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-ments and those of Colonel Flood, which have usually been similar, essentially differ, and I trust that, had I been in town, I should have been able to have urged such arguments as would have prevented a proceeding, which, coming from a corps that I have the honour to command, has, I confess, given me much uneasiness. In the perpetual hurry of my present occupations, it is impossible for me to detail upon paper, the many reasons which, in my opinion, ought to have induced you at least to suspend your resolution. I shall, therefore, content myself for the present with saying, that this country would indeed be in a condition miserably precarious and humiliating, if every rash expression, which may fall from any im'prudent individual, should be able to change our sentiments, shake our deter minations, and, by exciting our jealousies, to disturb the national confidence and tranquillity. Is it reasonable to expect, or possible to suppose, that the whole people of Great Britain should, in any sentiment whatever, be perfectly unanimous; or that, in a populous nation, there should not arise some unreasonable individuals who will give vent to their passions, and make use of their privilege of speaking, to declare their crude ideas, in contradiction to the generally received opinions and resolves? And shall we suffer ourselves to be agitated by their wild suggestions? Shall a people, such as we have shown ourselves, forfeit our character of steadiness, and veer at the slight impulse of every breath of discontent? but it will be said, that the speech of Lord Abingdon ought to be replied to; and so it was in the most proper and explicit manner. As no motion whatsoever was made, no debate could arise; but the Chancellor asked Lord Abingdon if he intended to make any motion? For that if he did, such motion would be opposed. In consequence of this, Lord Abingdon pocketed his bill, and it does not even lie upon the

table. Such is the transaction which has

given you so much disquiet! Such is the transaction which has agitated the minds of men, upon whom a great nation relies for support. Such is the transaction which has induced you to disclaim proceeding in a service to which the nation is pledged both by honour and interest. A service, essentially necessary to your selves, as the only intent of the present levy is, to man the Channel Fleet for the defence of your own coast, as well as that of Great Britain, and to enable us to cope with our inveterate enemies in those seas, where their decided superiority must necessarily end in invasion. But I did not mean to say so much, and

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have not now leisure to write more. deed, even what I have written has been injured by frequent interruptions. I shall only add, that from my heart I disclaim with you all distinction between external and internal legislation, and shall at all times equally oppose by every possible means, every attempt which may be made to legislate for us, either externally or internally. But I will not madly suppose any such attempt, and till it shall be made, which I trust will never be the case, I will remain in perfect tranquillity, do my utmost to promote the security and welfare, both of Ireland and the empire at large, strengthen this country and her constitution with all my efforts, and quietly rest upon my arms.

"From what I have now said, you will readily conceive how uneasy your resolution has made me, and how happy I should be, that a service which I am here endeavouring to forward, should equally succeed every where, and more especially in a corps, which I have the honour of peculiarly calling my own; the credit of which is, in my opinion, in this instance, essentially concerned, and which I am bound to love by every motive of gratitude and esteem,

“I am, sir,

"Your most obedient, humble servant, "CHARLEMONT."

Here we shall only say, that the right of England to exercise an authority over the commercial concerns of Ireland, in all that related to our intercourse with the colonies, was a direct corollary from her sovereignty of the seas; and that Ireland could only be enabled to participate in that sovereignty, by becoming amenable to the same regulations, and subject to the same restrictions which were deemed expedient or necessary in every other Ireland, it portion of the empire. must be held in mind, now claimed the privileges which it enjoyed, as an independent kingdom. And, as such, it could have no more claim to an interference with the peculiar and distinguishing prerogative of Great Britain, than France, or Spain, or Portugal, or any other independent state. claim which it did set up, amounted, in fact, to a claim to legislate externally for Great Britain, while it was disguised, by the popular orators, under the appearance of resistance to an attempt, on the part of Great Britain, to legislate externally for it ;-and, if admitted, would amount to the surrender of a privilege which the kings and

The

the parliaments of England had proud ly asserted, in the worst of times, against the combined hostility of the princes and potentates of Europe. When Lord Charlemont and his friend contended that this claim was founded in justice, and sanctioned by policy, we do conceive that there were no premises from which they could fairly draw any such conclusions; and that their pressure upon the British minister, on that occasion, gave him the first significant intimation, that the difficulties which the question involved were such as could be settled alone by a legislative union.

