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modes of expression were proposed, altered, modified, and rejected. Much time was wasted in these contentions, and no prospect of union appeared.2 2
The situation of the legates was sufficiently trying. They could neither please the Pope nor pacify the prelates. His Holiness anxiously desired the termination of the council; but this could only be accomplished by a forced decision of the question of divine right, which would be followed by an open rupture with the Spaniards and French, and probably with the Germans. The opposing bishops were thoroughly untractable: it was useless to attempt to overawe them—they were proof against seduction. The business of the council was at a stand, and nothing had been done for several days, when the legates proposed anew the subject of residence. They introduced a decree, enacting severe penalties against offenders, and offering a bounty on obedience by exempting residents from the payment of their tenths. This was inserted as some compensation to the bishops for the omission of the declaration of divine right. But various objections were raised against it, particularly by the Spanish and French ambassadors, who contended that it infringed on the rights of their sovereigns. Even the bishops were not satisfied, for they foresaw that the promised immunities would be soon taken from them, and were unwilling to forego their claims for the prospect of an uncertain advantage. In consequence, the debate quickly closed, and was not resumed for some time,? 3
At the request of the French ambassadors the session was postponed, on account ofthe expected arrival of the cardinal of Lorraine. He entered Trent Nov. 13, accompanied by fourteen bishops, three abbots, and twenty-two divines, chiefly doctors of the Sorbonne. This was an event in which all parties felt deep interest. The reforming members of the council, particularly the Spaniards, looked forward to it with much pleasure.They had heard that the cardinal purposed to lay an unsparing hand on the abuses of the papacy, and to avow himself the warm and uncompromising advacate
22 Pallar. l. xviii. c. 16.
Sarpi, I. vii. s. 25-29,
of reform. On the other hand, the legates and their adherents could ill conceal their fears. They were much alarmed at the anticipated union between the
French and the Spaniards; and the free spirit and bold measures that had been recently indulged in France seemed to justify the most anxious forebodings. But the Pope affected to treat the matter with indifference. He ridiculed the idea of the cardinal of Lorraine's setting up for a reformer. “This cardinal," said he, “is a second Pope. He has a revenue of three hundred thousand crowns. A suitable persen, truly, to talk of reform, and inveigh against pluralities! As for me, I have but one benefice, and I am content with one!" Yet in fact his Holiness was as much afraid as his ministers. Reports were continually brought to him respecting the aims and intentions of the cardinal. It was not enough that he was described as the irreconcileable enemy of corruptions and abuses. Some affirmed that he wished to procure a decree for the performance of divine worship in the vernacular tongue, and that in his own diocese of Rheims baptism was already so celebrated.2 4 Others said that he would plead for communion in both kinds, and the marriage of the clergy; and that he intended to propose that bishoprics should be bestowed only on those who were able to preach, and that un. preaching prelates should be compelled to expend onethird of their revenues in the support of a preacher.2 5 Whether these reports were well founded or not, the Pope deemed that there was sufficient ground for concern and fear. He immediately dispatched the bishop of Monte Falisci, to join the cardinal on his road and attend him to Trent, under colour of respect and honour, but in reality to act as a spy. With a similar object the legates had sent the bishop of Senegal. Orders were issued that every prelate then at Rome should repair to Trent forthwith. None were exempted: titulars, coadjutors, those who had resigned their benefices, and retained only the episcopal order, without jurisdiction—the aged and infirm, and even such as held official situations in the papal court, were compelled to
24 Pallav. ut sup. Le Plat, v. p. 519.
£o. Thus the pontiff hoped to counterbalance the infiuence of the French, and bear down opposition by numbers. 2 6
For some time after his arrival at Trent the cardinal of Lorraine spoke and acted as a thorough friend of re: form. Ilis house was the resort of the opposition party, with whom he field frequent meetings; and great hopes were entertained of the favourable issue of his endeavours. These hopes were strengthened by the declared wishes and intentions of the French government. It was constantly asserted that nothing less than a radical reform would satisfy the people, or save the Catholic faith from subversion. When the cardinal was publicly received by the council he drew an affecting picture of the state of France, and powerfully urged the necessity of prompt and energetic measures. He was followed by the ambassador Du Ferrier, who addressed the fathers in a strain of bold remonstrance and eloquent fervour. Their demands, he said, were contained in the sacred Scriptures, the canons of general councils, and the ancient constitutions and decrees of venerable pontiffs and fathers. To these standards inust the church again be brought. Nothing less would suffice. "Unless this is done, holy fathers," said the ambassador, "in vain will you inquire whether France is in a state of peace. We can only answer you as Jehu answered Joram when he said, 'is there peace, Jehu ? What peace,' he replied, so long as the fornications'27.... vou know the rest. But unless this is done, in vain will you seek for advice or help from this or that quarter ; in vain will you rely on the fidelity or zeal of the sovereigns of Europe; a deceitful tranquillity may be produced, quickly to be disturbed, while, in the meantime, souls will perish, whose blood will be required at your hands.” Such sentiments and language were heard with great satisfaction by the enemies of corruption.2 8
The French ambassadors were instructed to require a revision of the church service, in order to the abolition of all superstitious and useless ceremonies the conces.
