Achery Spicil. i. 641). Particularly remarkable (ap. Ulrich, lib. ii. c. 3), the unbroken silence in ecclesia, dormitorio, refectorio, et coquina. Hence the novice opus habet, ut signa diligenter addiscat, quibus tacens quodammodo loquatur. C. 4, these signa loquendi are described.

⚫ Odilonis vita by his pupil Jotsaldus (falsely called Lotsaldus), of which that of Petrus Damiani (in his Opp. ed. Cajetani, ii. 193) is a mere extract. Both in the Act. SS. ad 1 Jan., that of Jotsaldus better in Mabillon. Act. SS. ord. Bened. saec. vi. i. 597.

In doing which they often met with much opposition from the corrupt monks. This was the case with Odo, in Fleury, 930. Mabillon. Ann. lib. xliii. no. 17. Thus the monks St. Martialis, in Limoges, resisted still in 1063, and were obliged to be brought into order by Petrus Damiani, as papal legate. See Petri Dam. Iter gallicum, in Maji Scriptt. yett. nova coll. vi. ii. 204. Out of France also several convents assumed gradually the ccnsuetudines Cluniac. So Farfa, near Rome, 998. Mabill. lib. lii. no. 72.

The smaller convents, called cellae and obedientiae, were governed only by coabbates or proabbates. Mabillon. lib. 1. no. 19. Clugny was Archimonasterium; its abbots, Archiabbates.

Romualdi vita by Petrus Damiani in P. Dam. Opp. ed. Cajetani, ii. 205 (according to the arbitrary alteration of Surius in Mabill. Act. SS. ord. Bened. saec. vi. i. 247; comp Pertz, vi. 847). The rules of the Camaldulensians in L. Holstenii Cod. regularum monast. ii. 192; comp. Hurter's Innocentius III. iv. 128.

Joan. Gualberti vita in Mabillonii Act. SS. saec. vi. ii. 273. Comp. Jo. Lamii Deliciae eruditor. ii. 238, 272. iii. 177, 212, etc. Hurter's Innoc. III. iv. 133.

9 Comp. Widukind's, monk in Corvey (about 960), characteristic narrative in his Rebus gestis Saxon. ii. 37 (ap. Pertz, v. 448): Gravis persecutio monachis oritur in diebus illis [about 940], affirmantibus quibusdam Pontificibus, melius arbitrari, paucos vita claros, quam plures negligentes inesse monasteriis oportere: obliti, nisi fallor, sententiae patrisfamiliae prohibentis servos zizania colligere, sed utraque crescere oportere et zizania et triticum usque ad messem. Quo factum est, ut plures propriae infirmitatis conscii, deposito habitu,

tion of the convents. At last, however, the examples furnished by France and Italy had their effect here also. Hanno, archbishop of Cologne, reformed the monastery of Siegburg (1068), which he had founded, and others besides; and in this course he was pretty generally followed by the bishops on the left bank of the Rhine,10 William, abbot of Hirschau, established the Congregation of Hirschau (Congreg. Hirsaugiensis, 1069), on the model of that of Clugny. He died in 1091.11

et relictis monasteriis, grave onus sacerdotum devitarent. Fuerunt autem quidam, qui summum Pontificem Fridericum (Archiep. Mogunt.) hoc non pure, sed ficte fecisse arbitrati sunt, quatenus venerabilem virum Regique fidelissimum Abbatem Hadumarum quoquomodo posset dehonestaret. Erluin, abbot of Gemblours, who wished to reform the abbey Laubes, in the diocese of Cambray, was nearly killed by the monks, and finally blinded (958), and Fulcuin (from 965 abbot of Laubes) de Gestis Abbatum Lobiensium, c. 26 (in d'Achery Spicileg. ii. 739) seems to throw the blame only on Erluin, for which he was severely reproved by the Anonym. Gemblacensis (about 1100) (ibid p. 761, s.). Abbot Godehard, about 1005, wishing to reform the monks in Hersfeld, primitus eis juxta regulare praeceptum duriora et aspera mandata proposuit, et licentiam eis ad preces Metropolitani, aut secum haec celebrandi, aut quo vellent discedendi contribuit. Qui statim unanimiter conspirati simul omnes, paucis tantum senioribus vel puerulis remanentibus, egressi per diversa loca varie sunt dispersi. However, they gradually returned, probably from necessity, vita Godehardi Ep. Hildesheimensis in Mabillon. Acta SS. ord. Bened. saec. vi. i. 356. and in Leibnitii Scriptt, rer. Brunsv. i. 486. Poppo, about 1025, at first abbot in Stablo, then in St. Maximin at Treves, had to suffer much from the monks in both monasteries, because he attempted to reform them. Those in St. Maximin went so far as to put his life in jeopardy. See vita Popponis ap. Mabillon. 1. c. p. 511: Cumque sibi sub eo illicita jam non licere-conspexissent, de ejus morte plura machinantur, et quod palam non poterant, quibusdam praestigiarum suarum insidiis operantur. Ad quod, nefas dictu, sacrosancta Missarum sollemnia violando, suis occupant divinationibus, et quas preces credebant, in immunditia et sanguine manuum suarum execrandis admiscent incantationibus,-tam exsecrabili quam invida eousque perducuntur exagitatione, ut in apponendis beato viro cibis et potibus venenorum suorum uterentur admixtione. Even Theodorich, abbot of St. Hubert in the Ardenne, had to contend violently against the open resistance of his monks, when he wished to restore order in his monastery, A.D. 1054, till a judicial miracle came to his aid. See vita Theodorici in Mabillon. Act. SS. ord. Bened. saec. vi. P. ii. p. 369, ss. Hence, too, we can explain the fact of there being men at this time, qui vel monachico, vel canonico, vel etiam graeco habitu per regiones et regna discurrunt. See vita Godehardi no. 26, ap. Mabillon. 1. c. saec. vi. P. i. p. 363.

10 Lambertus ad ann. 1075, ap. Pertz, vii. 238. Judgment of Lambert, an old Benedictine, ad ann. 1071, p. 182: Sicut vulgo assiduitate vilescunt omnia et popularium animi novarum rerum avidi magis semper stupent ad incognita, nos quos usu noverant, nihili aestimabant, et hos, quia novum inusitatumque aliquid praeferre videbantur, non homines sed angelos, non carnem sed Spiritum arbitrabantur. Et haec opinio principum quam privatorum mentibus altius pressiusque insederat. A quibus ad populum derivatus rumor tantum terroris plerisque in hac regione monasteriis injecit, ut ad ingressum illorum alias 30, alias 40, alias 50 monachi, austerioris vitae metu scandalizati de monasteriis abscederent. Lambert had been for a long time in the monasteries of Siegburg and Saalfeld, for the purpose of learning the new discipline, and came to the conclusion, nostras quam illorum consuetudines regulae S. Benedicti melius congruere, si tam tenaces propositi, tamque rigidi paternarum nostrarum traditionum aemulatores vellemus existere.

1 S. Wilhelmi Constitutiones Hirsaugienses, in Vetus disciplina monastica (ed. M Herrgott), Paris. 1726. 4. p. 375, ss. Respecting him see Bernoldi Chron. ad ann. 1091, ap VOL. II.- - 12