V UNFUNDED DEBT. An Account of the UNFUNDED DEBT and DEMANDS OUTSTANDING on the 5th Day of January, 1813. FOREIGN STATE-PAPERS. Russia.- Declaration.-At the to produce, will, under such cir moment of my ordering the armies.cumstances, take that part alone, under my command to pass the Prussian frontier, the Emperor, my master, directs me to declare, that this step is to be considered in no other light than as the inevitable consequence of the military operations. Faithful to the principles which have actuated his conduct at all times, his Imperial Majesty is guided by no view of conquest. The sentiments of moderation which have ever characterised his policy are still the same, after the decisive successes with which divine Providence has blessed his legitimate efforts. Peace and independence shall be their result. These bis . Majesty offers, together with his assistance, to every people, who, being at present obliged to oppose him, shall abandon the cause of Napoleon, in order to follow that of their real interest. I invite them to take advantage of the fortunate opening which the Russian armies have produced, and to unite themselves with them in the pursuit of an enemy whose precipitate flight has discovered its loss of power. It is to Prussia in particular to which this invitation is addressed. It is the intention of his Imperial Majesty to put an end to the calamities by which she is oppressed, to demonstrate to her king the friendship which he preserves for him, and to restore to the monarchy of Frederic its eclat and its extent. He hopes that bis Prussian Majesty, animated by sentiments which this frank declaration ought which the wishes of his people, and the interest of his states, demand. Under this conviction, the Emperor, my master, has sent me the most positive orders to avoid every thing that could betray a spirit of hostility between the two powers, and to endeavour, within the Prussian provinces, to soften, as far as a state of war will permit, the evils which for a short time must result from their occupation. (Signed) The marshal commander in chief of the armies, PRINCE KOUTOSOFF SMOLENSKO. Proclamation. When the Emperor of all the Russias was compelled by a war of aggression, to take arms for the defence of his states, his Imperial Majesty, from the accuracy of his combinations, was enabled to form an estimate of the important results which that war might produce with respect to the independence of Europe. The most heroic constancy, the greatest sacrifices, have led to a series of triumphs; and when the commander in chief, Prince Koutousoff Smolensko, led his victorious troops beyond the Niemen, the same principles still continued to animate the sovereign. At no period has Russia been accustomed to practise that art, (too much resorted to in modern wars,) of exaggerating, by false statements, the success of her arms. But with whatever modesty her details might now be penned, they would appear appear incredible. Ocular witnesses are necessary to prove the facts to France, to Germany, and to Italy, before the slow progress of truth will fill those countries with mourning and consternation. Indeed, it is difficult to conceive that in a campaign of only four months' duration, one hundred and thirtythousand prisoners should have been taken from the enemy, besides nine hundred pieces of cannon, forty-nine stand of colours, and all the waggon train and baggage of the army. A list of the names of all the generals taken is hereunto annexed. It will be easy to form an estimate from that list of the number of superior and subaltern officers taken. It is sufficient to say, that out of three hundred thousand men, (exclusive of Austrians), who penetrated into the heart of Russia, not thirty thousand of them, even if they should be favoured by fortune, will ever revisit their country. The manner in which the Emperor Napoleon repassed the Russian frontiers can assuredly be no longer a secret to Europe. So much glery, and so many advantages, cannot, however, change the personal dispositions of his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias. The grand principles of the independence of Europe have always formed the basis of his policy; for that policy is fixed in his heart. It is beneath his character to permit any endeavours to be made to induce the people to resist the oppression, and to throw off the yoke which has weighed them down for twenty years. It is their government whose eyes ought to be opened by the actual situation of France. Ages may elapse before an opportunity equally favourable again presents itself; and it would be an abuse of the goodness of Providence, not to take advantage of this crisis to reconstruct the great work of the equilibrium of Europe, and thereby to ensure public tran quillity and individual happiness. Concordat between Napoleon and the Pope. His Majesty the Emperor and King and his Holiness being inclined to put an end to the differences which have arisen between them, and to provide against the difficulties that have taken place in several affairs concerning the church, have agreed upon the following articles, which are to serve as a basis for a definitive arrangement: Art. 1. His Holiness shall exercise the pontificate in France, and in the kingdom of Italy, in the same manner, and with the same forms, as his predecessors. 2. The ambassadors, ministers, chargés d'affaires of foreign powers to the holy father, and the ambassadors, ministers, or chargés d'affairs, whom the pope may have with foreign powers, shall enjoy such immunities and privileges as are enjoyed by the members of the diplomatic body. 3. The domains which were possessed by the Holy Father, and that have not been alienated, shall be exempted from all kinds of imposts, and shall be administered by his agents, or chargés d'affairs. Those which were alienated, shall be replaced, as far as to the amount of two millions of francs in revenue. 