The death of the Marquis of Rockingham led to a partial change in the ministry, and gave rise, in the end, to

the celebrated coalition administration, in which Lord North and Mr. Fox were drawn into a forced, an unnatural alliance. Lord Charlemont was deeply affected by the loss of his distinguished friend, which he lamented equally upon public and upon private grounds, and never ceased to regard it as an event most calamitous to the empire. We consider his estimate of that amiable nobleman overcharged, but can well believe there was much to justify his love and admiration. He gave expression to his feelings in a warm panegyric, which he composed as an inscription for a bust of his noble friend, which he set up in Charlemont-house, and which we subjoin below, for the gratification of our readers.*

The most noble, Charles Watson Wentworth,
Marquis of Rockingham,

On whose Character,

A consciousness of partiality would prevent my expatiating,
If I were not confident,

That the utmost ardour of friendship may be necessary
To give warmth to a delineation,

Which, even thus inspired, must fall far short of his merits.
Genuine patriotism, unshaken fortitude,

And immaculate honour,
Dignified his public conduct.
While his private life

Was marked, adorned, and sweetened
By every elegance of taste,

By all the tender endearments of friendship,
And by the constant practice of every social duty.
A Patron of all the Arts, useful and ornamental,
His Perspicuity discovered,

His Influence protected, his Liberality encouraged,
His Courtesy distinguished, and animated
Innumerable Votaries to true Genius,

Whose modest Merit might otherwise have been concealed,
And lost to their Country.

As a Minister,

History will best speak his Praise.

He rescued the Dominions committed to his charge,
From the rage of Faction,

And the destructive tendency of Unconstitutional Principles;
In his first Administration,

His Conciliatory Endeavours were effectual
To the Restoration of Harmony
Between Great Britain and her Colonies;

Which Blessing was, however, quickly forfeited

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The Volunteers still continued to be regarded, by the people, with unreserved delight, and by the government with secret apprehension; and an expedient was devised, by which, if it succeeded, their consequence might have been overthrown. A deficiency in the regulated number of troops for the public service, gave plausibility to a proposal, on the part of government, to raise four provincial regiments, of one thousand men each, for three years, or for the war, to be officered by Irish gentlemen," who were to receive rank according to the men they raised, and not to be sent out of Ireland." The plan was submitted to Lord Charlemont, and he was told, officially, that he might command the whole, or any part of the troops thus proposed to be raised, with the rank of major-general. The command, he at once, and positively, declined; and the whole plan appeared to him either impracticable or objectionable, upon the most mature consideration. The following observations on the subject, which we extract from Mr. Hardy, are equally cre

ditable to his candor and his sagacity. He observed that,→→

"The Volunteers would undoubtedly regard it, not as an oblique, but very direct effort, to undermine them: and considering their alacrity and eagerness to meet the common foe, why not call on them again, if it was necessary? That, if from such an army, some danger was apprehended, that danger would not be diminished by depriving them of officers of experience and moderation, who had acquired an undoubted influence over them, and by that influence controlled many occasional irregularities. Who would then command them? Assuredly they would not disband themselves? and the most unprincipled, dangerous men in the kingdom might, in an evil hour, become their leaders. That if young officers were to be taken from the volunteer army, neither they nor the men could be of much use, as, in all probability, the war would be over before either soldier or subaltern were disciplined. For any present purpose, therefore, they would be inefficient, and any distant purpose could hardly be brought into contemplation.

