come to form two divisions, under the respective leaderships of Sagasta and Zorrilla: Sagasta representing the more Conservative, Zorrilla the more democratic class of ideas, though both occupied nominally the middle ground which lay between extreme opinions on either side. When the King's Allocution of February was issued, declaring that he would recognize the existence of two constitutional parties only, the Sagastites drew towards the Conservative Unionists, and the Zorrillists towards the Radicals and Republicans. On the Ministerial side, accordingly, the watchwords for the new elections were, Order, the Savoy dynasty, and the security of the gains of the Revolution of 1868: in fact, the status quo. Against the status quo were for the moment banded in anomalous coalition, Zorrillist-Progressistas, Radicals, Republicans, and Carlists. The alliance between the "Blacks" and the "Reds," which the review of recent European history has brought before us on more than one occasion, seldom presented more incongruous features than in the Spanish electionary contest of April 1872. The Carlists invoked Catholicism, Divine right, and pitiless reaction. While working shoulder to shoulder with the Radical and Church-hating politicians of the Extremest Left, their cry was, "No more altars to the demon! No more despotism disguised as liberty! . . . It is time to restore to God His own; to reconstitute the country of Recaredo and Philip the Second. . It is time now that in all Spain, from Cadiz to the Pyrenees, should wave alone and triumphant the flag of God, of Spain, and of the King." For the machinations of the great Ultramontane party throughout Europe, in fact, Spain just now offered a promising field; and no serviceable allies were to be despised, no serviceable pleas neglected. The curas of the northern provinces worked upon the patriotic as well as upon the religious prepossessions of the peasantry. In Biscay especially they took care to represent that the Government of the foreign intruder aimed at abolishing the old fueros, or local rights and customs, which were the especial pride of the population. All the future welfare and happiness of the country was represented as involved in the success of the legitimate heir to the throne - the Prince who claimed through the male line of the Spanish sovereigns, and whose right was good not only as against the Savoy pretender, but as against the late Queen Isabella also, her sovereign plea having rested only on the setting aside of the Salic Law. Carlos, Duke of Madrid, whose claim was thus advanced under the title of Charles VII., was a young man, the son of Don Juan, and nephew of that Count de Montemolin who had set up as Charles VI. against Queen Isabella in 1860, and who, with his brother Juan, when they were both taken prisoners, had consented to renounce their "legitimist" rights on condition of their lives being spared. Montemolin had died childless. Don Juan considered his own rights as revived by the fact of Queen Isabella's abdication; but being personally no favourite with his party, he found it advisable to make them over to his son, who

accordingly was thenceforth championed by the Carlist party as legitimate King of Spain. There was now but one other claimant to the throne, Alfonso, son of Queen Isabella, in whose favour the Duc de Montpensier resigned his separate pretensions.

Notwithstanding the efforts of the many-headed opposition, the result of the April elections was very favourable to Government in the provinces generally, where, as in France, the influence of public functionaries on these occasions always makes itself felt among the ignorant peasantry. But in Madrid the opposition triumphed; and the number of Carlists alone who obtained seats in the new Cortes -thirty-five-was said to be twice as many as ever sat there together under Prim's interregnum. Before the day of opening, however, a circular was issued, signed by the Legitimist pretender himself, forbidding any representatives who might have been elected from the ranks of his party, to take their seats in the Assembly, inasmuch as he totally denied the right of the said Assembly to be considered as the legislature of the kingdom. This was an overt act: the bursting forth of the flame which every one knew was smouldering. Government so understood it, and instantly arrested the whole of the Carlist Junta in Madrid, Valladolid, Burgos, and other cities. At the same moment that these arrests were made, telegrams were received from Aragon, Navarre, and the Basque provinces, announcing Carlist risings under old chiefs of the party and provincial curas. In Castille and Leon also bands rapidly formed, and the mountains of Toledo and the plains of La Mancha sent forth their Don Quixotes of legitimacy to cry "Viva Carlos VII.!" The principal leader of the rebel forces was General Diaz de Rada, appointed by the Pretender Commander-inChief of the Basque provinces and Navarre. No time was lost by the Government of King Amadeus in despatching Marshal Serrano to the scene of action. At the head of 20,000 men he marched to Tudela, and there established his head-quarters on the 29th of April. From thence he took the road to Pampeluna, drove the insurgents from Estella, and sent forward detachments under Generals Moriones and Primo Rivera to the mountain region among the sources of the Bidassoa. Meanwhile, in spite of a magniloquent proclamation he had made to the inhabitants, Diaz de Rada retreated regularly before the royal troops; and when, on the 2nd of May, Don Carlos himself crossed the frontier at Vera in Navarre, he found his adherents driven up into a corner between the Pyrenees and the mountains separating Navarre from Guipuzcoa; while the Government forces occupying the mouths of all the mountain passes made it impossible for them to escape. Carlos issued a proclamation, telling the Spaniards that he, their King, was now among them; that he was come to restore to them their privileges and their national independence, and that their cry should be, "Down with the Foreigner!" But the same day, May the 2nd, General Primo de Rivera arrived at Echalar, only two leagues from Vera. Upon hearing this, Don Carlos left Vera for

