No. 1 OF VOL. IV.]

BALTIMORE, SATURDAY, MARCH 6, 1813.

Hæc olim meminisse juvabit. VIRGIL.

[WHOLE NO. 79.

Printed and published by H. NILES, South-st. next door to the Merchants' Coffee House, at $5 per annum.

Volume IV. of the Register From No. 53, (No. 1 of vol. III.) published Sept. 15, 1812, by paying $7 50-being $250 for the vol This day commences with the most flattering pres-received, and $5 in advance. pects. It is presumed that the period of its publi- From No. 79, (No. 1 of vol. IV.) by paying $5 in cation (the ensuing six months) will embrace advance.

Baltimore, March 6, 1813.

more important and interesting events than any other Of vol. II. and those that follow, 630 copies space of time that has lapsed since the colonization are for sale. Of vol. IV. 500 additional impressions of America; or that may, perhaps, for many years will be made, to meet the constant increase of sub occur. No industry shall be wanting or expence scribers. spared, to keep pace with the history of the times, and give value to the Register as well for present use as future reference. As ability is received the will shall be exerted, and many gratuitous supplementary numbers may be expected, as the current of matter demands. them

British Declaration.

LONDON, January 10. The editor has seen no cause to abandon any part The earnest endeavors of the prince regent to of the general rule by which this work has been conducted. On the contrary, the public judgment has preserve the relations of peace and amity with the United States of America having unfortunately failpassed a vote of approbation on his labors, that gra titude and interest alike forbid him to disregard. No ed, his royal highness, acting in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, deems it proper publicly official paper has hitherto been neglected on account of its political tendency; nor has an artich been in- to declare the causes and origin of the war in which serted, with electioneering views The same honest the government of the United States has compelled him to engage. impartiality and inviolable neutrality shall be pursued No desire of conquest, or other ordinary moin these things. But in regard to the war against Great Brittin-though we would not knowingly in- tive of aggression, has been, or can be with any sinaate a falsehood, or distort a fact, we cannot, dare color of reason in this case imputed to Great Britain: not, will not, stand with our arms folded, neutral that her commercial interests were on the side of and insensible. By diligent investigation, truth shall peace, if war could have been avoided, without the be ascertained, and faithfully recorded in the "Events sacrifice of her maritime rights, or without an injurious submission to France, is a truth which the of the War"-yet we will use our best efforts to rouse and encourage our fellow-citizens to such deeds of American government will not deny. His royal highness does not however mean to rest patriotism as may lead to a glorious termination of the controversy, so far forth as the same shall be in on the favorable presumption, to which he is entitled. He is prepared by an exposition of the cirour power. Our country, the best and most happy in the world, requires this of all who breathe its free cumstances which have led to the present war, to air and partake of its manifold blessings. Let the show that Great Britain has throughout acted towards the United States of America, with a spirit of discontended compare its state with the condition of amity, forbearance and conciliation; and to dethe old world-and he will cling to it as the refuge monstrate the inadmissable nature of those pretenof "peace, liberty and safety." sions, which have at length unhappily involved the two countries in war.

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It is published every Saturday, at $5 per annum making two volumes a year; payable in advance. The original subscribers pay annually in March-the work commenced in September, 1811. See "origiDal conditions" vols. I. and III. 1st page in each.

It is well known to the world, that it has been the invariable object of the ruler of France to destroy the power and independence of the British empire, as the chief obstacle to the accomplishment of his Jambitious designs.

The REGISTER is packed with unparalleled care such a naval force in the channel, as combined with He first contemplated the possibility of assembling and attention, and reaches the most distant post a numerous flotilla, should enable him to disembark offices in safety. Missing numbers are liberally sup. in England an army sufficient, in his conception, to plied, without charge, to any reasonable demand subjugate this country; and through the conquest of if lost or damaged in the mails. Great Britain he hoped to realize his project of uni

Subscribers must begin and end with a volume; versal empire. and may receive the work as follows

By the adoption of an enlarged and provident sysFrom No. 1, published Sept. 7, 1911, by paying $15 tem of internal defence, and by the valor of his ma →for which will be delivered the three volumes pub-jesty's fleets and armies, this design was entirely lished with a receipt for the 4th, 5th and 6th volumes frustrated; and the naval force of France, after the -or, in other words, for three years subscription; most signal defeats, was compelled to retire from the 18 months for the files delivered, and 18 months in ocean.