And the Voice of the People,

Again called him to the helm of the sinking State,
Which, though now reduced to the last extremity,
By weak and evil governance,

Was saved from impending destruction,
By his persevering skill and courage.
The most jarring and discordant spirits
Were harmonized and kept together,

By the love of his person, the reverence for his Character,
And the universal confidence in his honesty.
Upon him, as the great centre of attraction,
The confidence, and consequent safety of the whole depended.
He found the Empire involved in the fatal consequences
Of short-sighted, arbitrary, and tyrannic Policy,
When, following the dictates of wisdom,
And of justice,

He gave peace and security to his Native Land,
Liberty to America,

And coinciding with the unparalleled efforts
Of her virtuous sons,

Restored her rights to Ireland.

As his life was the support,
His death had nearly been the ruin
Of the British Empire,

As if his lamenting Country

Had been loth to survive her darling Son,
Her friend, her benefactor, her preserver.
M. S. P.

CHARLEMONT.

Lord Charlemont added, that he imagined his predictions respecting the almost general odium attendant on the plan, would be found not the less true, because the Lord Lieutenant might have many applications for commissions; he would, undoubtedly, have many, and when rank and money were to be had, he knew not that country, especially one circumstanced as Ireland was, where similar applications would not be abundant. Such were, in part, Lord Charlemont's objections; but it seems they were not regarded as of sufficient weight to occasion an immediate extinction of

the plan, for, whilst reviewing the southern army at Cork, he heard that it had been carried into execution, and all the officers taken from the Volunteers. That body became outrageous, and the people sympathizing with them, the general indignation overflowed all bounds.

"This took place in the summer of 1782, as I have stated, but so fixed was the popular abhorrence of the fencible scheme, that on the dissolution of parliament, in the ensuing year, some members lost their seats, in consequence of accepting fencible commissions. A circum stance occurred, which it is the duty of an historian to mention. When Lord Charlemont again waited on the Lord Lieutenant, he lamented that he was so good a prophet, for the fencibles had created more disturbance than he had even ventured to foretel; but begged leave, at the same time, to ask the Duke, if his prediction was not equally outstripped in the number of applications which had been received? Certainly,' replied his Grace; I have had, at the least, a hundred and fifty applications; and some persons, whom I was obliged to refuse, have been the most outrageously abusive of the fencibles, and decried the plan infinitely more than its original enemies. The Volunteers are all content and mildness compared to them.'”

Lord Temple had now succeeded the Duke of Portland. He was accompanied as secretary by his brother, Mr. (afterwards Lord) Grenville; and the most assiduous court was paid to Lord Charlemont, as the individual by whose countenance and aid they might best ingratiate themselves with the patriotic members. The honorable secretary seemed bent upon distinguishing himself by hunting out the malversations of various conspicuous individuals, in the many boards, and commissions of excise, and revenue, and public works which were at that time in Ireland; and some very flagrant cases of delinquency were, no doubt,

brought to light, and no power of borough patronage was sufficient to screenthe delinquents. But this was a sort of political flea-killing, with which, under ordinary circumstances, the people would have been amused, and by which they might have been satisfied. Now, however, higher game was in view, and the Lord Lieutenant and his Secretary derived comparatively little political profit from their innocent

amusement.

Lieutenant, soliciting his support, Lord In reply to a letter from the Lord Charlemont, alluding to the Duke of Portland, observes:

"If any thing however could console us for such a loss, it would be the character of the noble person who is destined to succeed him; a consolation, which is greatly increased by the sentiments conveyed in your lordship's letter. With such a pledge of your sincerity, I cannot doubt, or fear; and shall only add, that as, notwithstanding my opinion of, and my good wishes for the Duke of Portland, his conduct was the only thing that insured to him my support; in the same manner, and on the same account only, will your lordship be certain to receive it. With every acknowledgment of your goodness towards me, and every good wish for the happiness of your future government,

