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go. Thus the pontiff hoped to counterbalance the influence of the French, and bear down opposition by numbers. 26

vours.

For some time after his arrival at Trent the cardinal of Lorraine spoke and acted as a thorough friend of reform. His house was the resort of the opposition party, with whom he held frequent meetings; and great hopes were entertained of the favourable issue of his endeaThese hopes were strengthened by the declared wishes and intentions of the French government. It was constantly asserted that nothing less than a radical reform would satisfy the people, or save the Catholic faith from subversion. When the cardinal was publicly received by the council he drew an affecting picture of the state of France, and powerfully urged the necessity of prompt and energetic measures. He was followed by the ambassador Du Ferrier, who addressed the fathers in a strain of bold remonstrance and eloquent fervour. Their demands, he said, were contained in the sacred Scriptures, the canons of general councils, and the ancient constitutions and decrees of venerable pontiffs and fathers. To these standards must the church again be brought. Nothing less would suffice. "Unless this is done, holy fathers," said the ambassador, "in vain will you inquire whether France is in a state of peace. We can only answer you as Jehu answered Joram when he said, 'is there peace, Jehu?' 'What peace,' he replied, 'so long as the fornications' 27.... you know the rest. But unless this is done, in vain will you seek for advice or help from this or that quarter; in vain will you rely on the fidelity or zeal of the sovereigns of Europe; a deceitful tranquillity may be produced, quickly to be disturbed, while, in the meantime, souls will perish, whose blood will be required at your hands." Such sentiments and language were heard with great satisfaction by the enemies of corruption,2 8

The French ambassadors were instructed to require a revision of the church service, in order to the abolition of all superstitious and useless ceremonies-the conces Le Plat, v. p. 547.570.

26 Pallav. 1. xix. c. 2.
272 Kings ix. 22. ·
28 Pallav. I. xix. c. 3.

Sarpi, l. vii, s. 32. Le Plat, v. p. 549

sion of the cup to the laity—the administration of the sacraments, the singing of "psalms and other spiritual songs," the reading and interpretation of scripture, and public prayers, in the vernacular tongue-the reformation of the licentious lives of the clergy, and, generally, of all abuses that had crept into the court of Rome or the church at large, an ample list of which was furnished.30 When to these are added the demands of the emperor and the Spanish prelates, who zealously cooperated with the French in promoting reform, it will be confessed that the Pope and his ministers had sufficient grounds for anxiety and alarm. 31 Nevertheless, his Holiness determined to preserve things as they were, or any rate to concede as little as possible: but this strength

29 Some time after, when the cardinal of Lorraine was at Inspruck, on a visit to the emperor, some of the divines who accompanied him were attending his Imperial Majesty in his library. He inquired their opinion on the concession of the cup. They argued against it; whereupon the emperor turned to the king of the Romans, who was present, and said, "Forty years long was 1 offended with that generation; and I said, These always err in heart." Lettres, Anecdotes, et Memoires du Nonce Visconti, t. i. p. 81.

30 Le Plat, v. p. 559-564. A memorial was presented by the French ambassadors, Jan. 2, 1563, comprising thirty-four articles of reform. Among them, besides those stated above, were the following, that priests should be entirely occupied with the duties of their office, and not be suffered to intermeddle with secular affairs; that the bishops should provide a sufficient number of preachers in every diocese, so that sermons might be delivered on all Sundays and feastdays, as well as in Lent and Advent: that no ecclesiastic should possess more than one benefice: that commendams and similar abuses should be utterly abolished; that the prevailing superstition in regard to images, indulgences, pilgrimages and relics should be corrected; that public penance should be revived; and that diocesan synods should be held every year, provincial synods once in three years, and general councils every ten years. Pallav. l. xix. c. 11. Sarpi, l. vii. s. 50. Le Plat, v. p. 631-643.

31 Le Plat, v. p. 564. Even the Italian bishops began to think of reform. Ibid. p. 614-619. Visconti advised the Pope to write a sharp letter to the emperor, and tell him that he was willing to have reformation, but not disfiguration. At the same time he suggested that it might be politic to propose a reform so strict and universal that the princes themselves would be afraid of it. This suggestion was subsequently adopted. The duke of Bavaria, among other things had asked permission for laymen to preach, instead of ignorant priests, Visconti recommended that a Catechism and some homilies should be printed in the German language, for the use of such priests. Let tres, 1. i. p. 63–75.

of the opposition made it necessary to adopt very cau tious measures, and to trust to dexterous management rather than open resistance. He knew that craft and guile have often succeeded when force would have been employed in vain.

Stormy debates, intrigues and counter intrigues, and attempts to conciliate or overawe, made up the history of the council from the autumn of 1562 to the summer of 1563. During all this time the fathers were very busily engaged in discussion ;32 but it was too evident that their object was less to elicit truth than to get the mastery over each other. It was a fierce struggle between the liberal and servile parties, the friends of reform and the foes of innovation. On the part of the pontiff and his agents no stone was left unturned to secure the interests of Rome and avert all change. Messengers were continually passing between his Holiness and the legates, to convey information, advice, and direction. Hired spies noted with unceasing vigilance every aspect of affairs, and faithfully reported the conduct of the prelates. Art, bribery, intimidation were by turns employed; fair discussion and honourable dealing were unknown. Only a passing notice of such proceedings is necessary in this place; a minute narrative would but excite disgust, and weary the patience of the reader. 33

32 The cardinal of Lorraine says that they were engaged full five hours every day. Le Plat, v. p. 593. Theological discussions were not their sole employ. Twice they assembled to render thanksgivings to God for the defeat of the Huguenots by the king of France, and once to celebrate mass for the Catholics who were slain in battle. A virulent harangue against the Protestants was delivered at the first of those meetings, in which the victory was compared to the deliverance of the Israelites from Egypt, and the successes of Jephtha, Gideon, Barak, and the Maccabees; and the Roman Catholic soldiers were described as having 'consecrated their hands in the blood of the impious." There were great rejoicings at Rome also on account of these events. Le Plat, i. p. 573-586.