advance. There are only 130 complete setts re- An attempt was then made to effectuate the same maining for sale. purpose by other means; a system was brought for From No. 27, (No. 1 of vol. II.) which issued on ward, by which the ruler of France hoped to annihi March 7, 1812, (and contains all the papers, &c. con-late the commerce of Great Britain, to shake her nected with the war) by paying $10; i.e. 5 for the public credit, and to destroy her revenue, to render two volumes delivered, and $5 in advance fuseless her maritime superiority, and so to avail him

self of his continental ascendancy, as to constitute without first touching at a port in Great Britain, himself in a greater measure the arbiter of the ocean, her dependencies. At the same time his majesty innotwithstanding the destruction of his fleets. timated his readiness to repeal the orders in council With this view by the decree of Berlin, followed whenever France should rescind her decrees, and by that of Milan, he declared the British territories return to the accustomed principles of maritime warto be in a state of blockade; and that all commerce fare; and a subsequent period, as a proof of his maor even correspondence with Great Britain was pro-jesty's sincere desire to accommodate, as far as possihibited. He decreed that every vessel and carge, ble, his defensive measures to the convenience of which had entered or was found proceeding to a Bri-neutral powers, the operation of the orders in countish port, or which, under any circumstances, had cil was, by an order issued in April, 1809, limited to a been visited by a British ship of war, should be law-blockade of France, and of the countries subject to ful prize: he declared all British goods and produce, her immediate dominion. wherever found, and however acquired, whether Systems of violence, oppression and tyranny, can coming from the mother country, or from her colo-never be suppressed, or even checked, if the power nies, subject to confiscation: he further declared to against which such injustice is exercised, be debarbe denationalized the flag of all neutral ships that red from the right of full and adequate retaliation; should be found offending against these his decrees; or, if the measures of the retaliating power are to and he gave to this project of universal tyranny, the be considered as matter of just offence to neutral name of the continental system. nations, whilst the measures of original aggression and violence are to be tolerated with indifference, submission or complacency.

For these attempts to ruin the commerce of Great Britain, by means, subversive of the dearest rights of neutral nations, France endeavored in vain to rest her justification upon the previous conduct of his majesty's government.

The government of the United States did not fail to remonstrate against the orders in council of Great Britain. Although they knew that these Under circumstances of unparalleled provocation, orders would be revoked if the decrces of France, his majesty bad abstained from any measure which which had occasioned them, were repealed, they the ordinary rules of the law of nations did not fully resolved at the same moment to resist the conduct Warrant. Never was the maritime superiority of a of both belligerents, instead of requiring France in belligerent more complete and decided. Never was the first instance, to rescind her decrees. Applying the opposite belligerent so formidably dangerous in most unjustly the same measure of resentment to his power and in his policy, to the liberties of all other the aggressor and to the party aggrieved, they anations. France had already trampled so openly and dopted measures of commercial resistance against systematically on the most sacred rights of neutral both-a system of resistance, which, however varied powers, as might well have justified the placing her in the successive acts of embargo, non-intercourse, out of the pale of civilized nations. Yet in this ex-jor non-importation, was evidently unequal in its treme case, Great Britain had so used her naval as-operation, and principally levelled against the su gendancy, that her enemy could find no just cause perior commerce and maritime power of Great of complaint; and in order to give to these lawless Britain. decrees the appearance of retaliation, the ruler of The same partiality towards France was observaFrance was obliged to advance principles of maritime ble in their negociations, as in their measures of law unsanctioned by any other authority than his own alleged resistance. arbitrary will.

Application was made to both belligerents for the revocation of their respective edicts, but the terms in which they were made were widely different.