26 Pallav. 1. xix. c. 2. Le Plat, v. p. 547.570. 272 Kings ix. 22.'
28 Pallav. l. xix. c. 3. Sarpi, 1. vii. s. 32. Le Plat, v. p. 549.
sion of the cup to the laity3l--the administration of the sacraments, the singing of "psalıns and other spiritual songs,” the reading and interpretation of scripture, and public prayers, in the vernacular tongue the reformation of the licentious lives of the clergy, and, generally, of all abuses that had crept into the court of Rome or the church at large, an ample list of which was furnished. 30 When to these are added the demands of the emperor and the Spanish prelates, who zealously cooperated with the French in promoting reform, it will be confessed that the Pope and his ministers had sufficient grounds for anxiety and alarm.31 Nevertheless, his Holiness determined to preserve things as they were, or any rate to concede as little as possible: but this strength
29 Some time after, when the cardinal of Lorraine wagat Inspruck, on a visit to the emperor, some of the divines who accompanied him were attending his Imperial Majesty in his library. He inquired their opinion on the concession of the cup. They argued against it; whereupon the emperor turned to the king of the Romans, who was present, and said, “ Forty years long was I offended with that gene. ration; and I said, These always err in heart.” Lettres, Anecdotes, et Memoires du Nonce Visconti, t. i. p. 81.
30 Le Plat, v. p. 559–564. A memorial was presented by the French ambassadors, Jan. 2, 1563, comprising thirty-four articles of reform. Among them, besides those stated above, were the following, that priests should be entirely occupied with the duties of their office, and not be suffered to intermeddle with secular affairs; that the bishops should provide a sufficient number of preachers in every diocese, so that sermons might be delivered on all Sundays and feastdays, as well as in Lent and Advent: that no ecclesiastic should possess more than one benefice: that commendams and similar abusos should be utterly abolished; that the prevailing superstition in regard to images, indulgences, pilgrimages and relics should be corrected; that public penance should be revived; and that diocesan synods should be held every year, provincial synods once in three years, and general councils every ten years. Pallav, l. xix. c. 11. Sarpi, 1. vii. s. 50. Le Plat, v. p. 631-643.
31 Le Plat, v. p. 564. Even the Italian bishops began to think of reform. Ibid. p. 614–619. Visconti advised the Pope to write a sharp letter to the emperor, and tell him that he was willing to have reformation, but not disfiguration. At the same time he suggested that it might be politic to propose a reform so strict and universal that the princes themselves would be afraid of it. This suggestion was subsequently adopted. The duke of Bavaria, among other things had asked permission for laymen to preach, instead of ignorant priests, Visconti recommended that a Catechism and some homilies should be printed in the German language, for the use of such priests, Let. tres, 1. i. p. 63–75.
of the opposition made it necessary to adopt very cau. tious measures, and to trust to dexterous management rather than open resistance. He knew that craft and guile have often succeeded when force would have been · employed in vain.
Stormy debates, intrigues and counter intrigues, and attempts to conciliate or overawe, made up the history of the council from the autumn of 1562 to the summer of 1563. During all this time the fathers were very busily engaged in discussion ;32 but it was too evident that their object was less to elicit truth than to get the mastery over each other. It was a fierce struggle between the liberal and servile parties, the friends of reform and the foes of innovation. On the part of the pontiff and his agents no stone was left unturned to secure the interests of Rome and avert all change. Messengers were continually passing between his Holiness and the legates, to convey information, advice, and direction. Hired spies noted with unceasing vigilance every aspect of affairs, and faithfully reported the conduct of the prelates. Art, bribery, intimidation were by turns employ. ed; fair discussion and honourable dealing were unknown. Only a passing notice of such proceedings is necessary in this place; a minute narrative would but excite disgust, and weary the patience of the reader. 3 3
32 The cardinal of Lorraine says that they were engaged full five hours every day. Le Plat, v. p. 593. Theological discussions were not their sole employ. Twice they assembled to render thanksgivings to God for the defeat of the Huguenots by the king of France, and once to celebrate mass for the Catholics who were slain in battle. A virulent harangue against the Protestants was delivered at the first of those meetings, in which the victory was compared to the deliverance of the Israelites from Egypt, and the successes of Jephtha, Gideon, Barak, and the Maccabees; and the Roman Catholic soldiers were described as having consecrated their hands in the blood of the impious." There were great rejoicings at Rome also on account of these events. Le Plat, i. p. 573-586.
33 When the French prelates, shortly after their arrival, continually pressed the legates to give them satisfaction on the subject of reform, declaring that they would stay at Trent ten years rather than have their wishes frustrated Visconti strongly urged a compliance with their request, or at least a declaration of what was intended, “to get rid of this troublesome body of grumblers.” T. i. p. 117.
The letters of Visconti show that 'ne was little scrupulous of the means he employed to get information of the sentiments and designs