33 When the French prelates, shortly after their arrival, continually pressed the legates to give them satisfaction on the subject of reform, declaring that they would stay at Trent ten years rather than have their wishes frustrated. Visconti strongly urged a compliance with their request, or at least a declaration of what was intended, "to get rid of this troublesome body of grumblers." T. i. p. 117.

The letters of Visconti show that he was little scrupulous of the means he employed to get information of the sentiments and designs

The discussion on residence and the divine right of bishops were frequently renewed, and carried on with great violence and asperity. The diversity of sentiment that prevailed on the latter subject occasioned the most rancorous discord. Those who held the institution of bishops to be of divine right, treated their opponents as slaves, who had ignobly sold themselves to do the will of the Pope; while they themselves were regarded as malcontents or rebels, for opposing the just rights of Christ's vicar on earth. Various formulas were prepared, in the hope of uniting the two parties without compromise of principle on either side; but the attempt was wholly unsuccessful, and at last the council terminated without any authoritative declaration on a point of so great importance. 34 The question of residence

of the prelates. He often succeeded by tampering with their secretaries or domestics.

The Pope attempted to bribe du Ferrier. Visconti, t. i. p. 91. Lest the frequent arrival of couriers from Rome should excite the suspicions of the prelates, they were ordered to leave their guides and equipage at the last stage before they came to Trent, and to enter the city incog. Sarpi, 1. vii. s. 30.

34 Pallav. 1. xix. c. 12. Sarpi, l. vii. s. 46. 50. Le Plat, v. p. 537. 584. 644. While the French and Spanish prelates laboured to establish the divine right of episcopacy, meaning thereby that bishops derived both their office and their power immediately from Jesus Christ, the Pope strove to enact a distinction between their order and their jurisdiction, affirming that the former was derived from Jesus Christ, but the latter from the Roman pontiff. A canon sent to the legates, but not passed by the council, was thus expressed:-"Whoever shall affirm, that blessed Peter was not appointed by Christ the chief of the apostles, and his vicar on earth; or, that it is not necessary that there should be in the church one pontiff, the successor of Peter, and equal to him in the power of government; or, that his lawful successors in the Roman See from that time to the present have not possessed the primacy of the church, and were not the fathers, pastors and teachers of all christians, and that full power to feed, rule, and govern the universal church was not committed to them by our Lord Jesus Christ: let him be accursed."

The cardinal of Lorraine said that if such a canon were proposed he would protest against it, in the name of the king and of all the prelates of France. On another occasion he said, in the presence of several bishops, "It is as true that the council is above the Pope as it is true that the word was made flesh." Visconti says that this "approaches to impiety." "The bishops are Christ's vicars, not the Pope's," said the archbishop of Granada; and again, "Let him give us our rights, and we will give him his." Visconti, t. i. p. 9, 167 ii. p. 53.

Peter Soto the Dominican, whose name often appears in the his

was disposed of in a similar way, the decree on that subject consisting of vague generalities, and provisions easily to be evaded. Reform shared its usual fate. Much was asked, little given. The Pope contrived to pacify the emperor and the king of France; and the prelates, worn out by opposition, reproach and ill-usage, were forced to yield to superior power. 35 Even the cardinal of Lorraine saw, or affected to see, the necessity of retracing his steps; his pompous pretensions

tory of the council, died at Trent in April 1563. On his death bed he wrote to the Pope, earnestly entreating his Holiness to allow the declaration of divine right and episcopacy. By some means this letter got abroad, notwithstanding the endeavours of Visconti to suppress it, and made considerable impression. Pallav. 1. xx. c. 13. Sarpi, 1. vii. s. 83. Le Plat, vi. p. 14. Visconti, 't. i. p. 237. 245.

35 The treatment of the bishop of Guadix was most disgraceful. "The bishop of Guadix, (says a Spanish prelate who was present) said that the bishops had their sole authority de jure divino-by a divine right; and that even without the confirmation of the Pope they would be true bishops, since there is no proof that either Chrysostom, or Basil, or Gregory of Nice, received such confirmation, or indeed any thing at the hands of the Roman pontiff.

"When he began to utter this sentence, cardinal Simonetta desired him to have care to his words, for what he said was scandalous, especially in such times.

"Upon this there was a stir among the prelates, and they began to make a great noise, and the patriarch of Venice, rising out of his place, called the bishop a schismatic, and declared that he must recant. It is said that the archbishop of Granada, who was near, told those who had risen that they themselves were the true schismatics, since, without listening to the bishop of Guadix, they made that uproar, and used words so offensive and outrageous against so orthodox. a man. I did not hear this, though I was at no great distance; for at this time, the uproar being great, I had also stood up, declaring that it was a shame they should run him down in that manner; that he ought to be allowed to finish his speech, and then it would be time to ascertain whether he had uttered any thing worthy of reproof or punishment."

So wrote the bishop of Salamanca; others have stated the matter still more strongly; even Palavicini confesses that the prelates not only made a great clamour, but that some exclaimed, " Curse him— burn him he is a heretic!" L. xix. c. 5. Sarpi, 1. vii. s. 36. Le Plat, v. 577. Practical and Internal Evidence against Catholicism, p. 335.

On one occasion the bishop of Verdun had inveighed severely against the court of Rome. Hov: the cock crows," (nimium gallus cantavit-the reader will observe the allusion) said a prelate who sat near him. Upon which the bishop of Lavaur immediately rejoined, "Would that at the crowing of the cock Peter would repent and weep bitterly!"

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