The pretext for these decrees were, first, that Great Britain had exercised the rights of war against private persons, their ships and goods; as if the only Of France was required a revocation only of the object of legitimate hostility on the ocean were the Berlin and Milan decrees, although many other epublic property of a state, or as if the edicts, and diets, grossly violating the neutral commerce of the the courts of France itself had not at all times en-United States, had been promulgated by that powforced this right with peculiar rigor; secondly, that er. No security was demanded, that the Berlin and the British orders of blockade, instead of being con-Milan decrees, even if rescinded, should not under fined to fortifed towns, had, as France asserted, becu some other form be re-established; and a direct enunlawfully extended to commercial towns and ports,gagement was off red, that upon such revocation the and to the mouths of rivers: and thirdly, that they American government would take part in the war ahad been applied to places, and to coasts, which gamst G. B. if she did not immediately rescind her neither were, nor could be actually blockaded. The orders. Whereas ho corresponding engagement was last of these charges is not founded upon fact; whilst offered to Great Britain, of whom it was required, the others, even by the admission of the Americango-not only that the orders in council should be revernment, are utterly groundless in point of law. pealed, but that no others of a similar nature should Against these decrees, his majesty protested and be issued, and that the blockade of May 1806, should appealed, he called upon the United States to as- be abandoned. This blockade, established and ensert their own rights, and to vindicate their indepen-forced according to accustomed practice, had not dence, thus menaced and attacked; and as France been objected to by the United States at the time it had declared, that she would confiscate every ves-was issued. Its provisions were on the contrary sel that should touch in Great Britain, or be visited represented by the American minister resident in by British ships of war, his majesty, having previ-London at the time, to have been so framed as to ously issued the order of January, 1807, as an act of afford, in his judgment, a proof of the friendly mitigated retaliation, was at length corapeiled, by disposition of the British government towards the the persevering violence of the enemy, and the con- United States.

tinued acquiescence of neutral powers, to revisit Great Britain was thus called upon to abandon upon France, in a more effectual manner, the mea-Jone of her most important maritime rights; by acsure of her own injustice, by declaring, in an order knowledging the order of blockade in question to be in council, bearing date the 11th of November, 1807, one of the edicts which violated the commerce of the that no neutral vessel should proceed to France, or to any of the countries to which, in obedience to the dictates of France, British commerce was excluded,

U. States, although it had never been so considered in the previous negociation; and although the President of the United States had recently consented to

abrogate the nonintercourse act, on the sole condi- that in consequence of a previous act on the part of tion of the orders in council being revoked; thereby the American government, they were repealed in distinctly admitting these orders to be the only edicts favor of one belligerent to the prejudice of the other; which fell within the contemplation of the law, un-that the American government having adopted meader which he acted. sures restrictive upon the commerce of both bellige

A proposition so hostile to Great Britain could rents, in consequence of the edicts issued by both, renot be proportionably encouraging to the pretensions scinded these measures as they affected that power of the eneiny. As by thus alleging that the bloc-which was the aggressor, whilst they put them in kade of May, 1806, was illegal, the American go-full operation against the party aggrieved; although vernment virtually justified, so far as depended on the edicts of both powers continued in force; and them, the French decrees. lastly, that they excluded the ships of war belonging

After this proposition has been made, the French to one belligerent, whilst they admitted into their minister of foreign affairs, if not in concert with go-ports and harbors, the ships of war belonging to the vernment, at least in conformity with its views, in a other, in violation of one of the plainest and most despatch dated the 5th of August, 1810, and ad- essential duties of a neutral nation. dressed to the American minister resident at Paris, Although the instrument thus produced was by stated that the Berlin and Milan decrees were re-no means that general and unqualified revocation of voked, and that their operation would cease from the Berlin ard Milan decrees, which Great Britain the 1st day of November following, provided his had continually demanded, and had a full right to majesty would revoke his orders in council, and re-claim; and although this instrument, under all the nounce the new principles of blockade; or that the circumstances of its appearance at that moment, for U. States would cause their rights to be respected; the first time, was open to the strongest suspicions meaning hereby, that they would resist the retalia-jof its authenticity; yet as the minister of the U.States tory measures of Great Britain. produced it, as purporting to be a copy of the instruAlthough the repeal of the French decrces thus ment of revocation, the government of G. Britain deannounced was evidently contingent, either on con- sirous of reverting, if possible, to the ancient and accessions to be made by Great Britain (concessions customed principles of maritime war, determined to which it was obvious Great Britain could never upon revoking conditionally the orders in council. submit) or on measures to be adopted by the United Accordingly, in the month of June last, his royal States of America; the American President at once highness the Prince Regent was pleased to declare considered the repeal as absolute. Under that pre- in council, in the name and on the behalf of his matence the non-importation act was strictly enforced jesty, that the orders in council should be revoked against Great Britain, whilst the ships of war and as far as respected the ships and property of the merchant ships of the enemy were received into the United States from the 1st of August following. harbors of America. The revocation was to continue in force, provided

