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see him here. I must confess I am no great artist; but sign-post painting will serve the turn to remember a friend by ; especially when better is not to be had. Yet for your comfort the lineaments are true : and though he sat not five times to me, as he did to B. yet I have consulted history; as the Italian painters do, when they would draw a Nero or a Caligula ; though they have not seen the man, they can help their imagination by a statue of him, and find out the coloring from Suetonius and Tacitus. Truth is, you might have spared one side of your Medal : the head would be seen to more advantage if it were placed on a spike of the Tower, a little nearer to the fun; which would then break out to better purpose.

You tell us in your preface to the No-protestant Plót, that you shall be forced hereafter to leave

modesty : I suppose you mean that little which is left

you; for it was worn to rags when you put out this Medal. Never was there

practised such a piece of notorious impudence in the face of an established government. I believe when he is dead you will wear him in thumbrings, as the Turks did Scanderbeg; as if there

off your

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were virtue in his bones to preserve you against monarchy. Yet all this while you pretend not only zeal for the public good, but a due veneration for the person of the king. But all men who can see an inch before them, may, easily detect those gross falacies. That it is necessary for men in your circumstances to pretend both, is granted you ; for without them there could be no ground to raise a faction. But I would ask you one civil question, what right has any inan among you, or any association of men, to come nearer to you, who, out of parliament, cannot be considered in a public capacity, to meet as you daily do in factious clubs, to vilify the government in your discourses, and to libel it in alt your writings ? Who made you judges in Ifrael? Or how is it consistent with your zeal for the public welfare, to promote sedition ? Does

your

definition of loyal, which is to serve the king according to the laws, allow you the licence of traducing the executive power with which

you own he is invested? You complain that his majesty has lost the love and confidence of his people; and by your very urging it, you endeavour what in you ļies to make him lose them. All good

for no

subjects abhor the thought of arbitrary power,
whether it be in one or many: if you were the
patriots you would seem, you would not at this
rate incense the multitude to assume it;
sober man can fear it, either from the king's dif-
position or his practice; or even where you

would
odiously lay it, from his ministers. Give us leave
to enjoy the government and benefit of laws under
which we were born, and which we desire to
transmit to our posterity. You are not the trustees
of the public liberty : and if you have not right
to petition in a crowd, much less have you to in-
termeddle in the management of affairs ; or to
arraign what you do not like ; which in effect is
every thing that is done by the king and council.
Can you imagine that any reafonable man will

you respect the person of his majesty,
when 'tis
apparent

that

your seditious pamphlets are stuffed with particular reflections on him? If you

have the confidence to deny this, it is easy to be evinced from a thousand passages, which I only forbear to quote, because I delire they should die and be forgotten. I have perused many of your papers; and to show you that I have, the third part of your No-protestant Plot is much of it

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stolen from your dead author's pamphlet, called the Growth of Popery; as manifestly as Milton's Defence of the English People is from Buchanan De jure regni apud Scotos : or your first Covenant and new Affociation from the holy league of the French Guisards. Any one who reads Davila, may trace your practices all along. There were the same pretences for reformation and loyalty, the same aspersions of the king, and the same grounds of a rebellion. I know not whether

you will take the historian's word, who says it was reported, that Poltrot a Hugonot murdered Francis duke of Guise, by the instigations of Theodore Beza, or that it was a Hugonot minister, otherwise called a Presbyterian, for our church abhors so devilish a tenet, who first writ a treatise of the lawfulness of deposing and murdering kings of a different persuasion in religion : but I am able to prove, from the doctrine of Calvin, and principles of Buchanan, that they set the people above the magistrate ; which, if I mistake no. is

your own fundamental, and which carries

your loyalty no farther than your liking. When a vote of the house of commons goes on your side, you are as ready to observe it as if it were passed into a law;

but when you are pinched with any former, and
yet unrepealed act of parliament, you declare that
in some cases you will not be obliged by it. The
passage is in the same third part of the No-pro-
testant Plot; and is too plain to be denied. The
late

copy of your intended association, you neither
wholly justify nor condemn; but as the papists,
when they are unoppos'd, fly out into all the pa-
geantries of worship; but in times of war, when
they are hard pressed by arguments, lie close in-
trench'd behind the Council of Trent: so now,
when
your

affairs are in a low condition, you dare
-not pretend that to be a legal combination, but
whensoever

you are afloat, I doubt not but it will be maintained and justified to purpose. For indeed there is nothing to defend it but the sword : 'tis the proper time to say any thing when men have all things in their power.

In the mean time, you would fain be nibbling at a parallel betwixt this association, and that in the time of queen Elizabeth. But there is this small difference betwixt them, that the ends of the one are directly opposite to the other : one with the queen's approbation and conjunction, as head of it; the other without either the consent

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