4. Within the space of six months following the notification of the usage of nomination by the emperor to the archbishopricks and and bishopricks of the empire and The kingdom of Italy, the pope shall give the canonical investiture in conformity with the Concordat, and by virtue of this indulto. The preliminary information shall be given by the metropolitan. The six months being expired without the pope having accorded the investiture, the metropolitan, or in default of him, where a metropoli- . tan is in question, the oldest bishop of the province, shall proceed to the investiture of the new bishop, in such manner that a see shall never be vacant longer than one year. 5. The pope shall nominate to ten bishopricks, either in France or in Italy, which shall finally be designated by mutual consent. 6. The six suburban bishopricks shall be re-established. They shall be at the nomination of the pope. The property actually existing shall be restored, and measures shall be taken for recovering what has been sold. At the death of the Bishops of Anagni and of Rieti, their dioceses shall be united to the six bishopricks before mentioned, conformably to the agreement which will take place between his Majesty and the Holy Father. 7. With regard to the bishops of the Roman states, who are, through circumstances, absent from their dioceses, the holy Father may exercise his right of giving bishopricks in partibus in their favour. A pension shall be given to them equal to the revenue before enjoyed by them, and they may be replaced in the vacant sees, either in the empire or in the kingdom of Italy. 8. His Majesty and his Holiness will, at a proper time, concert with each other on the reduction to be made, if it should take place; in the Bishopricks of Tuscany and the country of Genoa, as likewise for the bishopricks to be established. in Holland and in the Hanseatic departments. 9. The propaganda, the penitentiary, and the archives, shall be established in the place of the Holy Father's residence. 10. His Majesty restores his good favour to those cardinals, bishops, priests, and lay-brethren, who have incurred his displeasure in consequence of actual events, The Holy Father agrees to the above dispositions, in consideration of the actual state of the church, and in the confidence with which his Majesty has inspired him, that he will grant his powerful protection to the numerous wants which religion suffers in the times we live in. Louis XVIII. &c. &c. The moment is at length arrived, when Divine Providence appears ready to break in pieces the instru ment of its wrath. The usurper of the throne of St. Louis, the devastator of Europe, experiences reverses in his turn. Shall they have no other effect but that of aggravating the calamities of France; and will she not dare to overturn an odious power, no longer protected by the illusions of victory? What prejudices, or what fears, can now prevent her from throwing herself into the artis of her king; and from recognising, in the establishment establishment of his legitimate authority, the only pledge of union, peace, and happiness, which his promises have so often guaranteed to his oppressed subjects? Being neither able, nor inclined to obtain, but by their efforts, that throne which his rights and their affection can alone confirm, what wishes should be adverse to those which he has invariably entertained? what doubt can be started with regard to his paternal intentions? The king has said in his preceding declarations, and he reiterates the assurance, that the administra tive and judicial bodies shall be maintained in the plenitude of their powers; that he will preserve their places to those who at present hold them, and who shall take the oath of fidelity to him; that the tribunals, depositaries of the laws, shall prohibit all prosecutions. bearing relation to those unhappy times of which his return will have for ever sealed the oblivion; that, in fine, the code polluted by the name of Napoleon, but which, for the most part, contains only the ancient ordinances and customs of the realm, shall remain in force, with the exception of enactments contrary to the doctrines of religion, which, as well as the liberty of the people, has long been subjected to the caprice of the tyrant. The senate, in which are seated some men, so justly distinguished for their talents, and whom so many services may render illustrious in the eyes of France, and of posterity, that corps, whose utility and importance can never be duly appreciated till after the restoration, can it fail to perceive the glorious destiny which summons it it to become the first instrument of that great benefaction which will prove the most solid, as well as the most honourable guarantee of its existence and its prerogatives? On the subject of property, the king, who has already announced his intention to employ the most proper means for conciliating the interests of all, perceives in the numerous settlements which have taken place between the old and the new land-holders, the means of rendering those cares almost superfluous. He engages, however, to interdict all proceedings by the tribunals, contrary to such settlements, to encourage voluntary arrangements, and, on the part of himself and his family, to set the example of all those sacrifices which may contribute to the repose of France, and the sincere union of all Frenchmen. The king has guaranteed to the army the maintenance of the ranks, employments, pay, and appointments which it at present enjoys. He promises also to the generals, officers, and soldiers, who shall signalise themselves in support of his cause, rewards more substantial, distinctions more honourable, than any they can receive from an usurper, always ready to disown, or even to dread their services. The king binds himself anew to abolish that pernicious conscription, which destroys the happiness of families and the hope of the country. Such always have been, such still are the intentions of the king. His re-establishment on the throne of his ancestors will be for France only the happy transition from the calamities of a war which tyranny perpetuates, to the blessings of a solid peace, for which foreign powers |