The American government, assuming the repeal of the government of the United States should, within the French decrces to be absolute and effectual, a time to be limited, repeal their restrictive laws most unjustly required Great Britain, in conformity against British commerce. His majesty's minister to her declarations, to revoke her orders in council. in America was expressly ordered to declare to the The British government denied that the repeal, government of the United States, that "this measure which was announced in the letter of the French mi-Lad been adopted by the Prince Regent in the earnister for foreign affairs, was such as ought to satis-rest wish and hope, either that the government of fy Great Britain; and in order to ascertain the true France, by further relaxations of its system, might character of the measure adopted by France, the go-render perseverance on the part of Great Britain in vernment of the United States was called upon to retaliatory measures unnecessary, or if this hope produce the instrument by which the alleged repeal should prove delusive, that his majesty's govern of the French decrces had been effected. If these ment might be enabled, in the absence of all irritat decrees were really revoked such an instrument ing and restrictive regulations on either side, to enmust exist, and no satisfactory reason could be given ter with the government of the United States into for withholding it. amicable explanations, for the purpose of ascertain. At length, on the 21st of May, 1812, and not being whether, if the necessity of retaliatory measures fore, the American minister in London did produce a should unfortunately continue to operate, the parti copy, or at least what purported to be a copy of such cular measures to be acted upon by Great Britain an instrument. could be rendered more acceptable to the American It professed to bear date on the 28th of April, government, than those hitherto pursued." 1811, long subsequent to the despatch of the French" In order to provide for the contingency of a de minister of foreign affairs of the 5th August, 1810, claration of war on the part of the United States or even the day named therein, viz. the 1st of No-previous to the arrival in America of the said order vember following, when the operation of the French of revocation, instructions were sent to his majesty's decrees was to cease. This instrument, expressly minister plenipotentiary accredited to the United declared that these French decrees were repealed in States (the execution of which instructions, in conconsequence of the American legislature having, by sequence of the discontinuance of Mr. Foster's functheir act of the 1st of March, 1811, provided, that tions, were at a subsequent period entrusted to adBritish ships and merchandise should be excluded miral sir John Borlase Warren) directing him to from the ports and harbors of the United States. propose a cessation of hostilities, should they have By this instrument, the only document produced commenced: and further to offer a simultaneous reby America as a repeal of the French decrces, it appeal of the orders in council on one side, and of the pears beyond a possibility of doubt or cavil, that the restrictive laws on British ships and commerce on alleged repeal of the French decrees was condition-the other.

al, as Great Britain had asserted; and not absolute! They were also respectively empowered to ac or final, as had been maintained by America; that quaint the American government, in reply to any they were not repealed at the time they were stated enquiries with respect to the blockade of May, 1806, to be repealed by the American government; that whilst the British government must continue to they were not repealed in conformity with a propo-maintain its legality, that in point of fact, this sition simultaneously made to both belligerents, but particular blockade had been discontinued for

