erect ourselves, then, indeed, does it come to us as a joy and as a victory the truth that was uttered by Horace Greeley-"I know that my Redeemer liveth."

Job was a great sufferer. Affliction after affliction came upon him with whirlwind blast and lightning stroke. He mourned and wept, and looked through a tumultuous struggle that came upon him; he ended with the peace of the grave, where the wicked cease from troubling and the weary are at rest; but still, through and beyond all, he recognized this truth, that there was to him a Helper, a Vindicator, a Redeemer, and that was his strength and his victory. Our friend and brother had his hour of desolation and darkness. Affliction after affliction fell upon him, and he longed for rest. No doubt he breathed the spirit of the simple verse:

Those were the

But he looked through and beyond this. transient shadows, and I thank God from my heart and from my soul, not only for myself, but for all, that, when all earthly good was crumbling like scaffolding, this dying man was so strong and triumphant as to utter from his soul this simple sentence that is written over me.

My friends, that was the victory of Horace Greeley's life, as well as the lesson of his death. It is the consolation of the hour. I dare not trust myself to speak to those smitten hearts. I dare not trust words to convey even one atom of human sympathy, for they would fail me before those who have thus repeatedly been smitten. There, there is your consolation! "I know that my Redeemer liveth." And now, as we take the Body of our friend and brother, and bear

it to its final rest, from these walls that have known him so often, but shall know him no more now, as we bend over him with these tears that will not be restrained, God grant that this may be our consolation.

"Farewell, dear friend! farewell, honored associate! farewell, noble champion!" each may say, speaking for some great interest and affection of his life. Farewell! We know that our Redeemer liveth! and God grant that we may know it in that final hour, when, like him, there is nothing for us but to turn to God.

MACDONALD

SIR

IR JOHN ALEXANDER MACDONALD, a distinguished Canadian statesman, was born at Glasgow, Scotland, January 11, 1815. He removed to Canada with his parents in 1820 and was educated at the Royal Grammar School, Kingston. He then studied law, was admitted to the bar of Upper Canada in 1836, and soon attained a high place in his profession, his command of criminal and commercial law being especially noteworthy, while his abilities as a pleader were of no ordinary character. In 1844 he entered the Canada Assembly as member for Kingston, his position being that of a progressive Conservative as distinguished from a purely Tory attitude, and from 1856 until his death he was the leader of the Canadian Conservatives. He entered the cabinet as receiver-general in 1847, and was attorney-general 1854-62, resigning in the latter year only to resume the position in 1864. Macdonald, more than any other person, was instrumental in bringing about the union of the Provinces in 1867, in which year he received the honor of knighthood. He was the first minister of public affairs and attorney-general of the Dominion, and in 1869 became prime minister, his ministry remaining in power until November, 1873, when it fell on the question of the Pacific Railroad charges. For the next six years Macdonald led the Conservative Opposition, but in 1878 came once more into power as prime minister, retaining this office continuously until his death at Ottawa, June 6, 1891. In 1880 he signed the contract for constructing the Canadian Pacific Railway, the most important act of his administration, the railway being completed in June, 1886. As a public speaker Macdonald displayed signal ability, and while frequently visiting England and other countries on diplomatic errands performed his various missions with skill and diplomatic finesse. He was sometimes styled "the Canadian Disraeli," in allusion to his personal likeness to the English statesman, whom he resembled to some extent in the character of his statesmanship. Among the many measures of importance successfully carried out by him were the improvement of the Canadian criminal laws, the extension of the municipal system, military organization, extension of the franchise, ratification of the Washington treaty, and the extension and consolidation of the Dominion. He had a profound knowledge of human nature and was often able to carry his point without antagonizing his opponents.

SPEECH ON CONFEDERATION

DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, FEBRUARY, 1865

[The Dominion of Canada was born July 1, 1867. In February, 1865, the proposed union was discussed in the Parliament of Canada. Sir E. P. Taché moved a series of resolutions in the Legislative Council, while Attorney-General Macdonald (afterward Sir John) moved a resolution in

the Legislative Assembly to the effect that the colonies of Canada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Newfoundland, and Prince Edward Island should be united in one government, with provisions based on certain resolutions which were adopted at a conference of delegates from the said colonies, held at the city of Quebec on the 10th of October, 1864. In moving this resolution Mr. Macdonald made what is possibly his most famous speech.]

M

R. SPEAKER-In fulfilment of the promise made

by the government to Parliament at its last session,

I have moved this resolution. I have had the honor of being charged, on behalf of the government, to submit a scheme for the confederation of all the British North American Provinces, a scheme which has been received, I am glad to say, with general if not universal approbation in Canada. The scheme, as propounded through the press, has received almost no opposition. While there may be occasionally, here and there, expressions of dissent from some of the details, yet the scheme as a whole has met with almost universal approval, and the government has the greatest satisfaction in presenting it to this House.

This subject, which now absorbs the attention of the people of Canada and of the whole of British North America, is not a new one. For years it has more or less attracted the attention of every statesman and politician in these provinces, and has been looked upon by many far-seeing politicians as being eventually the means of deciding and settling very many of the vexed questions which have retarded the prosperity of the colonies as a whole, and particularly the prosperity of Canada. The subject was pressed upon the public attention by a great many writers and politicians; but I believe the attention of the legislature was first formally called to it by my honorable friend the Minister of Finance. Some years ago, in an elaborate speech, my honorable friend, while an independent member of Parliament, before being con

nected with any government, pressed his views on the legislature at great length and with his usual force. But the subject was not taken up by any party as a branch of their policy until the formation of the Cartier-Macdonald administration in 1858, when the confederation of the colonies was announced as one of the measures which they pledged themselves to attempt, if possible, to bring to a satisfactory conclusion. In pursuance of that promise the letter or despatch which has been so much and so freely commented upon in the press and in this House was addressed by three of the members of that administration to the Colonial Office.

The subject, however, though looked upon with favor by the country, and though there were no distinct expressions of opposition to it from any party, did not begin to assume its present proportions until last session. Then men of all parties and all shades of politics became alarmed at the aspect of affairs. They found that such was the opposition between the two sections of the Province, such was the danger of impending anarchy in consequence of the irreconcilable differences of opinion with respect to representation by population between Upper and Lower Canada, that unless some solution of the difficulty was arrived at we would suffer under a succession of weak governments,— weak in numerical support, weak in force, and weak in power of doing good. All were alarmed at this state of affairs. We had election after election, we had ministry after ministry, with the same result. Parties were so equally balanced that the vote of one member might decide the fate of the administration and the course of legislation for a year or a series of years.

This condition of things was well calculated to arouse the earnest consideration of every lover of his country, and I am happy to say it had that effect. None were more impressed