Under a science of archial order, dictated by social lawman being constantly magisterial and objective, with institutions ministerial and subjective-the progress of the race, under whatever prevailing mould or governmental form, would be made with a steady, peaceful flow, ever true to the growth of man in human worth and power. Institutions would truly conform to such gradual human exaltation; orderly declension of arbitrary methods, and the substitution of social springs and levers, would occur, and thus the unfolding volume of spontaneous life find its due ministries.

If rulers everywhere were to become duly informed, and thence rule according to these dictates of social law-rule socially and humanly, rather than selfishly and inhumanly, every form of authority would become at once glorified with divine radiance; for, all authority being based in social knowledge, and proceeding with social aims, beholding in every person an heir of glory, destined lord of lords and king of kings, would regard with tenderest deference the unwashed babes and sucklings of our present mendicant conditions. Every appliance of genius and method of wisdom would be brought into use to cleanse, cultivate, liberate, and exalt human kind universally. The present scarred and deformed samples of humanity, ranking, socially, from embryonic to more advanced stature, would be carefully cherished, nursed, trained, and in every way fitted to join the great march and keep orderly step of themselves.

So we constantly see; social science will not, for the present, apply itself to the organization and operation of ripest human character and conditions. It must first be employed. to effect true social culture, in the light of such final order. At present it has to deal with very crude and base raw material. But the point of supremest moment is to keep the light of man's social destiny steadily in view as the only lumen by which to handle and fashion this unwrought and badlywrought material. Then, formation and re-formation may go on together in perfect order.

The dullness of those invested with the responsibilities of authority has suffered the accumulation of a fearful amount

of most perverse human power, which must be taken in hand and brought into lines of discipline and tutelage that lead upward towards the desired end. Multitudes have been so born, reared in, and saturated with, all forms of diabolism, that well-disposed people look doubtfully, if not with dismay, upon the work of reform; especially upon propositions for actual cure. Nor is such distrust surprising; for the accumulating composite forces of this social era are so poorly understood, and even so little known to exist, in their true nature and activity, the conditions presented cannot be otherwise than disheartening. But those duly conversant with the laws of movements, and consequently with the forces at play, and the means at hand adapted to the rule of those forces, see nothing but the power and glory of the coming of the Son of Man on the surrounding clouds so deep and somber to most observers.

In view of the late communal émeutes, one of the startled millionaires of the country, it is said, called for a dictatorship to rule the nation, and pronounced for General Grant as dictator. That wily intellect is doubtless good for the work it has in hand. By bulling the stock markets, and variously operating financial checks and springs, it may continue to hoard and monopolize any amount of the wealth produced by others; but, when it thus looks to a scheme of converting this government into an instrument to bull the masses into supple allegiance to the few great monopolists of the land, it exhibits a stupidity concerning government problems that would send the puniest school-boy in political science to the foot of his class.

Monarchy is possible here, but it cannot be pre-arranged and doctored after the manner of the financial operations of the monopolists. The nation must first go down in communal anarchy; thence governmental authority would surely arise, and that resurrection would exhibit monarchy as a new start in archial growth. Let the monopolists understand the part they are playing in this role, for the anarchy of senile communism-the communism of this era-is as different from that of primitive anarchy as the terrible rage of the ocean in the

most violent storm is different from its undisturbed surface. Under the rule of social law they are surely so disordering the elements as to produce storm conditions in our social experi

ence.

Only a few decades ago the old United States Bank, operating under a capital of $20,000,000, was found to be a dangerous money power, because, by methodic inflation and contraction, made to reach the circulating medium of the whole country, it could unsettle the industrial and commercial operations of the nation, in behalf of some special scheme, and thus spread distress and ruin amongst the whole people. As a financial center, that bank was the merest pigmy compared with numerous aggregations of capital to-day. There are many millionaires in the country whose possessions reach or come near that sum, and a few whose wealth largely exceeds it. It is said that some of our Westerners, owners of bank and mining stocks, command an annual income of about $20,000,000. The Rothschilds, with a capital of some $200,000,000, and an income of about $10,000,000, must soon fall behind some of our own money kings, in power, and yet it is thought they can control most of the crowned heads of Europe. Besides these immense gatherings of wealth and power in the hands of individual capitalists, the vast sums centralized in large railroad and other corporations exhibit fearful powers, which, under the present competition of labor and capital, tend steadily to debase labor and aggrandize capital. And there is a constant tendency to organize and consolidate the powers of wealth, while labor combinations are easily played off by capital, and workmen become forced to sue for humiliating terms. So, between two stones operated by capital— one grinding down labor and the other, by making" corners," grinding up prices-the laborer has a poor outlook for relief without the introduction of a radical change in the system.