length of time, having been merged in the general This most offensive proposition was also rejected retaliatory blockade of the enemy's ports under the being accompanied, as the former had been, by other orders in council, and that his majesty's govern-demands of the most exceptionable nature, and espement had no intention of recurring to this, or any cially of indemnity for all American vessels detainother of the blockades of the enemy's ports founded ed and condemned under the orders in council, or upon the ordinary and accustomed principles of ma- under what were termed illegal blockades-a comritime law, which were in force previous to the or-pliance with which demands, exclusive of all other ders in commeil, without a new notice to neutral objections, would have amounted to an absolute surpowers in the usual form." render of the rights on which those orders and blocThe American government before they received kades were founded. Had the American governintimation of the course adopted by the British go-ment been sincere in representing the orders in vernment, had in fact, proceeded to the extreme council, as the only subject of difference between measure of declaring war, and issuing "letters of Great Britain and the United States, calculated to marque," notwithstanding they were previously in lead to hostilities; it might have been expected, so possession of the French minister of foreign affairs' soon as the revocation of those orders had been offiletter of the 12th of March 1812, promulgating a-cially made known to them, that they would have new the Berlin and Milan decrees, as fundamental spontaneously recalled their "letters of marque,” laws of the French empire, under the false and ex- and manifested a disposition immediately to restore travagant pretext, that the monstrous principles the relations of peace and amity between the two therein contained, were to be found in the treaty of powers. But the conduct of the government of the Utrecht, and were therefore binding upon all states. United States by no means correspond with such From the penalties of this code no nation was to be reasonable expectations. The order in council of exempt, which did not accept it, not only as the the 23d Jane being officially communicated to Amerule of its own conduct, but as a law, the observ.rica, the government of the United States saw noance of which it was also required to enforce upon thing in the repeal of the orders in council, which should of itself restore peace, unless Great Britain were prepared in the first instance, substantially to In a manifesto accompanying their declaration of hustilities, in addition to the former complaints when found on board American merchant ships. The relinquish the right of impressing her own seamen, against the orders in council, a long list of grievan proposal of an armistice, and of a simultaneous reces was brought forward; some trivial in thempeal of the restrictive measures on both sides, subselves, others which had been mutually adjusted, sequently made by the commanding officer of his but none of them such as were ever before alleged majesty's naval forces on the American coast, were by the American government to be grounds for received in the same hostile spirit by the govern war. As if to throw additional obstacles in the ment of the United States. The suspension of the way of peace, the American congress at the same practice of impressment was insisted upon in the time passed a law, prohibiting all intercourse with correspondence which passed on that occasion, as a Great Britain, of such a tenor, as deprived the exenecessary preliminary to a cessation of hostilities. cative government, according to the president's own Negociation, it was stated, might take place withconstruction of that act, of all power of restoring out any suspension of the exercise of this right; the relations of friendship and intercourse between and also without any armistice being concluded; but the two states, so far at least as concerned their Geat Britain was required previously to agree,withcommercial intercourse, until congress should re-out any knowledge of adequacy of the system which could be substituted, to negociate upon the basis of

Great Britain.

assemble.

The president of the United States has, it is true, accepting the legislative regulations of a foreign since proposed to Great Britain an armistice; not state, as the sole equivalent for the exercise of a however, on the admission that the cause of war right, which she has felt to be essential to the sup-.. hitherto relied on was removed; but on condition port of her maritime power.

that Great Britain, as a preliminary step, should If America, by demanding the preliminary condo away a cause of war, now brought forward as cession, intends to deny the validity of that right, such for the first time; namely, that he should a- in that denial Great Britain cannot acquiesce; nor bandon the exercise of the undoubted right of search, will she give countenance to such a pretension, by to take from American merchant vessels British acceding to its suspension, much less to its abanseamen, the natural born subjects of his majesty; donment, as a basis on which to treat. If the Ame and this concession was required upon the mere as-rican government has devised, or conceives it can surance that laws would be enacted by the legisla devise, regulations which may safely be accepted by ture of the United States, to prevent such seamen Great Britain, as a substitute for the exercise of the from entering into their service; but independent right in question, it is for them to bring forward of the objection to an exclusive reliance on a foreign such a plan for consideration. The British govern state, for the conservation of so vital an interest, no ment has never attempted to exclude this question explanation was or could be afforded by the agent from amongst those on which the two states might who was charged with this overture, either as to have to negociate: it has, on the contrary, uniformthe main principles upon which such laws were to ly professed its readiness to receive and discuss any be founded, or as to the provisions which they should proposition on this subject, coming from the Amecontain. This proposition having been objected to, rican government: it has never asserted any exclua second proposal was made, again offering an sive right, as the impressment of British seamen armistice, provided the British government would from American vessels, which it was not prepared secretly stipulate to renounce the exercise of this to acknowledge as appertaining equally to the goright in a treaty of peace. An immediate and form-vernment of the United States, with respect to Ameal abandonment of its exercise as preliminary to african seamen when found on board British merchant cessation of hostilities, was not demanded; but his ships: But it cannot by acceding to such a basis in royal highness the prince regent was required, in the the first instance, either assume or admit that to be name and on the behalf of his majesty, secretly to practicable, which, when attempted on former occa abandon what the former overture had proposed to sions, has always been found to be attended with him publicly to congedo great difficulties; such difficulties as the British