Lesaca, intending to reach the province of Guipuzcoa. But Marshal Serrano had already placed a column in his way, among the mountains of Haya; and General Primo de Rivera, hearing that the Carlists had made for Lesaca, got to that place first by a forced march. Thus hemmed in, Don Carlos and his "army " wheeled about again towards Vera, seeking concealment in the mountains of Zulain. Here, it is said, General Rada declared to the Prince that he considered his cause hopeless; and being told in return that he was a coward and traitor, resigned his command. General Aguirre was appointed to replace him.

On the evening of the 4th of May the inevitable collision occurred. General Moriones, who happened to be leading the most advanced of Serrano's divisions, came up with the Pretender and Aguirre at Oroquieta, a small pueblo in the valley of Basaburua. Moriones had 2000 men and a mountain battery. The Carlist forces were estimated at 5000 or 6000. The Carlists defended themselves behind rocks and stone walls for some hours, but finally gave way, leaving 750 prisoners in the hands of the enemy.

For some days the fate of the defeated Prince remained a mystery. It was rumoured that he was killed; that he was made prisoner; that he was hiding among the mountains. It turned out, however, that, after concealing himself for a few days, he succeeded in recrossing the frontier to France.

Though scotched, the rebellion was not killed: in fact, it never was killed throughout the year. The martial curas and other leaders managed to keep up a guerilla warfare, a source of constant irritation to the body politic, and of outlay to the impoverished exchequer. The Convention of Amorevieta, concluded by Marshal Serrano with the rebel leaders of Biscay on the 27th of May, flattered Government for a time into the belief that tranquillity was about to ensue, although many murmurs were raised when it was found that the rebels consented to lay down their arms only on condition of an amnesty being accorded them. But Serrano knew his difficulties: want of money, the uncertain loyalty of many officers serving under King Amadeus's colours, the intrigues of the Duke de Montpensier, the questionable projects of the Radicals. Having concluded his Convention, he hastened back to Madrid. There he found himself confronted with a political crisis. On the 22nd of May the Sagasta Ministry had fallen. A dubious financial transaction, of the nature of what the French call a virement, had been the cause. The King had sent to Serrano, while he was still negotiating with the Biscay chiefs, desiring him to undertake the formation of a new Cabinet. For the moment Serrano delegated the task to Admiral Topete; but on his arrival at Madrid, on the 27th, he assumed in his own person the Presidency of the Ministry.

Instead of receiving the ovation of a successful general, Serrano found the public greatly incensed against him for the Convention of Amorevieta. He lost no time in presenting himself