"I have the honour to be,

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It was during the viceroyalty of this nobleman, that the order of the Knights of St. Patrick was instituted. It was

intended, Lord Temple observes, in a letter to Lord Charlemont, as a measure calculated to convey, to his Irish subjects, the sense which his majesty entertained of the present respectable situation of the kingdom; and he adds a wish, couched in very flattering words, that Lord Charlemont would permit himself to be nominated amongst those who were then deemed most worthy of that honourable distinction. Gratifying as this proposal was, he hesitated long before he acceded to it. Against the order itself, he could see no objection; and the time chosen for creating it, was of all others, the most fitting. But he knew not how far his political independence might not, in the eyes of many, be com promised, by receiving such a favour at the hands of government; and he was not the man who could consent, even in the remotest degree, to risk

his public usefulness, by any prospect of personal advantage. In the end, however, his scruples gave way, as, indeed, they should never have been entertained; and the Volunteers, whose suspicions, it was feared, might be excited by the circumstance, "exulted in his promotion, and universally declared, that they never would have pardoned a government, which, in such an institution, could have omitted him."*

This took place in 1783. The following extract from a letter, written about two years afterwards, to Lord Charlemont, by Horace Walpole, contains a suggestion, which, for the sake of the arts, it is to be regretted was not at that time adopted :—

"Strawberry-Hill, Nov. 23, 1785.

"As your Lordship has given me this opportunity, I cannot resist saying, what I was exceedingly tempted to mention two or three years ago, but had not the confidence. In short, my Lord, when the order of St. Patrick was instituted, I had a mind to hint to your Lordship, that it was exactly the moment for seizing an occasion that had been irretrievably lost to this country. When I was at Paris, I found in the convent of Les Grands Augustins, three vast chambers filled with the portraits (and their names and titles beneath,) of all the Knights of the St. Esprit, from the foundation of the order. Every new knight, with few exceptions, gives his own portrait on his creation. Of the order of St. Patrick, I think but one founder is dead yet, and his picture perhaps may be retrieved. I will not make any apology to so good a patriot as your Lordship, for proposing a plan that tends to the honour of his country, which I will presume to call mine too, as it is so both by union and my affection for it. I should wish the name of the painter inscribed too, which would excite emulation in your artists. But it is unnecessary to dilate on the subject to your Lordship, who, as a patron of the arts, as well as a patriot, will improve on my imperfect thoughts, and, if you approve of them, can give them stability.

"I have the honour to be, &c.

"HOR. WALPOLE."

Mr. Hardy tells us, that Lord Charlemont himself, before the receipt of this letter, entertained a similar idea; which would, had the state of the country, or his own position, been more

favourable to the prosecution of the refined and peaceful enjoyments which he loved, have been, no doubt realized. As it was, he felt the calls upon his time, from the numerous and distracting avocations which had claims upon him, quite as many as he had strength to answer, and any serious attempt to accomplish this national object, was, of necessity, laid aside, although, from some memoranda, which were found amongst his papers, it is very clear that he was entitled to the praise of good intentions.

Lord Temple did not remain quite a year in the Irish viceroyalty, and was succeeded by the Earl of Northington. Now had commenced the coalition ministry, who fondly hoped, by the united influence of the respective leaders, Lord North and Mr. Fox, to bear down all opposition, and to combine the suffrages of almost every class of Englishmen, in favour of the continuance of their administration. But, as Swift said of ill-considered taxation, that two and two often only make one, so might it be said of this combination of opposites, which operated upon each other according to the rule of subtraction, not of addition, and led to a common result, in which each was rendered nearly powerless. In Ireland, Barry Yelverton, a popular name, was promoted to the office of Chief Baron, but only to make way for Fitzgibbon, who succeeded to the place of Attorney General. Scot, also, was again taken into power, and soon became more powerful than ever; and, altogether, the division of the loaves and fishes amongst the partizans on both sides, seemed to indicate a disposition on the leaders by honours and emoluments, part of ministers, to gull the popular while their adversaries, who had now determined to make a stand against the innovating spirit of the times, were put in possession of the more substantial advantages. The following letter from respect which he entertained for the Lord Northington evinces the high subject of this sketch :

:

"Dublin Castle, Monday Evening. "I much disappointed to find, after the liberty I had taken to desire your Lordship's advice in private, upon a former occasion, that I was not to expect to receive it in a more public manner. I am sure it will not only contribute

Hardy, vol. II. p. 70.

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