Wealth cannot thus centralize and operate in the hands of a small numeric minority without directly distressing and impoverishing a large numeric majority. But it can, and does, make this minority of numbers a mighty majority of power in the shaping of public conduct; so that it is well known to be

almost impossible to carry important legislation in the direct interest of the masses against the direct greed of the monopolists. For these financial bullies have got the clew to bulling legislation, and the lobby has thus come to be the commanding power over the people's tribunals in this country-in this government of, by, and for the people!

It is often argued that the masses are served by the business and enterprise of the country, operated by this wealth, and ought to take their wages, economize their means, and keep quiet; and even be thankful. Served, indeed, as the dogs are served with the crumbs that fall inadvertently from the master's table! They can take the scant pickings and gleanings which wealth is compelled to scatter in its gathering operations, and only these.

In the great aggregate - the game of monoply as a whole — every one knows that wealth settles more and more in few hands, and want more and more presses the many. This is a truth that cannot be gainsaid, and one of immense signifi

cance.

But how is it all to be remedied? Capital commands the situation; legislation in behalf of the masses, that will curb aggressive monopoly and organize those masses in industries, and assure them in the just proceeds of their toils, cannot be effected, for the monopolists command legislation in behalf of their own aims. All appeals in behalf of justice and right are of no avail, because moral law has ceased to be a force against the aggressive greed of the monopolists no less than against the criminal arts of the human under-currents that surge to despoil them. So, what can be the remedial resort? We must heed the voice of social law, and institute the methods of common justice-healthy activities and providence for all, neglect and spoliation to none. We must impress the monopolists in behalf of these social aims; not by appeals on moral grounds-for now is the reign of the social era in human affairs- but by appeals on economic grounds; grounds of general production, conservation, and distribution of wealth on principles of exact justice, more important to the upper strata than to the contemned under-currents fast gather

ing to carry them down unless the gathering be rightly averted.

Aggressive wealth is fast educating aggressive want. The commune is a normal outgrowth of the galling operations of centralized and centralizing wealth. Seizing and exclusive hoarding by the arts of avarice, speculation, and traffic stimulate seizing and appropriating by the arts of theft and every species of free-booting and piracy.

Nothing can save us from the distressing dead-level of communal dissipation but the speedy initiation of societary methods inherent to the national logic. The inhuman greed of monopoly that more and more seeks to aggrandize the few at the expense of the many must give place to the gracious calls of society in behalf of our common human nature.

If the monopolists will duly consider the pressing needs, and take a strong hand in organizing ways and means for all, then peace and order will at once begin their benign course. If they continue to violate their social opportunities, and still grasp and appropriate as heretofore, then let them look for grasping and appropriating by the pinched and starving legions in return. Seizing by the few, by virtue of superior craftiness or intelligence, is deemed civil practice, and thought to be essential to healthy business enterprise and worthy attainments. Seizing by the many, by virtue of mere physical force, is criminal aggression and uncivil communism, to remedy which bullets and bayonets are mistakenly deemed our best appliances.

But, although we have barely laid out the grounds for the new social structure that, amid all the shakings, can never more be moved; have touched lightly the rickety old, and faintly indicated the structural processes of the sublime new, we must draw to a close our present treatise.

Let us now partly retrace our steps, and, with an added thought or two, conclude our essay.

The conception of our national system embraces the principle of perfect society-fraternity. The nation can only exemplify that principle by first ordering and steadily unfolding all the forces of individual character and institutional