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before the Congress, and, explaining the object and reason of the step he had taken. A fierce debate ensued; finally a motion expressive of satisfaction with his conduct was carried by 140 votes against 22. In the Senate the battle lasted four days. There, too, the General's conduct was ultimately approved of by a majority of 71 against 13. The public indeed were by no means satisfied, but Serrano, fain to content himself with this nominal vindication, proceeded to discuss the situation with his adherents. No small difficulties surrounded him. The Carlist insurrection was still alive, despite the Convention, and demanded more troops and more money. The Republicans, who had hitherto kept quiet, began to give signs of breaking into armed opposition. The Radicals, deserted for the time by their chief, Ruiz Zorrilla, who had thrown up his seat in the Cortes and retired in disgust to his lands in Tablada, might be expected to adopt some course highly embarrassing to Government. Serrano took a soldier's resolution. He announced to the King that, in his judgment and that of his colleagues, there was no other way of facing the danger which beset the throne than to entrust them with the power of suspending, when they should deem it necessary, the Constitutional guarantees. The King demurred, but listened. A few days afterwards he assembled his Council; heard from its members separately their opinions in favour of Serrano's suggestion; and then, to their discomfiture, declared that he had made up his mind against adopting it. said that in the traditions of his family there existed no instance of a monarch suspending the cardinal laws, much less in a restrictive sense; that he had sworn to guard the Constitution of the State, on his oath as a gentleman and as a King (como caballero y como rey), and that he would rather depose before the nation the powers he had received from it than be wanting to the compact by virtue of which he had been crowned with its sovereignty. Stung to the quick, Serrano declared his intention to retire. "You may do so," said Amadeus, calmly. The whole ministry then laid down office. The King sent to the venerable Espartero; but the octogenarian statesman declined, on the score of age, the task of forming a Cabinet. Then General Cordova, who had been War Minister in the Zorrilla administration, was summoned to the royal presence. Being asked by the King if he would undertake to form a Ministry which should attempt to govern the country by means of the Constitution, Cordova replied that such had ever been the distinguishing doctrine of the Radical party to which he belonged; that the honour of the Premiership properly belonged to Zorrilla, now in retirement; but that meanwhile he would suggest a list of names. Then the "Hermit of Tablada was communicated with; and, in spite of his recent declaration of abstention from the political game, he consented at once to accept the mission offered to him. He was received at Madrid on the 16th of June amid popular acclamation, and shortly afterwards issued a circular explaining the programme of the new Radical Ministry-a programme in accordance with his

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declarations of July and August in the last year. Then followed the dissolution of the Cortes.

The new Ministerial revolution being thus arranged, King Amadeus intended to start on the 19th of July for a visit to the Northern Provinces, leaving the Queen and the two royal children behind. Before parting, they had arranged to attend an open-air concert in the gardens of the Buen Retiro, the favourite resort of Madrid society in the evenings of the hot season. In the afternoon secret information was conveyed to Señor Mata, the Civil Governor, that the night would not pass over without an attempt on the life of his Majesty. The King was told of it, but he either refused to give credence to the report or did not desire to alarm the mind of the Queen, for he took his ride alone in the afternoon as usual, and made no change in his intention to go to the night concert. The Civil Governor redoubled all the usual precautions. He caused the whole way from the palace to the gardens to be covered, as it were, with armed police, many of them in plain clothes, and he had all the usually frequented haunts of the "conspirator class" of Madrid closely watched.

Having passed the evening in the gardens, the royal party were returning about midnight. Suddenly, while driving down the Calle Arenal, the King's carriage was assailed by a rapid succession of shots. General Burgos, who was sitting opposite the King and Queen, rose and leaned over them. The King rose also, to show that he was unhurt. More shots were fired, some by the assassins and some by the armed police, a sort of combat being waged all down the street. The royal carriage drove rapidly back to the palace; the only injury done being to one of the horses, which fell dead on entering the courtyard. One of the assassins was shot, another seriously wounded, and three were captured. The precautions of Señor Mata had proved happily effectual. The armed police, stationed along the line in consequence of the warning previously given, had taken note of some fourteen or sixteen ill-looking men who came out of a tavern in the Plaza Mayor and placed themselves in position at various points just as the King's carriage was approaching. The courage of the King himself, who went out on foot at nine o'clock the morning after the affair to see the marks of the balls, and refused to put off his journey to the provinces for more than a day, excited a popular enthusiasm in his favour. The shouts of "Viva el Rey!" raised by some fifty thousand voices around him, was a pleasant variation in his ordinary experiences of Madrid street favour.

In his tour through the provinces of Leon, Biscay, Asturias, and Gallicia, similar marks of public sympathy greeted the muchtried Rey intruso. So far the frustrated attempt at assassination had tended rather to strengthen than to weaken his position. But it was a striking exemplification of the delays to which Spanish justice is liable, or the unwillingness to punish the authors of a political crime of violence, that the would-be regicides of the Calle Arenal, though caught red-handed, remained untried through